Halakhah and Haggadah – Manuscript Illustrations and their Halakhic and Customary Significance
This post is part of a series of posts regarding illustrations adorning manuscript and print Haggadot. Our first post dealt with a new work on the topic and can be viewed here. In this post we will focus upon the some of the Halachik implications of these illustrations. In many Ashkenazic manuscripts, the Passover illustrations begin chronologically earlier than the Seder. Many begin with the preparation of the matzah. For example, in the Second Nuremberg Haggadah[1], (the manuscript is online here) a 15th century Ashkenazic haggadah, contains ten scenes devoted to the matzah process. A similar haggadah, likely illustrated by the same artist, also includes numerous matzah baking scenes. All of these, however, begin with the bringing of the grain to the miller. This is in contrast to today’s practice whereby the matzah producing process begins earlier, with the cutting of the wheat.
(All images may be clicked for larger viewing.)
That is, for many today, matzah shmurah means shmurah (watched) from the time of harvest and not from the time of grinding. But, in reality the reason for the illustrations beginning where these haggadot do, is simply because they reflect the practice in Ashkenaz, based upon the R. Ya’akov ben Asher, the author of the Tur, that only from the time of grinding is it necessary to “watch” the grain. Matzah Shmurah in Ashkenaz in the medieval period meant grain which had been watched from the time of grinding not cutting.[2] Turning to a Sefardic custom, the Barcelona Haggadah, produced after 1350, is the earliest record of the custom to place the Seder Plate on someone’s head during the recitation of Ha Lahma Ania (Ashkenazim remove the plate from the table).Only some three hundred years later is this custom mentioned in printed sources. Additionally, there is a difference between the Sefardic and Ashkenazic haggadot regarding what the Seder Plate actually was, with the Ashkenaz depicting a plate, whereas the Sefardic manuscripts depict a basket.[3]
When it comes to marror and what vegetable that is, we have at least two different types depicted in various manuscripts. In the Brother to the Rylands Haggadah, marror is depicted as an artichoke, as is in the case with the Sarajevo Haggadah.
While in many manuscripts, marror is a leafy vegetable.[4]
Setting aside the issue of what marror is, another custom related to marror can be found in both printed and manuscript haggadot. In the Prague, 1526, the first illustrated printed haggadah, there is a picture of a man pointing at his wife with the legend, “there is a custom that a man points to his wife when mentioning marror based upon the verse Ecclesiastes 7:26 “Now I find woman more bitter than death.”
A.Y. Hyman the scholar of Jewish liturgy was appalled when he came across this. In his autobiography, he claims that there is no basis whatsoever for this “custom.” Hyman is wrong.[5] If you look at the Brother to the Rylands Haggadah you can see that it shows this custom. As does the Washington Haggadah. Likewise, the Rothschild Miscellany shows the same custom.
It’s worth noting that the Rothschild Miscellany shows another custom at the time, mid-14th century, that of mixed dancing.
The mixed dancing is that of couples, husband and wives dancing with each other, and not that of unmarried men and women dancing[6] In Italy, where this manuscript was composed, mixed dancing was apparently common during this period.[7] Returning to the gesturing at one’s wife at marror, in the Hiluq and Biluq Haggadah this custom takes on a somewhat more humorous dialogue with the wife no longer passive but instead returns the compliment. In that haggadah it includes speech balloons and they record the following: The husband states “touching marror I must recall that this one, too is bitter [as gall].” To which the wife replies, “It is you [my husband] is one of the causes of bitterness as well.” After which, we have a play on the 13 attributes of Rabbi Yishmael and the haggadah provides that “the third comes between them [perhaps the marror itself] and makes a stink” – or in Hebrew ve-yavo ha-shlishei ve-yakhriach benehem.[8]
Similarly, in some Ashkenazic haggadot manuscripts, they show the the husband and wife pointing at one another.[9] Finally we get to a halachik error in a manuscript haggadah. The Washington Haggadah was written by a scribe calledJoel ben Simon. This haggadah was first printed as part of the Diskin Orphan House haggadah series in 1965. The Library of Congress didn’t publish its facsimile edition until 1991, and last year another facsimile edition of this haggadah was published as well.[10] Although this haggadah was written close to 300 years prior to Diskin publishing it, until that time a significant scribal error escaped notice. Specifically, in the text for eruv tavshilin rather than just saying “with this eruv I am allowed to cook from Yom Yov for Shabbat,” it continues and says “and on Shabbat for Yom Tov.”
Needless to say this did not escape the eagle eyes of some who feared that someone may use this haggadah (we note that contrary to the other reproductions mentioned, the Diskin version is a poor copy) and inadvertently think it is permissible to cook on Shabbat. So, the ever wise Aggudat ha-Rabbonim took out ads in the Yiddish daily, Der Tag, and the Forward to let its readers know of this error. The publishers took this one step further and mailed out a letter, with the provocative title, “Heresy or Blunder,” after Passover indicating the error and also included a letter from Cecil Roth, who had written about manuscript haggadot.
In his letter he indicates that indeed this was most likely inadvertent and that Joel did not have a different tradition regarding eruv tavshilin. Indeed, we know from Joel’s other manuscripts, where he records the correct blessing, that the Washington Haggadah’s version was simply a scribal error.
This is not the only error related to halakha and haggadah illustrations. R. S.H. Kook, criticizes two aspects of illustrations that appear in the Prague 1526 Haggadah. Both of these issues center around how the wine glass is depicted. Specifically, he takes issue with the fact that in many of the illustrations show the wine glass in the left hand and not the right. Additionally, he complains that the illustration show the holder grasping the glass at the stem and not at with his fingers cupping the bottom of the glass.
Regarding the first issue, that of left handedness, this anomaly may be attributed to the fact that this was the first completely illustrated woodcut haggadah. And, as it was the first, it was not necessarily perfectly executed. But, before we continue we must digress and explain about woodcuts in order to get to the left handedness. A woodcut when inked and put on paper produces a mirror image of whatever the woodcut depicts. Thus, if the woodcut was of a right hand, when pressed on paper would produce a left handed image. Additionally, when copies were made, the copyist were not careful and would reverse the images. That is, they were working off the printed image and would copy it directly rather than accounting for reversing the image to ensure that when it was used it would produce the same and not a mirror image. So, as has been explained, during the early history of woodcuts “copies [of woodcuts] were constantly being made, with or without leave, for copyright hardly existed, and the same printer would often have to replace worn cuts by new blocks in successive editions. It is not always an easy task to distinguish copy from original. Immediately recognizable as from different blocks are subjects which appear in reverse directions, for the copyist who does not take the trouble to reverse his drawing from the original print, will make a block that will print the subject reversed.”[11] We can now explain why the images are left handed, presumably, they were copied and the woodcutter was not careful to reverse the image, thus producing a left handed image. As an aside, another example of copying which reverses the images may be seen when the Prague 1526 Haggadah was itself used as a model for a woodcut. The border surrounding Shefokh was reused in the Levush. As is apparent, the images are that appear on the right in the Prague 1526 Haggadah appear on the left in the Levush. And, those on the left appear on the right.
Regarding the second point, the failure to cup the glass rather than grasp the stem, this can be attributed to an error on R. Kook’s part and not the woodcutter. While today it may be commonplace to cup the glass, this was only popularized by R. Yeshaya Horowitz, in his book, Shnei Luchot ha-Brit, (Shelah). R. Horowitz wasn’t born when the Prague 1526 Haggadah was printed – he lived between 1565-1630. Moreover, his book was published posthumously, in 1648, more than 120 after the Prague 1526 Haggadah was published. Thus, it is unremarkable that the Prague 1526 Haggadah failed to account for a custom that didn’t exist at that time. This is another example of why bibliography is important, for other examples see here. Finally, we conclude this part of the series regarding halachot and Passover in general, and specifically, the notion that on Passover we are stricter than normal. At times it appears that some go overboard with the various humrot on Passover as well as cleaning all sorts of items that seemingly don’t require cleaning. But, from the evidence of manuscript illustrations, this notion of stringency is not a new one. The Golden Haggadah, circa 1320, includes this very nice image of cleaning and searching for leaven. If one looks closely they will note that the woman on the left is apparently sweeping the ceiling! Thus, indicating that perhaps going overboard has been the case for some while. Also of note is that the father is performing bedikat hametz and he is bareheaded (as is the son).[12]
[1] Its title is a reference to the fact that from the mid-nineteenth century until 1957 it was housed in Nuremberg, after which it moved to the Schocken Library, and then to a private collector. The reason it is the the Second, is because Nuremberg also had another manuscript haggadah – now known as the First Nuremberg Haggadah. It too is no longer in Nuremberg. Today it is in the Israel Museum.
[2] See Steven Fine, “The Halakhic Motif in Jewish Iconography: The Matzah-Baking Cycles of the Yahuda and Second Nurnberg Haggadahs,” in A Crown for a King, Gefen, Jerusalem-New York: 2000, pp. 106-07. [3] See Evelyn M. Cohen, “Seder Foods & Customs in Illuminated Medieval Haggadot,” in The Experience of Jewish Liturgy, D.R. Blank ed., Brill, Leiden:2011, 24-25. We note that while this article provides a summary of some of the images and text accompanying medieval haggadot, the article provides little context for various practices. Indeed, the article fails to provide sources which support many of the illustrations and texts and instead merely parrots what the the manuscripts say or depict. [4] On this issue of which vegetable is preferable for marror see Zohar Amar, Merorim, n.p., 2008. [5] His comments appear in the Misrad Hasikon 1965 reprint of the Prague 1526 Haggadah at pp. 14-15. [6] See Therese & Mendel Metzger, Jewish Life in the Middle Ages, Chartwell Books, Inc.:1982, 216-17. [7] See the sources collected by R. Henkin, Shu”t Benei Banim, vol. 1, Jerusalem: 1998, no. 37, esp. section 5 where he discusses Italian sources. Thanks to R. Weinfeld for bring this source to our attention. [8] See Bezalel Narkiss, “Art of the Washington Haggadah,” in The Washington Haggadah, Commentary, M. Weinstein, ed., Washington D.C.: 1991, pp. 73-75, discussing manuscripts that contain the marror/wife images, as well as the source in the following note. [9] See R. Yisrael Mordechi Peles, “Controversies Regarding Customs That Can Be Gleaned from Haggadot,” in HaMaayan, Nissan: 5771 (51,3), pp. 13-14, available here. [10] The 1991 edition was accompanied by a commentary volume. The 2011 edition also includes some articles with the color reproduction of the haggadah. [11] Arthur M. Hind, An Introduction to the History of Woodcut, Boston: 1935, vol. 1, pp. 284-85, quoted in R. Charles Wengrov, Haggadah and Woodcut, New York: 1967, pp. 87-88. In general Wengrov’s book provides a wealth of information regarding the images contained in the Prague 1526 Haggadah.[12] Mendel Metzger, Jewish Life in the Middle Ages, supra, p. 148 discussing generally medieval manuscripts and depictions of headcovering or lack thereof.
108 thoughts on “Halakhah and Haggadah – Manuscript Illustrations and their Halakhic and Customary Significance”
Do you have a source for the questionable identification of the maror in these illustrations as artichokes? I have found no reference other than Yoel Finkelman's father's wife:
http://h-net.msu.edu/cgi-bin/logbrowse.pl?trx=vx&list=H-Judaic&month=0507&week=d&msg=JSgyzdruyn3Ncm80HUfFfg&user=&pw=
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<span>"Also of note is that the father is performing bedikat hametz and he is bareheaded (as is the son)."</span>
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<span>I find it more interesting that the wife is also bareheaded, that is to say she isn't covering her hair. But she is in her own house sweeping the ceiling so it's understandable she wouldn't want to ruin her good sheitil! 🙂 </span>
see http://www.schechter.edu/responsa.aspx?ID=65
R. Golinkin provides no source, and the one I linked is earlier.
<span>"Dr. Schaffer says that it is cynara cardunculus or artichoke thistle"</span>
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I assume that you are asking what is the earliest source for the identification of artichoke as a type of maror, like in the link you give from Finkelman. Golinkin quotes Schaffer who in turn is quoting much earlier authorities who make this identification. The article <span>"The History of Horseradish as the Bitter Herb of Passover",Gesher 8 (1981), pp. 217-237 </span> is available here. Also see his Power Point presentation here.
But maybe you're looking for somebody that made the identification in the illustrated haggadohs? What is the significance of who in the modern period realized this first? (unless of course you are writing a historical article about this)</span>
I once heard that Tosafos says to grasp the cup in ones's palm. Can anyone verify that? I haven't seen the Shelah but if he doesn't quote a source as basic as Tosafos as support then it probably doesn't exist.
Indeed I was asking about who made the identification in the illustrations, which is provided in the Finkelman link, not a general identification as you seem to understand. But I am very grateful for your citation of those who identify the first definition in the Arukh as artichoke. This indeed adds weight to the identification in the illustrations.
Just a short note before I write something longer when I have the chance:
Rabbosai (and Marasai): A manuscript is NOT a mirror. Jews depict themselves in their art (or commission art that depicts them) not as they were, but as they desired to be seen. Please please please do not engage in the typical Wissenschaft strategy of looking at illuminated manuscripts for "clues to Jewish life in the Middle Ages" or even to Jewish history. What we can learn from them is histoire des Mentalites, but even that takes a lot of work to get to.
Re: the "artichoke": I don't believe the Sephardic mss show an artichoke, rather they depict an entire head of romaine lettuce. The way to prove or disprove this would be to compare contemporary or roughly contemporary botanical mss. It may have been "misunderstood" by some illuminators as an artichoke, but not corrected by the recipients of the manuscript because if you are not looking for an artichoke, if it seems totally absurd that an artichoke would be used as maror, you don't SEE an artichoke, but a head of Romaine lettuce, no matter how "artichoke-like" it seems to us in 5772.
Also, because a head of Romaine is SHOWN in the haggadah it doesn't mean that there a head of (possible unchecked-for-bugs) Romaine on the table. Every image is not a snapshot, but a representation— a combination of the real, the general, the ideal and the symbolic. Showing the head is a way of REPRESENTING Romaine— it says, "We use a type of lettuce that grows with leaves together in a head like this." It does NOT necessarily mean "We use complete heads of Romaine at the Seder, like this." Do you see the difference? A representation must shorthand its descriptions for clarity: If you showed individual artichoke leaves, for instance, it would be difficult to ascertain that the plant was an artichoke. Artichoke leaves are shaped like baby spinach leaves, though baby spinach is more pliable. If a leaf of that shape was shown, what would distinguish the artichoke leaves? Showing an artichoke in its entire, thistly configuration makes it indisputable that it is an artichoke.
Re: holding the beckher in the palm, I believe that Hassidim have this custom and base it in the Zohar's description of the 13 petalled rose, or at least we (Slonimers) do so. I know that in earlier Ashkenazic and Italian illuminated manuscripts this is the way it is shown as well, but again, what we can learn from illuminated manuscripts about history or halakhah is limited, per above.
Gut Mo'ed!
MME
Indeed. the ridged leaves in the Sarajevo Haggadah do not resemble those of artichokes at all. Even if we could argue for an identification of artichokes as the Kardu of the Arukh's identification of Tamkha, we still wouldn't have an explanation for why lettuce was abandoned! In Eastern Europe we have the issue of the climate leading us to the chrain, but that is not a factor in Spain, obviously.
If there are no SPIKES on the leaves it is not an artichoke!! Sorry Mrs. Finkelstein.
MME: A very illuminating comment.
I think MME's comment is particularly relevant with regard to the supposed custom of "pointing to one's wife" when reciting "Maror zeh." A (not very funny) visual joke, even if oft repeated, does not a custom make.
<span>"I have read some material about the different varieties of bitter herb mentioned in the Mishnah, without coming across any mention of the artichoke, or any description of another plant that looks like an artichoke…Can you help explain this phenomenon?" -Finkleman
I thought you were asking something more meaningful like Finkleman. Seems like you took it as given that there was no halachik authority that identified artichoke as maror and therefore asked what is the earliest non-halachik source for the practice which would lend validity to the artichoke identification, even though it might be wrong. You repudiate the artichoke identification because you thought it goes against halacha, but once you learn that there is a valid basis this should be a nonfactor. But you still refuse to accept it because you decided that they should be using chazzeres. Why don't we just call a spade a spade and ask about the circumstances and factors that led them to use artichoke instead of romaine lettuce. Contriving foolish reasons like it's missing its 'spikes' (which are always removed before eating) to contradict the obvious identification does not help us arrive at an objective truth.
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<span>Regarding holding the kos in the palm, the source is the Ari. What he actually says is to support the cup with five fingers. In the Shelah this was transmogrified to mean that the five fingers should be placed around the cup standing straight while resting on the palm. These arcane practices should not be expected to be observed in regular people, and certainly not in illuminated haggdohs from before the spread of kabbalah. The few people that I have observed trying to do this don't do it properly. </span>
<span>Oh no, now even the academics are falling for this stupid ploy. Instead of checking historically what the romaine lettuce of the seder looked like back then we will just assume that it looks like the same cultivated type we know today. Though MME advocated checking what the historical artichoke looks like, it is not because he acknowledges that the cultivated strain may have been different. It is this lack of systematic thought process which separates the academics from the rest. Besides one can't help but notice the underlying motive in MME's comments. Academics are supposed to be objective.</span>
Hebrew ve-yavo ha-shlishei ve-yakhriach benehem.
Correction: ve-yasriach = ויסריח
Ephraym: I guess I am the academic who has fallen for MME's ploy. My field is not Art History, and perhaps silence would have been wiser on my part. But I was referring to MME's general point, not to his specific examples. I still think that deriving the existence of a minhag of pointing to one's wife for maror from the depictions in the Haggadot is dubious, unless it can be shown that the Haggadot who depict this suposedly humorous scene are independent of one another.
Thanks for the post! Great!
Dr. Kaplan – MME's comment is silly. He is essentially arguing with accepted convention (in all religions) that contemporary illustration refelects reality, to claim that it reflects merely a desired reality. That is sheer nonsense. Look at all the illustrations accompanying Jewish texts today, across the various streams. They show kids with yarmulkes, tzitizis, gilrs with skirts and longish shirt sleeves – in other words, REALITY.
Seems to this armchair shrink that you found his comment intruiging because it enabled you to explain away something that you found troubling, to wit, the old custom of pointing to one's wife as marror. [Personally I dont find this troubling at all; I find it funny and reflective of everyday humorous bantering between husband and wife, again, more reflection of reality.] Evidence is evidence. Sometimes it points to things not everyone likes.
"In the Prague, 1526, the first illustrated printed haggadah"
isn't there an earlier (naples or kushta?) haggadah extant in fragments, some reproduced in facs. for the deluxe edition of yerushalmi's Haggadah and History?
Prof Kaplan:
i don't often agree with DF on matters of women, but i think he is correct in this case. the custom was apparently widespread and is it represented in manuscripts executed in Spain, Provence, Italy and Germany. the earliest known illustrations date to the middle of the fourteenth century and the custom continued to be practiced in German communities as late as the twentieth century.
wengrov iirc argues that rather than meant to demean women, it was part of an effort of an effort to injected a bit of jovial humor into the seder. don't read the seder through your pc eyes. lighten up.
it has also been argued (by narkiss in the washington facs. companion volume or by wengrov?) that wife in the prague illustration holds a double-edged sword to allude to prov. 4:5 ("but her end is bitter as wormwood, sharp as a two-edged sword")
Many thing in a picture reflect reality but others do not. Some of the pictures shown above (for the left-right issue) depict people clothed only in a fig leaf, but presumably Jews of that era did not go around like that. I remember seeing a haggadah where the Nth cup was accompanied by a picture of a guy sitting with N cups in front of him – most likely Jews then simply used one cup and refilled it, like we do, rather than using four separate cups and leaving each one on the table after use. Also, not too many decades ago people would put on dress clothes before going to be photographed – now we expect to be photographed at any time in any situation, and the picture to immediately appear on Facebook. So our expectations of reality are greater now than in the past.
I assume the issue with the maror joke is that quotes a verse, and while it's find for husbands and wives to jokingly insult each other, the suggestion that the Torah is insulting all of womankind makes us very uncomfortable. Historically speaking I think that is a new concern.
DF and Abba: As I noted, if it could be shown that the illustrations were indpendent of one another, I was willing to retract my point. It has been so shown, and I so do retract it. Nevertheless, I still believe it is inaccurate to refer to a bit of Seder "jovial humor" as a minhag. As for PC, I remember my maternal grandfather, a"h, regularly making the joke at the Seder. Some of us thought it was more funny, some less, but none of us ever would have called it a minhag.
As to what extent art represents reality as it was or reality as people wished it to be is a question for Art Historians to decide. I would guess that, as in many other questions, the answer is "it depends."
The sources on dancing, including those addressed by R. Henkin, were published and analyzed by Reuven Bonfil in an article he published in Tarbitz in 1976. Mised dancing (which at the most involved holding hands) was regulated by Takkanot of R. Jehudah Mintz in Padua in 1509.
The sweeping of the ceiling is a chumra mentioned in the Aruch Hashulchan. It is actually based on a Yerushalmi. The Aruch Hashulchan explains that it is based on the fact that chametz on the ceiling may fall into the food. This only applies to a room where people eat in. Therefore the chumra although farfetched has some rationale. (people may have also stored food near the ceiling for safekeeping). Some of the chumros today are more irrationale.
Amassing post
Where is <span>R. S.H. Kook, criticizes two aspects of illustrations that appear in the Prague 1526 Haggadah?</span><span>.</span>
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