Half Faith, Half Heresy: Between S.Y. Agnon and Gershom Scholem

Half Faith, Half Heresy: Between S.Y. Agnon and Gershom Scholem

Half Faith, Half Heresy: Between S.Y. Agnon and Gershom Scholem

Jeffrey Saks

The bonds of friendship between S.Y. Agnon and Gershom Scholom are well documented in their writings and in the copious scholarship on the celebrated Nobel laureate and the revered professor of Jewish mysticism. In this context, the interview that Dan Miron conducted with Scholem about Agnon (broadcast on Israeli television in February 1981, a year before Scholem’s death) is noteworthy. The recording (part 1 not preserved; part 2 and 3 available) and the transcript of the interview (in Hebrew or translation) are available online.

Agnon and Scholem met during the First World War, in the reading room of the Jewish Community Library in Berlin. Last summer, we marked the centennial of the burning of Agnon’s house in Bad Homburg, an event that brought the writer’s fruitful stay in Germany to an end. On the night of June 4-5, 1924, Agnon’s fellow tenant set fire to his apartment in the shared building in an act of arson and insurance fraud, thus proving the Sages’ adage, “Woe to the wicked, woe to his neighbor” (M. Negaim, 12:6). The Agnon family lost almost all of their possessions in this fire. In addition to the manuscripts of two almost-finished books, “four thousand Hebrew books, most of which I inherited from my ancestors and some of which I bought with money I scrimped from my daily bread,” went up in flames, as Agnon later recounted in his speech at the Nobel Prize ceremony in 1966. Among these 4,000 books was at least one that Agnon had received as a gift from Scholem: the young scholar’s first publication, Das Buch Bahir, a product of Scholem’s doctoral dissertation. It was an annotated German translation of a Hebrew manuscript from 1298 of that ancient Kabbalistic text. The book was published by Druglin in Leipzig in 1923, and subtitled Ein Schriftdenkmal aus der Frühzeit der Kabbala auf Grund der kritischen Neuausgabe, which means: “A written monument from the early days of Kabbalah based on a new critical edition.” It appeared in a series called Quellen und Forschungen zur Geschichte der Jüdischen Mystik (Sources and Researches on the History of Jewish Mysticism). On the cover, decorated with a woodcut image of a Kabbalist next to a diagram of the Ten Sefirot, is the title “Qabbala.” The backstory of the publication of this dissertation—published at the height of the German inflationary period on a rather esoteric subject—is told by Scholem in From Berlin to Jerusalem: Memories of My Youth (Schocken Books, 1980), 142-143.

Gerhard (Gershom) Scholem, Das Buch Bahir (Leipzig, 1923).

In the same year that he published his edition of the Bahir, Scholem left Germany for the Land of Israel, arriving on Yom Kippur 1923. A little over a year later, Agnon also left Germany and returned to Jerusalem on Friday, erev Shabbat Parashat Noah 1925. Upon renewing their relationship, Scholem gave Agnon another copy of his book in place of the original, which had been consumed by the flames in Bad Homburg. As an inscription Scholem wrote:

Scholem inscription to Agnon on Das Buch Bahir (Agnon House Library, #2473).

A gift to my friend S.Y. Agnon
May this enter the treasury of his books
Instead of Replacing the first one that was burned
From me, his faithful loving [friend]
Gershom Scholem

Like many new arrivals he was self-conscious of his Hebrew, making occasional errors in his speech (less so in writing). The inscription shows that Scholem had written and crossed out the word bimkom, replacing it with the more poetic tahat. Is there a hint in this edit (on a note to one he considered master of the Hebrew language) to this self-consciousness on the part of the new immigrant to the Hebrew Republic? Upon his arrival in Jerusalem, Scholem deliberated between two job offers: teaching mathematics in a high school or working in the National Library. It was clear that librarianship was a better fit for his personality and interests, but he himself admitted that he was afraid that in school “who could say whether my pupils would not laugh at my Berlin-accented Hebrew?” (From Berlin to Jerusalem, 163).

The Agnon House library in Jerusalem preserves dozens of books, booklets, and offprints by Scholem, many of which bear dedications from the author to Agnon. Agnon, for his part, paid tribute to Scholem and he too inscribed books in exchange (see, for example, an enigmatic dedication from 1952 to his book Ad Henah, published by David Assaf on the Oneg Shabbat website).

One of the most interesting dedications is written on an offprint of Schalom’s well-known article “Mitzvah Ha-ba’ah be-Aveirah,” which was first printed in Knesset: Divrei Sofrim in Memory of H.N. Bialik, vol. 2, edited by Fischel Lachower (Bialik Institute, 1937), 347-392.

The article appears in English as “Redemption Through Sin,” translated by Hillel Halkin, in The Messianic Idea in Judaism and Other Essays on Jewish Spirituality (Schocken Books, 1971), 78-141 (the acknowledgment on p. 365 misstates the publication date as 1937 rather than the correct December 1936).

This is one of Scholem’s most important studies that broke new ground in understanding Sabbateanism, and it shaped all subsequent research on the subject. Later, the article was republished at the beginning of his collection Mehkarim u-Mekorot le-Toldot ha-Shabtaut (Bialik Institute, 1974), and just last year in a new edition edited by Yonatan Meir, supplemented with an introduction, a comparison of the article’s manuscripts and published versions, notes, and appendices (Blima Books, 2024).

In this broad-ranging article, Scholem sets Sabbateanism as a touchstone through which the continuity of Israel’s history should be reassessed. In his opinion, that false messianic movement led to a disconnect between Halakha and Rabbinic Judaism, on one side, and Kabbalah and Jewish mysticism on the other. The vacuum created in the space in between allowed the rise of modern movements such as the Jewish Enlightenment, secularism, and Zionism. One of Scholem’s well-known assertions in this article is that Rabbi Yonatan Eybeschutz was a believer in Shabbtai Zvi, as his contemporary Rabbi Yaakov Emden had claimed (see the Y. Meir edition, p. 52 and especially in n. 15). This claim provoked the ire of scholars from the rabbinical world, which may explain the Hebrew rhyme that Scholem wrote on the offprint he gifted to Agnon:

Scholem inscription to Agnon on “Mitzvah Ha-ba’ah be-Aveira” (Agnon House Library).

Half-faith and half-heresy
Almost completely undisguised
To S.Y. Agnon, with friendships’ blessing
From me, Gershom Scholem

In the 1981 interview with Dan Miron, Scholem mentioned the fact that Agnon stood by him when he was attacked by religious and Haredi scholars who were upset by what he wrote in “Mitzvah Ha-ba’ah be-Aveirah” and in subsequent articles. Miron asked about this and the extent of Agnon’s interest in academic research in Jewish studies in general. Scholem replied:

He was interested, he wanted to hear details, understand my grounds for saying what I did. The details were what interested him, the research. He stood up for me when rabbis came and said to him: He’s such an aberration, that Scholem—a perfect ignoramus where the Torah is concerned, Talmud he knows nothing of—and he says the most outrageous things about Sabbetaians, and so on and so forth. Because so long as I wrote about the Zohar, nobody cared a bit, you see, but when I happened to mention in one line—after being convinced of the truth of it—that Rabbi Jonathan Eybeschutz had been a Sabbetaian—Heaven help me! Agnon’s friends from Poalei Agudat Yisrael—that was a large part of Agnon’s theatrics, his friendship with the Poalei Agudat Yisrael people—well, their rabbis called on him and they said whatever it was, and Agnon told them: “You don’t understand what it’s all about, you don’t understand what Scholem is doing.” So when I came to see him, he told me: “Rabbi So-and-So just left here ten minutes ago, and he called you a…” And he told me what his answer to the rabbi had been too. In a word, Agnon could have regard for a scholar when he considered there was some point to his work. And in all, it was a matter of individuals—respecting some, and some not—because research as such didn’t frighten him, because what did he care whether the Zohar was written at the time of the Tannaim so and so many centuries later. Agnon would have been the first to understand a thing like that. But the world of research in general—that, I think, did not exist for Agnon.

“Gershom Scholem on Agnon: Interview by Dan Miron—Part Two,” Ariel 53 (1983), 62-63.

It is unclear who Agnon’s Haredi “friends from Poelei Agudat Yisrael” were. It is possible that at the time of the interview, 45 years after the publication of “Mitzvah Ha-ba’ah be-Aveirah,” Scholem confused them with members of Mizrachi and the Religious Zionist Community, since among his staunch critics were Yitzhak Werfel (later Yitzhak Raphael, who also went under the penname A. Hashiloni) and Rabbi Reuven Margolies (1889-1971), both of whom were identified with Religious Zionism.

After Scholem deepened and substantiated his assertion regarding R. Eybeschutz’s Sabbatean beliefs (in a critical review of a psychoanalytic biography of R. Emden written in English by Mortimer Cohen), Margolies published a harsh response against Scholem. Margolies, who authored dozens of Torah books, was then the chief librarian of the Maimonides Library in Tel Aviv (now part of Beit Ariella) and was a distinguished Torah scholar. The current librarian, R. Avishai Elbom, published a column “Rabbi Reuven Margolies vs. Professor Gershom Scholem” (Am HaSefer Blog, 2021) reviewing the controversy that spilled over into adjacent topics in Zohar research.

Rabbi Reuven Margolies (1967)

Scholem, for his part, authored a twenty-page pamphlet published by Schocken in 1941 and titled Leket Margaliot (whose English subtitle would be: Assessing the New Defense of Rabbi Yonatan Eybeschutz). It is reprinted in his Mehkarei Shabtaut, edited by Yehuda Liebes (Am Oved, 1991), 686-706, with a bibliographical appendix reviewing the substance and stages of the debate. The pamphlet was a sharply worded response to Margolies’ criticisms.

A copy of the pamphlet with an inscription from Scholem to Agnon survives in the Agnon House collection:

Scholem inscription to Agnon on Leket Margaliot (Agnon House Library, #2839).

To S.Y. Agnon, my friend and comrade in the war against the ignoramuses (amei ha’aretz).
With blessings, Gershom Scholem

Agnon appreciated Scholem’s dual personality: an open faith and an almost undisguised heresy. As far as we know, he had little or no relationship with R. Reuven Margolies, who was also a native of Galicia, despite their common affinities. The years of Agnon’s and Margolies’ lives overlapped almost entirely. Margolies, a Lviv native studied in Agnon’s hometown of Buchach, receiving semikha from Rabbi Meir Arik (1855-1925), the town’s dayyan and posek, who appears a number of times in Agnon’s ‘Ir u-Meloah (A City in Its Fullness), a collection of his tales of Buchach. The Agnon House library has thirteen of Margolies’ books in its collection, but unlike the inscriptions that memorialize the warm friendship between Agnon and Scholem, there is not a single dedication to Agnon in Margolies’ books.

Rabbi Jeffrey Saks, Director of ATID and its WebYeshiva.org program, is Director of Research at Agnon House in Jerusalem and editor of the journal Tradition. Thanks to Profs. David Assaf and Yonatan Meir for their assistance.

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25 thoughts on “Half Faith, Half Heresy: Between S.Y. Agnon and Gershom Scholem

  1. Thank you, R. Jeffery. I teach this material in my class on the History of The Achronim. In the unit on Eybeshitz I spend significant time exploring the Shulem/Marguliot debate. (Despite the latter’s protestations, Shulem’s conclusion is dispositive.) Your essay nevertheless added some flavor and color to the particulars of the debate. ועל זה אני מודה לך. It is a bit rich though for Shulem to call his critics עמי הארץ. They might have been a lot of other things, עמי הארץ, certainly not.

    1. Scholem “dispositive” conclusion is very black and white, leaving no room for nuance. While there is little doubt that R. Eybeschutz used Sabbatean ideas/concepts in theory, there is little evidence to suggest that he would contemplate any practical application based on Sabbatean belief. The same can be said of many Jewish thinkers who had novel messianic theories from the Ramchal to modern day Lubavitchers.

  2. Scholem’s “dispositive” conclusion is very black and white, leaving no room for nuance. While there is little doubt that R. Eybeschutz used Sabbatean ideas/concepts in theory, there is little evidence to suggest that he would contemplate any practical application based on Sabbatean belief. The same can be said of many Jewish thinkers who had novel messianic theories from the Ramchal to modern day Lubavitchers.

  3. In general, Scholem tended to take a very expansive view of who was considered a Sabbatean.

    This seems to have been based on 2 things. 1) a tendency to interpret ambiguous evidence in line with this conclusion, and 2) an expansive view of just what constitutes a Sabbatean (along the lines alluded to by Avi Katz).

    I once read an essay about a broad dispute between Scholem and “his disciple”, a scholar named (Moshe?) Idels, over how broad and pervasive the impact of kabbala was over Jewish ideology and practice (for people who were not themselves kabbalists).

    What occurred to me at the time was that Scholem was largely the founder of the academic study of kabbala. So he had a big incentive to depict it as being as pervasive as possible, in order to increase the attention that was paid to it. Idels was the beneficiary of Scholem’s efforts in this area, such that the study of kabbala was already well-established as a valid academic discipline, and he therefore did not have that same incentive to magnify its impact.

    Something along the same lines might apply to Sabbateanism as well. Meaning, Scholem would have an incentive to depict as many people as possible as being Sabbateans, and the impact of Sabbateanism as being as great as possible, in order to increase the importance of the field which he was – to some extent – pioneering.

    1. You sometimes get the feeling that Scholem suffers from a bit of the “when you’re a hammer, everything’s a nail” syndrome. For example, he states modern Jewish history began with Shabtai Tzvi, giving rise (directly or indirectly) to such things as Chassidism, the Reform movement, and Zionism, thus indirectly (through Shabtai Tzvi) putting *kabbalah* at the center.

      That’s doesn’t mean he’s necessarily, or entirely, *wrong*, though.

    2. Worth quoting in this connection from a piece by R. Chaim Liberman, כיצד “חוקרים” חסידות בישראל (printed at the beginning of vol. 1 of his Ohel Rachel), to give a flavor of what kind of “evidence” Scholem considers dispositive:

      פרופ׳ ג. שלום, אגב חיטוט בספרים לשם ציד שבתאים, מצא בספר קטן בשם ״יראה״ או ״ספר מוסר״ גימטריא: ״מילוי של שבת עולה בגימטריא אליהו משיח בן דוד״ – לכאורה גימטריא תמימה – עמד והטיל עליה חשד שבתאות. שמא תאמר: טרח לברר הדבר, שמא הוא חושד בכשרים, לאו דוקא! הטיל חשד והסתלק! לא איכפת לו אם החשד יהיה תלוי ועומד על החשוד עד שיבא אליהו.
      האמת אגיד, שאני תמה מאד על הפרופ׳ הנכבד. הרי בגימטריא וו היתה בידו תגלית חשובה, ראשונה במעלה, והשמיטה מידו, שכן הרי גם ר׳ יעקב עמדן השתמש בגימטריא זו ואם כן הרי גם ר׳ יעקב עמדן חשוד בשבתאות! תגלית שכזו! הגע עצמך: כותרת באותיות קידוש לבנה: ר׳ יעקב עמדן חשוד בשבתאות! ממש פצצה! בתגלית כזו הרי היה קונה עולמו בשעה אחת! תחת זה נטפל לספר קטן, שרבים, חוץ מספרנים וביבליוגרפים, אינם יודעים אפילו ממציאותו. חבל, חבל!
      באמת, הן מחבר ספר ״יראה״ והן ר׳ יעקב עמדן לא היו הממציאים של גימטריא זו. הם לקחוה מן המוכן מספר ״מגלה עמוקות״ שנדפס בשנת שצ״ז והשבתאות עדיין לא נולדה. והרי היא כשרה לכל ישראל להשתמש בה.

  4. הערה אחת הגאון הרב ראובן מרגליות היה תלמיד חכם גדול והראיה שאי אפשר ללמוד סנהדרין בלי ספרו וכבר נדפס שש פעמים ואפי שהיה מזרחי ובסוף הספר יש תודה למדינת ישראל כל החוגים לומדים ספרו בפרט כעת שלומדים דף היומי סנהדרין ואם כן כשיש חילוקי דעות בין הרב ראובן מרגליות והאפיקורס אם כן אין כאן שאלה מי צודק דרך אגב בספרו מרגליות הים על הדף היומי של היום טוען שהא דירושלים הוא מרכז הארץ זה רק אם לוקחים בחשבון עבר הירדן ועוד דבר שלא ידוע סיפור הרב מרגליות לידידי החוקר הרה״ח ר׳ משה לייב וויזער ז״ל שפעם כשהיה הרה״ק מבעלזא זי״ע בימים נוראים בבית מדרשו בעיר תל אביב והיה צריך מקום לנוח בין התפלות בחרו בביתו והיה אצל הרב מרגליות לזכות שהרבי מבעלזא היה בביתו

    1. Historical facts aren’t contingent on the religious views of the person arguing for or against them. They are what they are, or aren’t what they aren’t.

  5. ר’ ראובן מרגליות היה מזרחי כמו שהמרחשת היה מזרחי. זה לא מה שאנו קוראים מזרחי היום.

    1. I’m pretty sure this is the tired old “It was holy back then and is krum now” argument, an attempt to “kasher” greats of previous generations, not that they need kashering. So let’s point out that this is nonsense on two levels:

      Mizrachi members were *viciously” attacked back them, maybe even more than they would be now, for obvious reasons.

      There’s no such thing as “Mizrachi” today in sense of something people can belong to.

      Oh, and what you call “Mizrachi” today has nothing to apologize for.

  6. When I read the Margolios-Scholem exchange 30 years ago, the sense I got of Scholem’s position was that he thought RYE was “mischievous” (the Hebrew word he used, which drew RRM’s ire, was הרפתקאה which means “adventurer”.) In other words, if I read it right, Scholem felt RYE deliberately inserted material into his writings and amulets that he knew could be read as Sabbatean, for nothing more than the pure intellectual fun of it.

    It should be noted that Scholem was hardly the last word on RYE and Sabbateanism. Work is still being done today by the Polish scholar Pawel Majczeko, who is reviewing court records and testimony that, apparently, until now, have never actually been fully read. (He also did a lot of work on a censored Gemara produced under the aegis of RYE, a source which I don’t think Scholem really considered.)

    1. Are you sure that’s Scholem’s argument? You do know that there were actual Sabbateans at that time, including many members of R’ Eibeshutz’ family.

      And why would he insert jokes into amulets that, first, people’s lives (supposedly) depended on and, second, no one was ever supposed to see?

      1. Certainly I know there were actual Saabateans. To be clearer, I believe Scholem felt that, at least in part, RYE was motivated by this streak of intellectual mischievousness. I recall he specifically addressed the unlikelihood of someone seeing it, but I can say in my own right, having published a number of items, sometimes an author will insert a hidden joke or double meaning just for the one-in-a-million that “gets” it, and even if not, he sometimes does it just for his own private satisfaction alone. This is definitely something authors do. Whether or not this was RYE’s motivation, or whether or not I am accurately conveying Scholem’s opinion, I do not know.

        1. See my response below. If I’m a serious gadol and am writing a life-saving kameah, I’m not going to insert, say, a reference to Jesus just for giggles.

  7. No comment at all whether this is true of RYE (I have no idea if GS even claimed this). But I’ve seen a number of instances where makers of productions aimed at children (Shmuel Kunda in particular comes to mind) included jokes that would only be understood by adults (in some cases only by relatively well-educated adults), and I’ve always felt that they were amusing themselves in these instances.

    1. Sure, Disney does that all the time.

      But you’d think a gadol wouldn’t joke around with things that were, a, heresy, and, b, potentially life-threatening. (Remember that all involved thought that these amulets would literally protect women giving birth.)

  8. OK, I dug up my old mimeographed copy of להקטגוריה החדשה which an old friend had made at Hebrew U. Not an easy read. In it, RRM quotes Sholem at length, to attack him. Sholem is discussing something RYE wrote in Luchos Edos to defend his amulets. RYE explained a passage that had been questioned by referencing דרוש תנינים. Sholem writes:
    ספר דרוש תנינים מונח לפני בתצלום של כת”י, ואי אפשר לטעון שנתעלם מהגאון רי”א אופיו השבתאי של ספר הזה…. נמצא איפוא שרי”א הכניס לתוך ספר היחידי שהוציא בעצמו לשם התנצלותו, ושב”נגלה” שלו הוא דוחה את האשמת השבתאות בשתי ידים, רמיזה מפורשת לספר שבתאי לנתן הנביא בעצמו, ולספר שדן על אישיותיו של שבתי צבי דוקא. הרי זה כעין קריצת עין לחביריו…אין ספק שבהכנסת הרמז הזה [ש]ל “דרוש התנינים” יש מדת מה של הרפתקנות. גם אם נניח שר’ יונתן ידע שספרים אלו לא נודעו למתנגדיו, אין זה גורע הרבה מאומץ לבו, הלא יכול להימצא בכל זאת אחד שראה אותם במקרה ויתריע על הדבר…ובכל שאת היה בזה משום הרפתקאות מצדו של רי”א, לא היה כל הכרח חיצוני להוסיף רמז זה…ואם בכל זאת הוסיף את המלים שהיה בהם כדי לסכן אותו, הרי הכרת נפשי המריץ אותו לעשות כן…חידה פסיכולוגית.

    One should read the whole thing. Not exactly the way I read it in my youth, but close. In short, Sholem not only accused RYE of being a Sabbatean, but also accused him of inserting an actual Sabatean text into his defense, as a kind of “wink wink nudge nudge” gesture to other true believers not to take his outward denials seriously. He felt RYE had some kind of inner psychological drive, as an “adventurer” (reckless?) that impelled him to take this entirely unnecessary risk.

    RRM did not like this, and felt דרוש תנינים meant something else.

    1. Ah! That’s different.

      Nu, we see Chabadniks due things like this today, say talking about “Mashiach Mamash”.

    2. I’m not an expert on these matters, but it’s very hard to believe that GS was correct about this.

      Because if there’s one person who was extremely well versed in all matters pertaining to Sabbateanism it was RY Emden. It would be extremely foolhardy to put in a work that RY Emden would be looking at with a very critical eye – and in a very high stakes situation – a רמיזה מפורשת לספר שבתאי לנתן הנביא בעצמו.

      Furthermore, the fact that RY Emden apparently did not seize on it would seem to be a strong indication that it wasn’t there.

      1. I hear. Likewise, I am no expert. But Sholem and RRM were. Undoubtedly each felt the other’s position was colored by over-deference/under-deference to either רי”א or רי”ע. Ultimately all disagreements must at last arrive at לא סבירא ליה הכי, and there’s an end to it.

        1. I don’t think Scholem, at least, was colored by deference to R’ Emden, and I doubt R’ Margolis thought he was.

  9. What is meant by the academic position that Rabbi Eybeschutz was a Sabbatean. That he actually believed that Shabtai Zvi is, or was, the Messiah?

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