The Creative Craftsman: Adorning The Torah, One Crown At A Time

The
Creative Craftsman: Adorning The Torah, One Crown At A Time
By Olivia
Friedman
Olivia Friedman received
her M.A. in Bible from the Bernard Revel Graduate School of Jewish Studies.
Based in Chicago, she is a Judaic Studies teacher, tutor, writer, and lecturer
and can be reached at oliviafried-at-gmail-dot-com.
It’s not surprising that
there are many overlooked biblical commentators. However, R’ Zalman Sorotzkin’s is one who ought to be rescued from relative obscurity. Sorotzkin’s biography and
tumultuous history helped shape his unique outlook upon Tanakh. His vision and
appreciation for cultural context allows readers access to the text via the
road of personal relevance. His biblical commentary’s contemporary resonance
will recommend him to modern day Jews in particular.
Biography
Born in 1881 in
Zachrina, Lithuania (Sofer), he was influenced by his father, R’ Benzion, a man
who spent much of his time learning Torah and bringing others closer to God
(Anonymous 4). A brilliant orator, R’ Benzion had the ability to move people to
tears. This last extended even to his son, whom he always cautioned, warning
him that if he did not shed tears when he prayed the words ‘And light up our
eyes with Your Torah’ he would not be successful in his studies that day
(Anonymous 4). R’ Benzion’s wife, Chienah, was the daughter of the sage and
kabbalist R’ Chaim who wrote the work Divrei
Chaim
on the Torah (Anonymous 4). Born to two such illustrious people, it
was hardly surprising that Zalman, a young prodigy, applied himself to his
studies. He learned in his father’s house and then in the famous Slobodka
yeshiva alongside the esteemed R’ Moshe Danishevsky, choosing later to study in
Volozhin under R’ Raphael Shapiro (Anonymous 4).
            Zalman
created a name for himself due to his diligence and success in his studies; his
reputation spread throughout the land and even reached Telz. Rabbi Eliezer Gordon,
Dean of Telz, gave R’ Zalman Sorotzkin his daughter’s hand in marriage. Her
name was Sarah Miriam. Once married, Sorotzkin chose to learn in seclusion for
many years in Volozhin, after which he returned to Telz because the yeshiva had
burned down. He accepted the position of principal in order to rebuild the
yeshiva, a mission he successfully completed (Anonymous 5). Upon the death of
his father-in-law, he was invited to Voronova, which is situated between Lidda
and Vilna, to be the spiritual leader and Rav. R’ Zalman accepted the offer and
immediately set his sights upon recreating the city. At this time he also
became good friends with R’ Chaim Ozer Grodzinski, who lived nearby in Vilna
(Sofer). As soon as R’ Zalman came to Voronova, he made a yeshiva for young
students and did his utmost to forge strong relationships with the community
members, who saw him as a mentor, teacher and spiritual guide (Anonymous 5).
            When
he had completed his task in Voronova, R’ Zalman determined to move to Zhetel,
where he focused on important work such as constructing its Talmud Torah
(Sofer) and offering support in the areas of financial upkeep of the home.
Sorotzkin was never divorced from the reality of everyday living or hardships
within the Jewish communities. Indeed, such hardship and misfortune struck him
as well. Upon the arrival of World War I, he and his family were forced to flee
and escape to Minsk (Sofer).[1]
His name having preceded him, upon his arrival he immediately utilized his time
and energy in serving the people of the community, specifically working to
ensure that as many rabbis and Torah students as possible could be spared from
conscription to the Russian army (Anonymous 5).[2]
Sorotzkin traveled to St. Petersburg and due to his connections with General
Stasowitz, “managed to procure ‘temporary deferments’ for hundreds of rabbis
who were not recognized by the Polish government” (Sofer). Due to a mistake on
General Stasowitz’s part, these deferments remained in effect throughout the
entire period of the war. R’ Sorotzkin also spoke and offered words of
encouragement and praise to the Jews of the community; he was known to possess
a golden tongue (Anonymous 5).
            After
the war was over, Sorotzkin returned to Zhetel briefly. Due to his fame and
abilities, he was courted as potential Rav by many different communities; in
1930, he finally determined to head the community of Lutsk. He transformed the
community, working to ensure that the schools and yeshivot were of top quality
(Sofer) while also focusing on national matters. He was appointed by R’ Chaim
Ozer Grodzinski to head the Committee for the Defense of Ritual Slaughter, as
Poland had determined that halakhic ritual slaughter was cruel. When the law
against ritual slaughter was passed, R’ Sorotzkin countered by “placing a ban
on meat consumption” (Sofer). Three million Polish Jews no longer purchasing
meat was enough to cause cattle-owners to place pressure upon the government, who
then cancelled the decree. When the Polish government decided to establish an
elite rabbinate, one of those chosen was R’ Zalman Sorotzkin (Anonymous 6).
            Upon
the outbreak of World War II, the Soviet authorities planned to arrest R’
Zalman Sorotzkin (Anonymous 6). Thus, he and his family were forced to flee to
Vilna, where R’ Chaim Ozer Grodzinski “instructed him to immediately attend to
the needs of the yeshivas” (Sofer). It was only once Vilna was taken over by
the Bolsheviks that Sorotzkin and other escapees began a long, arduous journey
to Israel (Anonymous 6). They were helped by the sages and rabbis in America.[3]
            Despite
the many tragedies that had occurred in his family (the loss of his only
daughter, his son, his father-in-law and grandchildren during World War II), R’
Zalman Sorotzkin remained undeterred and threw himself into communal
obligations once more. He created a Vaad HaYeshivos in Israel similar to the
one that had existed in Vilna. Its first task was to “provide a financial base
for the yeshivas” (Sofer). When Agudas Israel was organized in Israel and the
Moetzes Gedolei HaTorah [Council of Torah Sages] was formed, the Gaon R’ Isser
Zalman Meltzer was appointed and R’ Sorotzkin was chosen to assist him. After
R’ Isser Zalman Meltzer passed away, R’ Sorotzkin took over the position as
head of the Moetzes Gedolei HaTorah himself (Anonymous 7).
            When
the Israeli government decided to start government-structured education and do
away with certain aspects of Judaic education that had existed until then, the
Moetzes Gedolei HaTorah banded together in order to create a chain of schools
that would accord with their views on education (Anonymous 7). The plan by the
Israeli government was to create three different streams of education- “one for
general Zionism, one for Labor-oriented Zionism, and one for the Mizrachi”
(Sofer). Later, the government wished to reduce these streams to two- “a
secular state system and a religious state system” (Sofer). This was not
something the Moetzes Gedolei HaTorah could support; they had very particular views
regarding Jewish education and having their curriculum approved or managed by
the government was unacceptable. They therefore created the Chinuch Atzmai
initiative.[4] R’ Zalman
Sorotzkin took over leadership for this project and put much effort into it. He
started many schools while simultaneously recording his novel insights into
Torah, publishing several works, including Aznayim
L’Torah,
his commentary on the Torah, Moznayim
L’Torah
, his commentary on the festivals, and HaDeiah v’HaDibur, which focuses both on Torah and the festivals.
Having dedicated his life to the betterment of circumstances for the Jewish
people, he passed away on the 9th of Tamuz 5726 (1966).
Masterwork
            One
of R’ Zalman Sorotzkin’s seminal works – perhaps the seminal work – was his Aznayim
L’Torah
[Ears for the Torah]. His introduction to the work, printed in
front of his commentary to Genesis, contains his personal outlook on life and
an explanation of what inspired him to write this commentary. He begins by
noting the distinction between simple praise and the higher level of praise and
thanks. Praise is offered when someone does a positive action in a normal or
traditional manner. But the higher level of praise and thanks occurs when
someone does something in an unusual way, where they are coming from a place of
love and compassion. Sorotzkin argues that all of the Jews who were blessed and
gifted with survival after the horrors of World War II need to thank God for
their salvation. All the more so does this apply to those who were lucky
enough, like himself, to make their way to the land of Israel.
            Sorotzkin’s
humility is demonstrated by his passionate belief that he, his wife and his
family are so insignificant in relation to the many other people who perished
in the Holocaust. “Who am I and who is my household that You saved us?” he
questions God. He explains that he feels truly blessed that he was able to see
his books in print and come to Israel where he could serve God. Then,
shockingly, he also blesses and praises God with regard to all the horrors that
had been visited upon him. Despite the fact that many of his family members
perished in the Holocaust, he chooses to see this as the will of God and thinks
that he too has a portion in their blood of atonement. He wholeheartedly
believes that God will be good and avenge their blood and that because of this
physical death they have all earned eternal life.
            At
this point in the introduction, R’ Sorotzkin begins to delineate the sources
and motivations for his commentary. There are four of them. First, he credits
his rebbe, who taught him Chumash [Bible] and accustomed him to review it
diligently. There were times that R’ Sorotzkin reviewed an entire book of the
Five Books in a day, and completed all five within the week. Due to this wide
exposure to Tanakh, R’ Sorotzkin was given a wonderful background off of which
to compose speeches and to find answers to the problems of life within the
Torah.
            Second,
he credits his son. He desired to fulfill the commandment of V’shinantam l’vanecha [and you shall
teach/ make it sharp for your son] for at least one day a week without making
use of a shliach [agent]. Thus, he
accustomed himself to learn the portion of the week on the Sabbath with his
son, doing his utmost to plant the seeds for love of Torah and fear of God. His
son had many excellent questions and R’ Sorotzkin explains that he learned a
lot from his son, who would offer
lots of novel insights to him.
            Third,
R’ Sorotzkin was not limited to learning with his son but also learned with
many other people. He explains that throughout his career in Lutsk, Zhetel and
Voronova and continuing to Jerusalem, he would give over short speeches and
lectures themed as pertaining to Torah. In this way he created flowers and
adornments for the section of the week, beautifying it and making it holy. He
tried to find connections between the Written Law and the Oral Law in order to
truly connect with and reach other people.
            Fourth,
R’ Sorotzkin was bothered by all the troubles that beset the Jews- decrees,
wars, a time of destruction, leaving religion, breaking educational boundaries
and exile. He therefore decided to write a commentary that would speak to the
times and address the issues of the generation, trying to show his beleaguered
people that the light of God that comes from understanding the Bible and
Prophets may illuminate their lives as well.
            R’
Sorotzkin writes that he looked over his lifework a number of times before
publishing it, adding sections and subtracting others until he felt that he had
truly created his masterwork. He specifically chose the name Aznayim L’Torah because it reflected the
essence of the work- this demonstrates his own experience in listening to the
messages the Torah conveys as well as the way in which the book was formed,
through listening to the ideas and insights of others (such as his students).
Perhaps the most important aspect of Sorotzkin’s work was his clear desire to
enable it to be accessible to all. He offers a guide as to what many different
members of society will be able to discover within its covers. Rabbis and
scholars will appreciate finding the words of our sages and other interwoven
concepts in clear and concise language. Teachers will find explanations and
clarifications in accordance with the simple understanding of the text and
ideas that will enter into the minds of their students. Learned people will
find new insights and explanations, specifically words that are accepted into
the heart. In this way, his commentary aims to be useful to and appreciated by
all.
            Sorotzkin
explains a stylistic choice he made regarding his utilization of the words
‘Maybe’ or ‘Perhaps’ throughout his commentary. He explains that he wrote his
commentary keeping the adage of the Tosfos Yom Tov in mind (Brachot 85: 44)
that it is permissible to offer explanation and commentary on the Torah only
via the method of explicating the simple understanding or a more complicated
understanding so long as one does not claim this is the final and inarguable
mode of comprehending the text. Sorotzkin explains that his commentary reflects
his thoughts and the reader is welcome to take them or leave them; he
understands that there are seventy facets to the Torah and the reader should
feel free to choose whichever snippets of his commentary speak most to him.
            Sorotzkin
concludes by dedicating his work to the memory of his father and mother, whom
he praises and admires, and thus begins the reader’s journey into the mind and
methods of a nobly intentioned man.
Examples of Sorotzkin’s Unique Approach Via Deuteronomy
What Sets Deuteronomy Apart
            Sorotzkin
begins his commentary to the Book of Deuteronomy by noting the distinct
differences between this book and the other four books of the Torah. The other
four books are linked to Genesis and appear to be one Torah, but this work
begins with the words ‘These are the words’, making it stand alone. It even has
its own title, he explains- that of Mishnah Torah. The second distinction
appears in the way the narrative is told over. Throughout the rest of the
Torah, lashon nistar – secretive or
hidden language- is utilized. Events are told over in the third person: ‘And
God spoke to Moses.’ In contrast, here much of the book is recorded in the
first person. Third, the content of Deuteronomy is quite different: it seems to
be review of precepts formerly discussed in the other works alongside rebuke
and chastisement. Fourth, aside from the title Mishnah Torah, the work has
another name, Sefer HaYashar [The Book of the Righteous] which also requires
explanation.
            Sorotzkin
argues that the entire Torah is from God and anyone who suggests that even one
verse was written by Moses of his own initiative is incorrect. If so, however,
why are there all the aforementioned distinctions between this work and other
works? R’ Zalman explains that it would have been difficult for a generation
steeped in idolatry to serve God appropriately, which was part of the reason
that God decreed that the generation had to stay in the desert for forty years,
during which time its children could grow up knowing only God and unfamiliar
with idols and other forms of impurity. Moses wished to ensure that this second
generation would not sin and thus wanted to paint a vivid picture of all that
had transpired in order to warn and guide them so that when they crossed the
Jordan they would not be lost. Sorotzkin cites the Abarbanel who explains that
first Moses spoke these words and afterwards God gave him leave to include them
within the Torah. Thus, the fact that they were written within the
authoritative text was not of his own initiative. Due to this work’s emphasis
on reviewing the commandments and offering rebuke, it was entitled Mishnah
Torah.
            Yet
why was it entitled Sefer HaYashar? This is due to the verse in Deuteronomy 6:
18, ‘And thou shalt do that which is right and good in the sight of the Lord
that it may be well with thee.’ Yet doesn’t it also mention the word ‘yashar’
in Exodus? Yes, explains R’ Sorotzkin, but the word is mentioned far more
frequently in Deuteronomy than Exodus and the title of a book follows the
frequency of the topic/ theme mentioned therein. He cites the Maharsha, who
explains the verse in 6:18 as referring to the need to operate lifnei m’shuras ha’din [above and beyond
the letter of the law]. Moses is thus instructing the Jews to follow God’s law
but not just the letter of the law; rather, the spirit of the law as well.
            R’
Sorotzkin then offers a beautiful understanding of the Midrash Rabbah which
suggests that this particular work was found in Joshua’s hands and that it is
thus understood that the King of the Jews must carry it with him at all times.
Since all of the Torah is meant for all Jews, why is Deuteronomy specifically
offered to/ meant to be found upon the person of a king? R’ Sorotzkin explains
that it is because the king has special powers to put people to death simply
due to his law (outside of the typical workings of a Jewish court). Thus, the
king might be tempted or fall prey to acting in a cruel manner. It is
specifically this book which focuses upon the need to operate in a way which is
above and beyond the letter of the law that will remind him that he is
accountable for his actions and it is better to be merciful and charitable, as
King David was, than to be too quick to punish. This is the reason that
throughout Tanakh the words yashar [righteous]
and tov [good] are associated with
David and those who follow in his footsteps. This explains the reason that this
work specifically should not be forgotten and should not ever be absent from a
leader’s lips; he must know and understand and remember the need to act in a
just and righteous manner so as not to betray God and the mission God offered
him.
Various Orientations to Text- Literary,
Realistic, Personal, Psychological
            R’
Zalman Sorotzkin’s commentary is both beautiful and peculiar in that it does
not seem to follow simply one methodological method or attempt to reach one
goal. Since the main themes that motivated him in the writing of it were
accessibility to the populace and speaking to the times, it is perhaps not
surprising that his analysis, ideas and thoughts are so varied. He particularly
focuses upon literary and psychological problems within the text, but also
appeals to modern readings of the verses in addition to consistently comparing
verses that appear within one text to those found in a different place. By dint
of these comparisons he desires to draw out a point, sometimes an important and
overarching message that helps demonstrate the particular significance of the
passage he is currently explicating. The varied and sporadic nature of his
commentary typifies its genius. There is something here for everyone, from the
child to the scholar. It is almost like attending a banquet where many
sumptuous foods and delicacies are served. One person may prefer the chocolate
mousse while another may enjoy tenderloin steak, and both are lovingly
presented upon the table.
            Sorotzkin’s
careful reading of verses translates to a fascinating analysis ranging from the
more obvious understanding that Deuteronomy begins without use of the
conjunctive vav to his more subtle reading of Deuteronomy 1:5. There, R’
Sorotzkin questions how it would help to ‘explain’ the Torah in foreign
languages seeing as the Jews would not have understood these languages. He then
offers a reading where the Hebrew word lashon
means ‘idiom’ and thus Rashi is referring to the fact that Moses in fact
explained the seventy facets of the Torah as opposed to writing them down in
different tongues. Sorotzkin is concerned with reality and with events making
sense on a logical plane; thus his worry over an ‘explanation’ that wouldn’t
actually help explain anything!
            Similarly,
in keeping with his desire to link the Written Torah and Oral Torah,
Sorotzkin’s careful literary analysis allows him to demonstrate that there are
places where this must be so. In Deuteronomy 1:11, he comments on the words
‘May God add to you…a thousand times yourselves.’ In keeping with Maimonides’
understanding regarding cities of refuge, where an additional three cities were
not yet added and thus it means that they will be added in the time of Messiah,
Sorotzkin notes that there has not yet been a time in history where there have
been six hundred million Jews. Since the Torah does not offer false promises,
he argues, this blessing too must refer to a future time (that of the Messiah).
            Yet
his literary awareness also leads him to shed light upon deceptively simple
texts. For instance, in Deuteronomy 2:6, he comments to the verse ‘You shall
purchase food…so that you may eat, also water…so that you may drink.’ After
citing other commentaries’ explanations of this verse, the question being why
it was necessary to explain that the people would eat or drink the food (isn’t
that evident?) he offers his own, elegantly linking it back to the complaints
registered against the manna in Numbers 21:5. There, the Hebrews had declared
that they were ‘disgusted with the insubstantial food.’ There were also those
who found fault with the water from the miraculous well, as stated by the
Netziv. Here, notes R’ Sorotzkin, the people will have a chance to purchase
food and water as opposed to the manna and miraculous well upon which they had
previously been subsisting. God knew, however, that as soon as they did so they
would realize that they had in fact lacked nothing for the forty years in which
they had traipsed through the desert, and that God’s food was superior to
anything they could purchase. Thus, the simple explanation of the verse is that
the Hebrews purchased food as opposed to eating their own because they longed
for something to eat which was not miraculous in origin.
            R’
Sorotzkin’s appreciation for stylistic literary choices is further demonstrated
in his understanding of Deuteronomy 1:44. He elaborates upon the verse ‘As the
bees would do,’ creating an extended metaphor that explains how precisely the
actions of these men who desired to possess the land of Israel were akin to
those of bees. He explains that “[b]ees make honey, but also sting” (Lavon 24)
which is why, when a beekeeper desires to harvest his honey, he must first
light a fire with green wood, which will send up lots of billowing smoke. The
bees “run inside the hive and cower” (Lavon 25) upon smelling the smoke, at
which time the beekeeper is able to harvest the honey. In contrast, someone who
desires to steal the honey will not be able to announce his presence by
kindling a fire. Thus, he must approach unshielded and the bees will sting him
to death. In the end, he must flee in order to preserve his life (Lavon 25).
            Similarly,
explains R’ Sorotzkin, the men who wished to possess the land of Israel did so
unlawfully and therefore the pillar of cloud which accompanied them in the
desert did not protect them. Indeed, if they had received God’s explicit
command and blessing, that cloud would have annihilated their enemies and
caused them to fall dead in their path. The Jews would then be able to possess
the land which was flowing with milk and honey, the Amorites having left them
untouched. However, “when these willful people barged in unlawfully, they were
like thieves seeking to take honey from the hive without a smokescreen” (Lavon
25). For this reason, the Amorites were able to fall upon them “like bees”
(Lavon 25) and far from conquering the land flowing with milk and honey, these
Hebrews lost their lives in the attempt. Sorotzkin’s reading is imaginative,
creative and extremely vivid; he takes one sentence within the verse and
conjures up an entire scenario which adds flavor and meaning to the text.
            Sorotzkin’s
playful personality arguably appears in his analysis of Deuteronomy 3:26.
There, God has informed Moses that rav
lach
[it is too much for you]. Sorotzkin interprets this as a literary play
on words. Rav lach could also mean ‘a
Rabbi for you.’ Moses had suggested that even if he was not permitted to lead the Israelites into the Promised
Land, perhaps he could act as an ordinary citizen and follow Joshua’s command.
God’s answer to this was rav lach
‘acting as a Rav is the task for you’ and that he would be unable to be a mere
student. Sorotzkin notes that this fits perfectly with the Midrash Tanhuma’s
understanding that after Moses learned Torah from Joshua he said, “Until now I
requested my life, but now, my soul is Yours for the taking.”
            Aside
from puns and creative interpretation, Sorotzkin’s commentary is also sprinkled
with comments that show his humility. In his commentary to Deuteronomy 1:15, he
gives credit to his nephew for the explanation he offers. In Deuteronomy 1:15,
he frankly admits that he did not fully understand the Vilna Gaon’s holy words.
He is not shy of admitting his lack of understanding. Similarly, in Deuteronomy
1:46, he seems puzzled, explaining that he cannot understand why Rashi offered
an interpretation that is contrary to the one found in Seder Olam. This is
aside from the fact that his commentary as a whole is peppered with sources
outside of himself, whether they are traditional greats like Rashi, Maimonides
and the like or the Vilna Gaon, Melo HaOmer or Ka’aras Kesef. Sorotzkin clearly
valued the contributions of those other than himself and uses them as
springboards off of which to base his own ideas.
            Perhaps
Sorotzkin’s most compelling renderings of Tanakh appear in his psychological
readings of various verses. Indeed, he often links the literary to the
psychological, noticing particular wording in a verse or the placement or
juxtaposition of several verses, and then coming to conclusions about the
significance of this order. In his commentary to Deuteronomy 1:1, ‘The words
that Moses spoke,’ Sorotzkin explains that people will listen to a speaker for
one of two reasons. One: The speaker may be a gifted orator who knows how to
latch onto and grab hold of the hearts of men. Two: He is speaking on behalf of
a famous and important person, and thus even if his tongue is made of stone, he
will still command attention. For this reason, when Moses speaks with God by
the burning bush, the objections he has reflect his psychological state. Moses
realizes that he will not be able to command the attention of the Hebrews
because they do not know who God is and thus will not attend since reason two
will not apply in their case. Due to this, he concludes his conversation with
God by explaining that he is not a man of words as opposed to opening with that
objection.
            Similarly,
in his commentary to Deuteronomy 1:17, Sorotzkin is surprised by Moses’
language. The verse seems to suggest that Moses sees himself as capable of
solving any problem; indeed, he declares that “any matter which is too
difficult for you, you shall bring to me and I shall hear it” (Deut 1:17)! How
can it be that the humblest man on earth, deemed so by God Himself, can be so
arrogant as to suggest that he will be able to solve any problem, no matter how
thorny? R’ Sorotzkin delves into the psychological underpinnings of Moses’
statement and determines that in fact there is no contradiction at all. What
Moses is really stating is that perhaps the judges will come upon a difficult
litigant who will not allow them to proceed in their task. Under such
circumstances, since Moses has already warned the judges not to ‘tremble before
any man,’ he now cautions them that if a litigant comes before them who is too
difficult for them, “’bring [this case] to me and I shall hear it,’ for I am
willing to suffer the slings and arrows of this difficult man” (Lavon 15). Far
from declaring his superiority and claiming that he has the ability and insight
to rule in every single case, Moses is acting humbly, explaining that he is not
too proud to bear the contempt of a dissatisfied plaintiff.
            But
it does not end there. Sorotzkin’s entire interpretation of the phrase ‘As the
Lord, your God, commanded you’ (Deuteronomy 5:16) as it refers to the
commandment of honoring one’s father and mother reflects his sensitivity to the
psychological conditions under which that generation had been raised. He
explains:
Normally, children’s
love and respect for the parents who brought them into the (present) world
grows steadily through the years. The more the child enjoys his life, the more
happiness he discovers, then the greater will be his love for the parents who
gave him this happy life.
In the plains of Moab,
Moses was confronted with children who had suffered greatly from wandering in
the desert, all because of their parents’ misdeeds. It was their parents who
had brought down upon them the decree that “Your children will roam in the
Wilderness for forty years and bear [the guilt of] your guilt” (Numbers 14:33).
Therefore Moses stressed what God had told him on Mt. Sinai: that this
commandment must be done “as the Lord, your God, commanded you”: to honor your
parents during their life and afterwards, regardless of how well or ill
satisfied you are with your life. (Lavon 79)
Once again, Sorotzkin succeeds in making the
Torah a contemporary and caring book, demonstrating that Moses understood and
spoke to the nation’s psychological state.
            Sorotzkin’s
practical advice and use of anecdotes and stories to flavor his point helps him
to fulfill his goal of making his commentary easy and accessible. In his
commentary to Deuteronomy 1:1 on ‘These are the words that Moses spoke’ he
explains that Moses only engaged in words of Torah, a small matter in those
times. Relating the point to his own generation, however, he mentioned that:
For Moses, a man of God,
this was merely a minor accomplishment. Yet in our own times we merited the
example of the Chafetz Chaim, zt”l,
who used his tendency to be talkative as a tool to keep away from sin. In order
to avoid speaking or hearing idle words, he would talk endlessly to both
students and visitors about Torah subjects and Jewish ethics. The great tzaddik R’ Chaim Ozer Grodzinski, zt”l,
bore witness that the author of the Shemiras
HaLashon
guarded his own tongue in a most original way: not by keeping
silent, but by always fulfilling v’dibarta
bam
so that there was never a moment for idle talk. (Lavon 3)
Similarly, in his commentary to Deuteronomy 1:1
on the words ‘To all Israel,’ he offers an example from his time, stating:
A story is told about a gaon who was famous for his moving
discourses. Everyone would run to hear him speak and listen to his words of
rebuke. After his death, his discourses were collected and published, but for
some reason they did not have a profound effect on their readers. People
commented that although these were the very same speeches they remembered
hearing from the great man himself, something was missing—the sigh that would
escape his lips when he paused. That sigh, which rose from the depths of his
heart, broke their hearts when they heard it. For only words that come from the
heart can enter the heart. (Lavon 4)
Through interweaving these stories and
anecdotes, Sorotzkin manages to capture the attention of an element who might
not feel connected to the text otherwise.
            His
penetrating psychological insights and evaluations of characters within the
text also help to add a dimension of reality to an otherwise distant story. For
example, Sorotzkin notices that Moses states “I cannot carry you alone” in
Deuteronomy 1:9 only to later state “How can I alone carry your contentiousness?”
in verse 12. Why the need for repetition? Answers R’ Sorotzkin:
The fact is that being a
ruler of Israel is similar to being a slave. Even after Moses, the acknowledged
ruler of his people, decided that he was unable to bear all their problems and
judge all their cases himself, as he declares in this verse, he asks himself
what the people will say. Perhaps his ‘masters’ would think he was shirking his
duty towards them, and that he was really capable of bearing the burden by
himself. Therefore, he asked them if they agreed with him (v. 12). Let them
tell him, if they can, how he can bear it all by himself! Only after they
answered him, “The thing that you have proposed to do is good” (v. 14) was his
mind at ease. (Lavon 10)
Through careful reading of the verses and
appreciating the literary significance of the seeming repetition, R’ Sorotzkin
seeks to unveil the thoughts that were pressing upon Moses’ mind. Similarly, in
Deuteronomy 2:6 in his commentary to the verse ‘Also water shall you buy from
them for money’ R’ Sorotzkin deducts the Israelites’ state of mind from the
unusual Hebrew word used to mean ‘buy.’ The word is tikhru. R’ Sorotzkin explains that Scripture uses this rare word
due to the fact that “the Jewish people may have considered digging a cistern
on Edomite land without permission” (Lavon 30). The word tikhru means both ‘buy’ and ‘dig.’ Thus, the hint being given is
that if the Israelites wish to “dig for water, they must buy the water!” (Lavon
30)
            R’
Sorotzkin often identifies echo narratives or notes places where he feels light
can be shed by making a comparison (of characters, texts or storylines). In
Deuteronomy 1:3, when commenting on ‘In the eleventh month, on the first of the
month’ Sorotzkin compares Moses to R’ Hanina bar Papa. He notes that Moses
reviewed the Torah with the Jews for a total of thirty-six days, since he began
on the first day of the eleventh month and concluded on the seventh of Adar. In
contrast, R’ Hanina reviewed Torah for a mere thirty days. Why did it take the
latter sage less time? The difference, argues R’ Sorotzkin, is contained in the
mode of study and delivery. Moses was speaking to the entire people and needed
to elucidate the commandments before all of them whereas R’ Hanina was only
learning for and by himself. Thus, the seeming discrepancy is explained.
            While
in that case Sorotzkin drew a comparison between a character in Tanakh as
opposed to a different one who appears in the Talmud, he also uses his
comparison technique and notices differences and similarities between various
characters when solely in their Tanakh context. In his commentary to
Deuteronomy 3:27 on ‘For you shall not cross the Jordan’ he explains:
Joseph spoke with pride
about his native land, saying, “For indeed I was kidnapped from the land of the
Hebrews” (Genesis 40:15). He was therefore rewarded with burial in his own
land. Moses did not admit to his native land. When Jethro’s daughters said of
him, “An Egyptian man saved us” (Exodus 2:19), he heard and was silent. Therefore,
he did not merit burial in his land (Deuteronomy 2:8).
People commonly point
out that Moses not only refused to admit his native land, but he also denied
his people. For Jethro’s daughters called him ‘an Egyptian man’ and that is not
only a land but a people. Why was he not punished for this denial as well?
Perhaps we can explain
this in accordance to the Midrash. When Potiphar saw the Ishmaelites offering
Joseph for sale, he said to them, “In all the world the white people sell black
people and here are black people selling a white man! This is no slave”
(Genesis Rabbah 86). Since the Egyptians were even darker-skinned than the
Ishmaelites, everyone must have known that the Jethro’s daughters weren’t
referring to Moses as an ethnic Egyptian when they said that “an Egyptian man”
had saved them. Clearly he was of the lighter-skinned Hebrews living in Egypt
at the time- a resident of the country, but not one of its natives. At this
point, Moses should have corrected them and told them that he was not an Egyptian
at all, but “from the land of the Hebrews.” (Lavon 51)
Sorotzkin not only delineates the differences
between the two characters but also uses an appeal to common sense as
understood by the Midrash. The Midrash offers its commentary based on (in its
view) the realistic approach that Joseph was white and that slaves who were
commonly sold were black. This is enough of a proof to demonstrate that Moses
could not possibly have been seen as a true Egyptian. Sorotzkin’s appeal to the
cultural standard, milieu or conditions of the time is not only expressed here,
but often occurs within his commentary. He deliberately chose to read the Bible
with modern eyes. In his commentary to the verse ‘Then you spoke up and said to
me, ‘We have sinned to God!’(Deuteronomy 4:1), he explains that “[p]erhaps by
behaving this way they were straying into the ways of idolaters, who
customarily confess sins before their priests” (Lavon 24) which is “not the way
of Israel, who confess their sins directly before God- after asking forgiveness
from the person they have wronged, if it is a sin between man and his neighbor”
(Lavon 24). Sorotzkin’s reference to the practice of confession echoes Catholic
practice and creates a situation where the general populace can understand why
it was improper for the Hebrews to come weeping to Moses as opposed to simply
turning to God.
            Another
example of R’ Sorotzkin’s awareness of the times appears in his commentary to
Deuteronomy 12:8 on the verse ‘Every man what is proper in his eyes.’ He sadly
notes:
Look at the difference
between recent generations and the generation of Moses.
In more recent times
when we talk about, ‘You shall not do…every man what is proper in his eyes,’ we
mean things like theft, robbery, adultery, murder or even idolatry, whereas in
the generation of Moses, it meant that one must not bring a sacrifice to God on
a bamah, a private family altar.
Private altars were permissible at that time, of course, but here the Torah is
referring to someone who brings to a private altar one of those sacrifices
which should be offered only at the national atar at Shiloh.
Times change, and we
change with them. (Lavon 154)
Similarly, Sorotzkin understands the verse in
Deuteronomy 12: 23, ‘Only be strong not to eat the blood’ as referencing blood
libels in addition to the typical explanation of the verse, which refers to
simply not partaking of the lifeblood of an animal. As part of his commentary,
he writes:
A Jew has a
“face-to-face” battle with blood, to the point where, if he finds a speck of
blood in the egg, he throws away the entire egg.
Yet, even though the
gentiles see how Jews are repelled by any sort of blood, they do not hesitate,
nor do they feel the slightest shame, to bring “blood accusations” against us.
This battle, too (an attack from behind) must be fought by us, by convincing
just-minded people among the nations that such accusations are groundless.
It could be that this
kind of ‘blood,’ too, is included in the Torah’s dictum: “Only be strong not to
eat the blood,” and that the Torah is encouraging us to remember that with the
merit of this mitzvah “it will be
well with you and with your children after you” forever, and the gentiles who
spilled your blood will perish. (Lavon 161)
Could there be a more apropos understanding of
the verse in the light of the recent horror that was the Holocaust? When
Sorotzkin looked at this verse, he saw it with eyes that had witnessed the mass
spilling of Jewish blood and therefore sought to find places where God promised
to avenge this loss.
            In
Deuteronomy 13:4, R’ Sorotzkin once again makes use of explanations gleaned
from the times in which he lived. He elucidates the verse ‘Do not hearken to
the words of that prophet or to that dreamer of a dream, for the Lord, your
God, is testing you’ in the following light:
This verse was used by
the community of converts that flourished in the time of the Czars along the
shores of the Caspian Sea, to refute the priests sent by the Russian government
to attempt their return to the Christian fold—Their fathers had been Christians
for centuries, but suddenly they had seized upon the idea of converting to
Judaism, owing to their habit of constantly reading Scripture on the Christian
holidays.—The priests began to tell them all of the signs and wonders that the
man the Christians worship had done, and asked them, ‘Was this not enough to
warrant believing in his prophetic message?” But one of the elders answered
that this man’s prophecy was based upon the Torah of Moses, and there is
written, “If there should stand up in your midst a prophet or a dreamer of a
dream, and he will produce to you a sign or a wonder…Do not hearken to the
words of that prophet…for the Lord, your God, is testing you.” In that case,
what use are the signs and wonders that this man showed, seeing as God Himself
has warned us not to listen to such a prophet no matter what wonders he
performs? (I heard this from the elders of a group of converts when I was in
Tzeritzin, now called Stalingrad, visiting my brother, the Gaon R’ Yoel zt”l who
was the Rav there and afterwards in Stoipce.) (Lavon 167)
Thus, rather than offering an explanation of the
plain meaning of the words, R’ Sorotzkin tells an anecdote that his readers
will appreciate and which will demonstrate the real-life applicability of these
verses. Sorotzkin constantly sprinkles these anecdotes or references to modern
times throughout his commentary. In his understanding of Deuteronomy 13: 7 to
the words ‘Who is like your own soul’ he explains that the person being
referenced here is one’s father. The father was not listed first in the passage
since it was not normal in those times for the father to persuade the son to
become an idolater. However, laments R’ Zalman Sorotzkin, “In that case, what
can we say about some fathers in our times, who hand their sons over to
missionaries? This is a disaster that even the Torah chose not to write out
explicitly, only indirectly” (Lavon 169).
            In
his understanding, comparison with and appeal to modernity, Sorotzkin is able
to make his commentary that much more meaningful and more pertinent to his
audience. For example, when offering his explanation of the verse ‘And you will
be completely joyous’ in Deuteronomy 16:15, he notices that the word ach also appears in another place,
namely the verse ‘Only [ach] Noah
survived’ (Genesis 7:23). In that case, the sages understood this to mean that
‘even he was coughing up blood because of the cold [in the Ark]’ (Lavon 199).
Posits R’ Sorotzkin, “The use of the same word indicates a link between the two
verses. We can learn here that even in times of trouble, when Israel is
‘coughing up blood,’ we are commanded to rejoice in our festival” (Lavon 199).
As someone who knew what trouble meant, having lost the majority of his family
to the Holocaust but still determined to serve and appreciate God with a full
and joyous heart, Sorotzkin’s words are particularly resonant.
            Does
Sorotzkin’s commentary aid in understanding the plain sense of the biblical
text? This changes verse by verse. Sometimes Sorotzkin is citing Midrash or
drawing grand conclusions through comparing various texts. At other times, he
focuses on the literal meaning of the text and the reason for this rendering.
However, on a whole, his commentary is more story-driven and thus filled with
anecdotes, explanations, lessons, derivations and colorful characterization,
than a dry analysis of wording and phraseology. If Sorotzkin is interested in
the literal meaning of the verse, it is generally due to the lesson he wishes
to derive from it.[5]
His Impact
R’ Zalman Sorotzkin’s
stated goal in writing his work was to create a commentary that would be
accessible to all and penetrate the hearts of many different sorts of people.
For this reason, whether he is carefully analyzing a literary tract, making
assumptions about the psychological underpinnings of various characters,
utilizing comparisons to shed light upon particular differences or similarities
between characters or reading the text with fresh, modern eyes, he works these
techniques and insights into his commentary. As an exegete, his commentary is
refreshing due to its being so varied. Rather than adopting one methodological
perspective and consistently following it, Sorotzkin chose to act as a
dilettante, dabbling in many different methods of analysis. In this way, he
pays homage to the many different rabbis and sages who have lived over the
centuries, working their contributions into his own understanding of the text
while simultaneously, at times, differing from them due to his appeal to modern
context.
            When
it comes to the question of what kind of impact Sorotzkin has made upon
subsequent commentary on Deuteronomy or the Jewish exegetical world at large,
it is difficult to answer. On the one hand, there does not seem to be a
well-known definitive or authoritative biography of R’ Zalman Sorotzkin, encyclopedia
entries or other official recognition of him. He is not cited by other
commentators to the text or used as an authoritative arbiter of disputes. On
the other hand, he passed away recently, in 1966. A century hasn’t passed since
his death. There is still time for his impact upon exegesis to grow and his
words to spread. The very fact that his commentary upon the Torah has been
translated into English by Artscroll means that this publishing house has made
it accessible to many different people and thus he can still affect the
understanding that many have of the text. Especially in our modern society,
where Torah learning is institutionalized and often occurs in the classroom as
opposed to on one’s own,[6]
there is hope that slowly but surely, R’ Zalman Sorotzkin’s ideas and
creativity will spread. As his commentary is aimed at the general populace in
addition to scholars, and since it contains all manner of innovative ideas, one
would think its appeal should be more widespread than it currently is.
Unfortunately, as of now his work appears relatively undiscovered. Hopefully,
as time progresses, this will change and the man who set out to document the
novel insights of his son and students, properly use the breadth of knowledge
his rebbe had afforded him, and speak to the times will be recognized as the
forward-thinking and warm individual that he was.
Works Cited
Anonymous. Rabi Zalman
Sorotsḳin : …[le-yom Ha-zikaron Ha-rishon…]
. Yerushalayim : [Merkaz
Ha-ḥinukh Ha-ʻatsmaʼi Be-Erets Yiśraʼel], 1967. Print.
Lavon, Yaakov, Trans. Sorotzkin,
Zalman. Insights in the Torah: Devarim. Vol. 5. Artscroll Mesorah,
1994. Print.
Sefer Bereishis … Min Ḥamishah
ḥumshe Torah : ʻim Targum Onḳelos U-ferush Rashi, Baʻal Ha-Ṭurim, ʻIḳar śifte
ḥakhamim ṿe-Toldot Aharon ; ʻim Perush Oznayim La-Torah / Me-et Zalman B. Ha-g.
Ha-ts. Bentsiyon Sorotsḳin
. Vol. 1. Jerusalem: Mekhon Ha-deʻah ṿeha-dib,
2005. Print.
Sefer Devarim … Min Ḥamishah
ḥumshe Torah : ʻim Targum Onḳelos U-ferush Rashi, Baʻal Ha-Ṭurim, ʻIḳar śifte
ḥakhamim ṿe-Toldot Aharon ; ʻim Perush Oznayim La-Torah / Me-et Zalman B. Ha-g.
Ha-ts. Bentsiyon Sorotsḳin
. Vol. 5. Jerusalem: Mekhon Ha-deʻah ṿeha-dib,
2005. Print.
Sofer, D. “Rav Zalman Sorotzkin
ZT”L: One of Chareidi Jewry’s Main Helmsmen.” Yated Neeman [Monsey]. Tzemach
Dovid
. Web. 4 May 2010. .
[1] At this point, R’
Zalman Sorotzkin became good friends with the Chazon Ish. He noted that his
wife “rented an apartment with three rooms” (Sofer) and the Chazon Ish rented
one of the rooms from her. 
[2] Rabbi Sorotzkin felt
that there should be no discrimination between priests and rabbis; both of them
were clergymen and members of the faith. Thus, when asked by a war minister as
to how he could countenance trying to allow healthy young men to evade their
lawful obligation to serve in the army, he explained that it was only logical
to expect fair and equal treatment. (Sofer)
[3] In The World that Was America 1900-1945 – Transmitting the Torah Legacy to
America
by Rabbi A. Leib Scheinbaum, the situation is explained as follows:
Hatzalas
Nefashos Supersedes Shabbos
The roshei
yeshiva
who had escaped to Vilna cabled Rabbi Shlomo Heiman. They informed
him of the dire need to immediately raise $50,000, to help the rebbeim and
talmidim from the various yeshivas escape imminent death at the hands of the
Russians, if the visas and the permits for the trans-Siberian trip from Vilna
to Vladivostok could not be purchased. Many gedolim,
including Rabbi Aharon Kotler, had escaped to the Vilna area. At this time
their lives were endangered. Despite months of work on an escape plan, the Vaad
was unsuccessful. Now it aappeared that there was a viable solution. All that
was necessary was the cash.
The gedolim in America- Rabbi Moshe Feinstein,
Rabbi Shlomo Heiman and Rabbi Shraga Feivel Mendlowitz- considered this a
matter of pikuach nefesh (a life and
death situation), and as such it superseded even Shabbos. Consequently, on a
Shabbos in November 1940, Rabbi Sender Linchner, Rabbi Boruch Kaplan and Irving
Bunim traveled by taxi throughout the Flatbush section of Brooklyn raising
money, because time was of the essence. With the help of the Almighty, they
were successful in raising $45,000 and the Joint released the money- adding the
$5000 deficit- to Vilna. Miraculously the rebbeim and talmidim were rescued!
Among the rescued gedolim were the Amshenover
Rebbe, Rabbi Shimon Sholom Kalish, Rabbi Zalman Sorotzkin, the Lutsker Rav,
Rabbi Eliezer Yehuda Finkel, Rosh HaYeshiva of the Mirrer Yeshiva and the son of
the famed Rabbi Nosson Tzvi Finkel (the Alter of Slobodka) who went to
Palestine; the Modzitzer Rebbe; Rabbi Reuven Grozovsky, the Kaminetzer Rosh
Yeshiva; Rabbi Avraham Jofen, the Novardoker Rosh Yeshiva who came to the
United States; and Rabbi Yechezkel Levenstein, mashgiach of the Mirrer Yeshiva
who went to Shanghai. (82)

[4] In an amusing exchange,
the minister of education once spoke to R’ Sorotzkin and inquired, “Why do you
have to split off the government network? Why should it bother you if we
supervise your curriculum?”
R’ Sorotzkin responded, “Would you ever
expect a person like me to supervise your secular schools? Can a person
supervise something that he virulently opposes?” (Sofer)
[5] For example, when
Sorotzkin comments to Deuteronomy 22:7 ‘So that it will be good for you and
will prolong your days’ he focuses upon the fact that longevity is promised
both by the commandment of sending away the mother bird and also by honoring
one’s parents. He questions why this is so (seeking to understand the plain
sense of the verse) and explains:
It is because the two
are related. The mother bird must be sent away free, because rather than escape
and save herself when her nest is approached by humans, she risks her life out
of love for her young. The Torah, therefore, forbids us to seize her and
thereby exploit her meritorious behavior. (It is permissible to catch her the
normal way, with a snare [Chullin 141b]). The two commandments, then, have a
common element of respect for one’s parents who are even willing to endanger
themselves to raise their children and preserve the species. Honoring one’s
parents may seem to us the gravest of obligations, and shiluach hakein the slightest, but that is only because of our
superficial view of things. In fact, deeper reflection can show us that shiluach hakein is actually a graver
matter than honoring one’s parents.
Consider, one who honors
his parents “repays” them, albeit minimally, for all they do for him until he reaches
maturity and independence. However, if the same person should happen to find a
bird’s nest, he may not take the mother, even if she actually belongs to him
and fled from his hatchery, and even if she is nesting on his property.
Although this bird has never benefited him in the least he is forbidden to take
her simply because she is a mother who is raising her children. He personally
gains nothing from her devoted child-rearing, yet must still restrain himself.
He will surely find this difficult, though no such difficulty exists with
honoring his parents. Therefore this mitzvah
shares the same reward with honoring parents. (Lavon 264)
Thus Sorotzkin is uninterested in looking
at the plain sense of the verse for its
own sake
but is interested in noting it/ focusing on particular phrasing in
terms of the lessons that can be learned from the text.
[6] Indeed, I learned of R’
Zalman Sorotzkin’s writings in the context of the classroom, as did a friend of
mine who has also studied his works. I learned about Aznayim L’Torah from Rebbetzin Sarah Greer, who utilized it when
teaching her classes at Stern College for Women. My friend heard about it via
the Rosh Yeshiva at his yeshiva in Israel, or as he put it, “I had a rebbe in
Shana Bet who I used to learn Parsha with- and he always quoted him.” 



David Sassoon, Bibliophile Par Excellence

 David Sassoon,
Bibliophile Par Excellence
By Dr. Pearl Herzog
The article below is an annotated version
of an article that appeared in the Inyan Magazine of HaModia, dated July 16,
2014.

Harav Chaim Ozer Grodzinski addressed him as
“Hanaggid” (The Prince).[1] The Michtav MeEliyahu (Rabbi
Eliyahu Dessler) came to his home to privately tutor his only son.[2] Named
after his grandfather, the founder of the Sassoon dynasty, David Sassoon was an
outstanding Talmid Chochom, whose tremendous collection of sefarim and
manuscripts, on which he expended much time and money, has enhanced the study
of every branch of Torah to this day.  

Mumbai (formerly known as Bombay), the primary
port city in India is home to more than twelve million people. The city’s
largest fishing market is located at Sassoon Docks, one of the few docks open
to the public. It was the creation of Albert Sassoon, a member of the dynasty
known as the Rothschild’s of the East. who had built the Docks through land
reclamation (creating land out of the sea).[3] In 1869 when the Suez Canal
opened and merchant ships could travel between Europe and Asia without the need
to circumnavigate around Africa, it was imperative, in Albert Sassoon’s view,
that India have a dock for ships to load and unload goods. The government of
India which was initially against Albert’s plan, eventually realized the docks
cemented the future of India’s largest port and paid him a pretty penny for it
in addition to being eternally grateful.
Albert Sassoon, who was knighted by Queen
Victoria of England, was the son of David Sassoon, the founder of the Sassoon
dynasty who had laid the foundation in India, of a vast mercantile empire with
branches in Shanghai, Hong Kong, Turkey, Japan, Persia, and England, In the
words of a contemporary: “Silver, and gold, silks, gums and spices, opium,
cotton wool and wheat – whatever moved over land and sea felt the hand and bore
the mark of Sassoon and Company.”[4]
David Sassoon would always attribute his great
success to the fact that he would strictly observe the laws of Maaser.  David’s father Saleh Sassoon (mother Amam
Gabbai) was a wealthy businessman, chief treasurer to the pashas (the governors
of Baghdad) from 1781 to 1817 and leader of the city’s Jewish community.
Following increasing persecution of Baghdad’s Jews by Daud Pasha, the family
moved to Mumbai via Persia.
The Sasson family traced its Yichus back
to Shefatyah, the fifth son of Dovid HaMelech. When exiled to Spain the family
called itself Ibn Shoshana (son of a rose) which later became Ibn Sassoon (son
of Happiness).[5]
Magnanimous philanthropists, the family
supported many Torah institutions, built shuls, hospitals, Mikvaos and
helped employ many Jews.
Albert Sassoon was surprised one day when his 34
year old single half-brother Solomon Sassoon, expressed his interest in
marrying Albert’s granddaughter, Pircha (Flora) Gabbai. Solomon had been on a
business trip to China and had stopped for a business meeting at the Bombay
office. It was there he met for the first time his 17 year old great niece, and
was impressed with her knowledge of Hebrew, French, German, English, Hindustani
and Arabic as well as the fact that she had been taught Tanach and Yahadus
in private lessons given to her by Rabbonim.[6]
Albert loved the idea. The shidduch was
arranged and the couple had three children, two daughters Rachel and Mazel Tov
and their middle child, a son, David born to them in 1880. Shlomo and Flora’s
palatial home in Bombay was called Nepean Lodge and had a shul attached to it.
Considered the most Torah minded of the Sassoon brothers, Solomon would recite
all 150 perakim of Sefer Tehillim before leaving for his office every
day. Modest and unassuming, he served as a wonderful influence on his only son.
Young David astonished his parents one day when
at eight years old he traded his toy kite with a young boy for a rare printed
book containing an Arabic translation of the Book of Ruth that was written for
Baghdadi Jews who lived in India.[7] That trade was to be the first item in his
life long pursuit of collecting Jewish books and manuscripts. His interest in
collecting Seforim may have helped soften the pain of losing his father at the
tender age of 14. Solomon David passed away in 1894 leaving a young 35 year old
widow and three children, the youngest of whom was 10.
Because of his delicate health, young David’s
physician recommended that he live away from the city’s heat. Because of this
he spent most of the year at the family villas in Poona or Mahabeshwar,
studying Torah and having private lessons in Persian as well as other secular
subjects from a Munshi.[8]
Instead of being educated at Eton like his
Sassoon cousins, he was sent afterwards to a yeshiva in North London.
Although David learned to use a rifle as a
cadet, his poor health saved him from ever going to battle. Instead the navy
hired him to translate Hebrew and Arabic documents and decode messages
intercepted in the Middle East.
His mother had with her grandfather Albert’s
blessing, taken over her husband’s role in the business in India after he
passed away. But seven years later, when David had reached 21, she decided to
move to London where most of the Sassoon family had relocated.
David had developed into quite a Talmid Chochom
and had inherited his great love of seforim from his great grandfather Farji
Chaim Ben Abdullah Yosef whose large library of Seforim in Basra, Iraq had been
partly destroyed in 1775 by the invading Persians.[9] David decided to devote
his life to collecting Seforim. He explained in his Ohel David, a two volume
catalogue of his Seforim that he printed in 1931 that he assembled a huge
library because he wanted to observe the Mitzvah of writing or acquiring a
Sefer Torah by extending the mitzvah to include all religious literature:
Nevi’im, Kesuvim, Gemarah, etc.

David traveled extensively to Yemen, Germany,
Italy, Syria, China and the Himalayas seeking manuscripts and old Seforim. His
sister Rachel Ezra who by this time lived in Calcutta would alert him about
different valuable manuscripts in India, North Africa and China.[10] He would
also purchase items from the noted bookseller Rabbi David Frankel and from the
famous Orientalist Silvestre de Sacy.

David Sassoon spent ten years negotiating to buy
the Farchi Bible, a fourteenth century beautifully calligraphed and illuminated
Tanach which contained over 1000 pages and more than 350 illustrations. It took
seventeen years for Elisha Crescas of Provence to complete it, which he did in
1383. The name of the Bible is derived from the fact that it once belonged to
the wealthy Syrian Farchi family that had served as bankers and treasury
officials for the Turkish governors. Chaim Farchi, who was involved with Jazzar
Pasha in the defense of Acre against Napoleon in 1799 was the Sefer’s owner.
Almost two decades later, an orphan Muslim that Chaim Farchi helped raise and
get installed as a Turkish leader betrayed his wealthy Jewish benefactor. On
Erev Rosh Chodesh Elul (August, 1817), after having fasted all day, soldiers
suddenly entered his apartment and read him his death-warrant, [Chaim Farchi
was accused among other transgressions of building a shul higher than the
highest Mosque in Acre] and was executed.
The Farchi Bible then came into the possession
of the British Consul in Damascus and was only returned to the family a century
later. Unique about this Bible was that it contained the names of many Biblical
women that are not mentioned in the Torah but in Rabbinic writings such as the
names of the wives of Kayin, Hevel, Shet, Chanoch and Metushelach
etc.[11] It also contains the rules of Vocalization and Masoretic notes from
Ben Asher’s Dikdukei Ha’Teamim. The interesting illustrations which do
not show any human figures include Noah’s ark, the Mishkan and of the
city of Yericho with seven walls.
In 1902, a year after he moved to London with
his mother and sister, Dovid Sassoon purchased in Egypt several manuscripts
that had been discovered in the Cairo Geniza six years earlier. These
included an extremely early fragment of the Rambam’s Mishneh Torah which
contained the Rambam’s own glosses and Rabbi Saadiah Gaon’s Tafsir, a
Judeo-Arabic translation on Chumash Bamidbar.
The late Rabbi Dr. Tzi M. Rabinowicz, son of the
previous Biale Rebbe and author of more than 10 books including the Encyclopedia
of Hassidism
visited the Sassoon 
library in 1966 and contributed an article at that time entitled “The
Sassoon Treasures” to Jewish Life magazine.[12] He stated that when visiting
the library of Rabbi Solomon David Sassoon, (David was no longer alive and the
library seems to have passed on to his son Shlomo) he thought of the pasuk
“Shal Naaleich me’al raglecha …. Put off thy shoes from off thy feet for the
place whereon thou standest is holy ground.” He describes it as the world’s
greatest private collection of priceless Sifrei Torah, incunabula, manuscripts
and unpublished writings that cover a period of nearly a thousand years. He
writes that a student of art can feast his eyes on exquisitely illuminated
manuscripts, Genizah fragments, Machzorim, Haggadoth, Ketuboth and important
documents.
David Sassoon wrote a diary in Hebrew entitled Massaei
Bavel
[13] when he travelled in 1910 with his mother and sister Mazel Tov,
from Bombay to Basra stopping off at Baghdad.
The following is an English translation of an
excerpt of his dairy by Rabbi Aharon Bassous:
Tuesday Sept. 20
At 7:00 am we reached AL
Qurna where the Tigris and Euphrates unite. Tradition has it that the Garden of
Eden was here! We rested for 10 minutes. Continuing on our journey to Baghdad
we passed in the afternoon a building which is traditionally the grave of Ezra
HaSofer or Al Ezair in Arabic.
On the outside the grave
looks like the dome of a mosque and is covered with glazed blue tiles. We went
inside to visit. On entering the town we were in a large chamber leading to the
synagogue and grave. Before entering the building we were told to remove our
shoes. On top of the grave is a large tomb made from wood. Every Jewish visitor
lights a lamp and says: I am lighting this lamp in honor of our master Ezra the
scribe, after which he circles the grave and kisses it. Many give money for
someone to bless them at the grave. Even non-Jews, come there to pray.
Several days earlier he wrote that while in
Basra he was able to purchase some manuscripts but not old ones. One of them
called Megillat Paras was read every year on the 2nd day of Nisan because a of
great miracle that happened at Basra.
A very important acquisition David Sassoon made
in Sept. 1923 was the Diwan of Shmuel HaNagid which Oxford University Press
published with an introduction by Sasson in 1924. The manuscript which Sassoon
acquired in Aleppo (Aram Tzova), was copied in 1584-1585 by an Italian rabbi
Tam Ben Gedaliah ibn Yachya. It contained 1743 poems, of which 1500 were
previously unknown. In the manuscript is a poem about the earthquake and
eclipse of the year 1047 and a eulogy on the death of the Gaon Hai ben David
(939-1038) the last gaon of Pumbeditha.
In Cecil Roth: Historian Without Tears[14]
the late Irene Roth writes about  David
Sasson that he was a noted Hebraist and 
bibliophile and maintained a magnificent library of rare manuscripts
which was always open to her husband, the Oxford Historian. Incidentally Cecil
Roth, in his book “The Sassoon Dynasty,” calls David Sassoon a
scholar and writer of no mean distinction.
David Sasson also authored The History of the
Jews of Baghdad
.[15]
In addition to constantly expanding his library
he would help his mother Flora answer thousands of letters from all over the
world requesting tzedkaka for Hachnasas Kallah, Yeshivos, Pidyon
Shevuyi
m, and other Jewish causes including requests to help print
seforim.[16]
In the sefer Ohr Elchonon its author A
Souraski,[17] writes that Rabbi Chaim Ozer Grodzinski sent a letter to the
Prince (Nagid) David Sassoon that he should organize in London a vaad  devoted 
to the selling of Osiyos for  a
Sefer Torah in commemoration of the late Chafetz Chaim.
David was married to Sarah Selina Prins, the
daughter of Moshe Meir Ben Rabbi Eliezer Lippman Prins, a diamond merchant and
Talmid Chochom from Amsterdam who also owned a magnificent library.
In the Sefer “Parnas LeDoro: Hitkatvut
Eliezer Lipman Prinz Im Chachmei Doro
” by Meir Herskovics[18] a letter
by Rabbi Eliezer Prinz to his grandson David Sassoon, the son-in-law of his
eldest son Moshe, he writes that he has difficulty in understanding the
commentary of Ramban on Bereishis 2:9, because when he examined different
girsaos, a word was spelled differently and it is evident that the scribe made
an error. Could David please check his different manuscripts to determine the
correct girsa.

David Sasson was not
only a great Talmid Chochom himself but he hired Rabbi Eliyahu Dessler author
of Michtav Eliyahu to learn with his son Solomon in 1928 at the
suggestion of Dayan Shmuel Yitzchok Hillman. Rabbi Solomon Sassoon, who
continued in his father’s footsteps in collecting seforim, developed into a
great Talmid Chochom who turned down the Israeli government twice when it asked
him to serve as Sephardic Chief Rabbi of Israel.[19]

By the time David Sassoon passed away in 1942 he
had amassed about 1300 items in his library. Sadly the collection has been
dispersed sold at a number of Sotheby auctions, beginning with one in Zurich in
1975. A New York Times article[20] describing the fourth Sassoon manuscript
collection in 1994 states that in the past decade the sales were due to satisfy
the estate’s British tax obligations. Nevertheless, thanks to David Sassoon,
universities and libraries around the world can continue to enhance Jewish
scholarship through the efforts of David Sassoon. Yehi Zichro Mevorach.









































Notes:
[1]
Aaron Souraski, Ohr Elchanan
2, p. 74.
[2] Rosenblum, Jonathan, Rabbi Dessler: The
Life and Impact of Rabbi Eliyahu Eliezer Dessler, the Michtav Me’Eliyahu
,
Mesorah Publications,  Artscroll 2000
NY.,  p 144.
[3] Roth, Cecil, The Sassoon Dynasty,
Robert Hale Limited, London, 1941 p. 80.
[4] Jackson, Stanley, The Sassoons, EP
Dutton Inc., NY 1968 p. 30.
[5] Ibid. page 2
[6] Breger, Jennifer, “Flora Sassoon”
entry in Jewish Women’s Archive.
[7] Jackson, p. 104. Also see Introduction to
Sotheby Catalogue “Seventy-Six important Hebrew and Samaritan Manuscripts
from the Library of the late David Solomon Sassoon,” London June 21, 1994
.The latter was the fifth Sotheby sale of manuscripts from the collection of
David Sassoon, the previous sales took place in Zurich 1975 and1978 and in New
York, in 1981 and 1984.
[8] Ibid. Jackson,  p.105.
[9] Rabinowicz, Harry, The Sassoon Treasures,
Jewish Life Jan.-Feb. 1966 p.45.
[10] Jackson, p.158.
[11] David Sassoon, Ohel David, Oxford
University Press, 1932, p. 6.
[12] Shevat-Adar 5726, Jan.-Feb. 1966 issue
pp.42-48.
[13] Information from his travel diary, was
incorporated later in his, A History of the Jews in Baghdad (Letchworth
1949) and this diary was later edited and published in Hebrew by M. Benayahu in
1955, after its author’s death (Massei Bavel, Jerusalem 1955).
[14] Cecil Roth: Historian without Tears
Sepher
, Hermon Press, N.Y., 1982, p. 92
[15] See note 13
[16] See Nachalat Avot: Asufat Genazim MiBeit
Mishpachat Sassoon
, for a treasure trove of letters soliticing Tzedokoh
from many Gedolim. This sefer includes Teshuvot, Michtavim Tefillot and
Minhagim and was published by Yad Samuel Franco, 5767, Machon “Ahavat
Shalom,” Yerushalayim.
[17] p. 74.
[18] pp. 411-415.
[19] Rav Dessler, pp 145-.146.

[20] Dec. 5, 1984, “Sassoon Judaica Sold at
Sotheby’s”.



Book Excerpt: Turning Judaism Outward by Chaim Miller

Chaim Miller’s Turning Judaism Outward, a comprehensive biography of the Lubavitcher Rebbe, has recently appeared. The Seforim Blog is happy to present this excerpt from pages 98-103 

Some truly fascinating insights into Menachem Mendel’s inner life have surfaced recently in his correspondence with Rayatz, first published in 2010.73 The Sixth and future Seventh Rebbes were in very close contact during this period; between 1929 until 1932 alone, Rayatz penned some seventy-two letters to his son-in-law and daughter.

In contrast to Reb Levik’s letters, which were almost exclusively devoted to Torah thoughts, Rayatz’s communications were extremely personal. We get a strong sense of what a thoughtful and caring man he was, and how much his relationship with his new son-in-law meant to him. The few letters of reply from Menachem Mendel that have been published are also extremely revelatory—a glimpse of the future Rebbe’s self-perception, his concerns, and his spiritual leanings.

Material like this is extremely rare. In his fifty years of public work, the Seventh Rebbe seldom spoke or wrote about himself.

From the correspondence, we see how important it was for Rayatz to be intimately connected with the personal lives of his family. The Sixth Rebbe chronicles his travels and experiences in detail, along with their emotional ups and downs. He expects Menachem Mendel to reciprocate and is disappointed when requests to his son-in-law to share his life experiences are not forthcoming. Menachem Mendel, by his own confession, lived in the world of thought, and the little details of everyday life were not important to him. “The reason I have not written,” he writes in the winter of 1930, “which I am sure without my letter you could fathom for yourself, is that it is difficult for me to find interesting events in my life to tell you. Just to fill a piece of paper with incidental details, to write a letter for the sake of writing a letter—why should I steal your time for that?”74

Rayatz is persistent. “I want to clarify,” he writes back, “that when you will contemplate the truth as it is, what a deeply personal relationship ought to exist between us, you will always find something interesting that will extend beyond one page.”75

But Menachem Mendel’s world is the world of ideas, not of events and feelings. In his next letter, which represents a fascinating insight into the Seventh Rebbe’s self-image, he attempts to clarify the matter.

“The reason why I have not written is due to the lack of interesting events to report. There are people for whom the central, overwhelming focus of their lives is in the world of thought, the world of ideas, and their main activities—activity being the sign of life—are focused inwards, to the ‘world set in their hearts’ (Ecc. 3:11), and not to the outside world surrounding them.

After this introduction, I must say that, while I do not consider it to be a particular virtue, it seems that—whether as a result of my natural disposition or outside influences—I am such a person. For as long as I can remember, there has been a paucity of interesting events in my life, things that I found personally engaging.”76

This, however, does not stop Rayatz from showering forth his emotions on paper: love and affection, repeated blessings for children and happy marriage, as well as his frustrations. In a letter penned after the festival of Shavuot, 1930, Rayatz wishes his son-in-law that “you and your wife, my precious daughter, should have a pleasurable life, with love and affection.”77 In a letter to Moussia on her twenty-ninth birthday, Rayatz writes, “My precious daughter! For everything in this world there is a limit and end, but the deep love of parents has no limit,” and he blesses her to have “fine, healthy, bright children.” 78

In a letter to Menachem Mendel the following year, Rayatz’s affections continue to gush forth, “If my thoughts about you went straight onto paper, I mean if thoughts themselves could write, without the need of an actual hand, I would already have heaps of letters.” 79 In another letter Rayatz signs off, “I am your father-in-law… who loves you at every moment.” 80

Sometimes we find Rayatz expressing his distress. In the spring of 1930, Rayatz writes of his “deep, great pain… that you did not merit to see the face of the ‘Holy of Holies’ [Rashab], his face literally shining with G-dly light, the Divine presence resting on him… nor to see the Chasidim in Lubavitch, their prayer and worship…. What an awful shame (chaval chaval) that you did not see all this.” 81

To Moussia he shares mixed emotions of visiting the Western Wall in Jerusalem, “I cried earnestly over the fall of our Lubavitch. I kissed the stones of the Western Wall with a bittersweet pleasure.” 82

More than once, Rayatz expresses his concerns at the thought of his religious son-in-law walking the streets in what was becoming an increasingly dangerous city for Jews, “I am always thinking about how you walk in the city, whether you are taking the necessary precautions.” 83

Rayatz also showed, on one occasion, a fondness for allegory and riddle which did not seem to engage Menachem Mendel. In a letter from the summer of 1929, Rayatz concludes, in a postscript, “Contemplate well the fine pearl which G-d has given you for many long, good years, physically and spiritually.” 84 Receiving no response, he repeats the following winter, “Regarding the fine gift, the precious pearl, do you still not understand what I mean? Or did you already fathom my riddle?” 85

Menachem Mendel’s reply is brief: “Regarding the ‘fine pearl,’ I still do not understand to what this refers.” 86

Rayatz has no choice other than to decipher his own riddle: “The fine pearl which G-d has given you, is my daughter, your honorable wife. (That was what I implied in my letter, but you did not discern what I intimated).” 87

Rayatz also takes much interest in his new son-in-law’s daily routine. “Write to me in detail your daily schedule,” he requests. 88 On another occasion, “I would like to know what you are learning, which tractate? What are you learning in Chasidut? How much time per day, i.e., in each twenty-four hours? Do you have any fixed study times? What are they?” 89 In a 1932 letter Menachem Mendel reports that he is currently learning tractate Bava Batra, but that “regarding a fixed daily schedule, since coming from Russia, I still have not managed this.” He also confesses to having challenges in his learning, “because of mental exhaustion, or from feeling distracted.” 90

Of particular interest are the future Rebbe’s spiritual leanings. In a typically unassuming fashion, Menachem Mendel expresses his yearnings for an arousal to teshuvah (return to G-d). The month of Elul is coming imminently, which is the month of preparation [for the High Holidays] and teshuvah. What, then, is the way, and what is the advisable method, that will affect me, so that I can ultimately have a heartfelt sense of yirat Shamayim [fear of Heaven]—tangibly in the here and now, so that I actually feel the change?91

In response to a request from Menachem Mendel for a blessing to understand Chasidut, Rayatz conveys his wishes, “You should be blessed with a genuine grasp of Chasidut, to become one with it, to study it, to understand it, and to observe it.”92
Menachem Mendel is extremely grateful, and explains how much Rayatz’s blessing means to him.
The reason why I asked you for a blessing to understand Chasidut… is simply because I pine for it. I wrote a request to Your Holiness for this blessing because I believe that if you desire something from the depths of your heart and being, then, whether it be through a blessing or through prayer, you will influence on High that all these things should take effect down here in this world, in me.93
At the end of 1931, Menachem Mendel posed a question to his father-in-law about the very essence of Chabad identity. In Berlin, Menachem Mendel had been exposed to the courts of non-Chabad Rebbes.94 These strands of Chasidut, stemming mainly from Poland and Galicia, seemed to Menachem Mendel to better capture the spirit of the movement’s founder Rabbi Israel Ba’al Shem Tov. They did not focus to such a great extent on the in-depth study of Chasidic wisdom; and just as the Ba’al Shem Tov had been known as a miracle worker, the Chasidim of these movements made much emphasis on their own Rebbes’ miraculous powers—something which was more muted in Chabad.
Menachem Mendel’s penchant for intellectual honesty could not help him wonder and inquire of his father-in-law, “At first glance, the path and teachings of Chasidut taught by the Rebbes of Vohlynia-Poland-Galicia seem closer to the path and teachings of the Baal Shem Tov’s Chasidut than the teachings of Chabad, especially in the emphasis on miracle-working.”95
The question prompted a fifteen-page reply from Rayatz, rich in anecdotal history of the movement, with many accounts of why miracle-working became unimportant in the Chabad system.96 Menachem Mendel was ecstatic. His preference for a dialogue of ideas rather than feelings had finally been met, and he found the material gripping.
From the depths of the heart I thank you for this precious gift. May I be so bold as to make an earnest
suggestion from Your Holiness—if a request is necessary and if it will help. I am strengthened by the hope that from time to time you will honor and delight me with letters like this. I lack a lot of knowledge about the background of Chasidut and its history…. and so with every fact that I gain in this area, I rejoice “as if finding a great prize” (Ps. 119:162).97
Still, the issue of miracles bothered him. In the current day and age, wouldn’t stories that conveyed a sense of the supernatural be helpful to bring Jews closer to Judaism? Intellectual arguments alone did not seem to be sufficient—especially in Germany.
I cannot restrain myself from requesting additional explanation about a subject that has puzzled me for a long time. Again and again, I hear people say that “In Chabad, we have no interest in miracles,” etc. I found a similar sentiment expressed in your letter…. This might have been appropriate for the early Chasidim; they certainly had no need of such stories, for their hearts and minds were pure. But nowadays, the pressures of the times etc., have diminished people’s spiritual sensitivities, and they are engulfed by material concerns. They perceive everything in a very materialistic way, and their souls are desensitized to the sublime and the lofty. It seems difficult to fix this through ideas alone… On the other hand, miracles, and stories of the wonders performed by tzadikim inspire people to rid themselves from the focus on material matters. They will jar even a lowly soul, or someone who has spiritually fallen.98
No response from Rayatz to this request is printed, but in these lines we can already discern the Seventh Rebbe’s creativity and sensitivity to the needs of a spiritually numbed generation. If the old approach no longer works, Menachem Mendel argued, then we need to re-examine it. It was this bold willingness to introduce new pedagogic methods  suitable for the contemporary milieu that would make the Seventh generation of Chabad under his leadership so hugely influential.
73 Igrot Rayatz vol. 15 (New York: Kehot, 2010).
74 Letter of 18th Shevat 5690, ibid. p. 74.
75 Letter of 6th Adar 5690, ibid. p. 77.
76 Letter of 2nd Nisan 5690, ibid. p. 78.
77 Ibid. p. 88.
78 Letter of 25th Adar 5690, ibid. p. 83.
79 Letter of 23rd Adar 5961, ibid. p. 103.
80 Letter of Erev Chag Ha-Sukkot 5690, ibid. p. 66.
81 Ibid. p. 81. See also p. 105,
82 Letter to Moussia, 5th Elul 5689, ibid. p. 60.
83 Letter of Erev Chanukah 5690, ibid. p. 71.
84 Letter to Menachem Mendel, 5th Elul 5689, ibid. p. 59.
85 Letter of 26th Tevet 5690, ibid. p. 74.
86 Letter of 18th Shevat 5690, ibid.
87 Letter of 25th Adar 5690, ibid. p. 82. Emphasis added.
88 Letter of Erev Chanukah 5690, ibid. p. 70.
89 Letter of 9th Tevet 5691, ibid. p. 101.
90 Letter of 11th Shevat 5692, ibid. pp. 114-5
91 Letter of 26th Menachem Av, 5689, ibid. pp. 63-4. Rayatz’s reply is ibid. pp. 62-3.
92 Letter of 24th Kislev 5691, ibid p. 101.
93 Letter of 4th Shevat 5691, ibid.
94 We have seen, at the very least, he had visited the Chortkov Rebbe, the Belzer Rebbe and prayed in the synagogue of the Dombrova Rebbe.
95 Menachem Mendel’s letter of request is not printed, but the question is repeated by Rayatz at the introduction to his response (see following note).
96 The full response is printed in Igrot Rayatz vol. 2, pp. 361-377, and was initially publicized just a few years after Menachem Mendel
received it, in the Chabad journal Hatamim (vol. 2, pp. 150-159). It appears in English translation in Shimon Neubort (trans.), Branches of the Chassidic Menorah vol. 1 (New York: Sichot in English, 1998), pp. 137-162.
97 Letter of 2nd Shevat 5692, Igrot Rayatz vol. 15, p. 112. In English, Neubort p. 163. See also Reshimot installment 138.
98 Igrot Rayatz, ibid.

 




New Book Announcement – Seder Olam by Prof. Chaim Milikowsky

New Book Announcement
 Eliezer Brodt
סדר עולם: מהדורה מדעית, פירוש ומבוא מאת חיים מיליקובסקי, מכון יצחק בן צבי, שני חלקים, 326+711 עמודים.
 I am very happy to announce the publication of an important work which numerous people (myself included) have been eagerly waiting for quite some time, Professor Chaim Milikowsky of the Bar Ilan Talmud department’s critical edition of the Seder Olam. Professor Milikowsky began working on the Seder Olam over thirty years ago and completed his PhD dissertation ‘Seder Olam : A Rabbinic Chronography‘ in Yale University 1981 (550 pp.) with Professor Shnayer Zalman Leiman serving as his thesis advisor. This version included an English Translation of the Seder Olam. Since then Professor Milikowsky has authored numerous articles, many of which, amongst many other topics, are related to the Seder Olam.
This edition was just printed by the Yad Ben Zvi Press and is comprised of two large volumes. Volume one contains a two hundred and fourteen page general introduction about the Seder Olam, along with the one hundred and seven page critical, synopsis edition of the Seder Olam, based on numerous manuscripts and Genizah fragments. Volume two contains a seven hundred and eleven page(!) commentary, and is thoroughly indexed. This work is incredible on all fronts; in depth and breadth, touching upon anything related to the Seder Olam. It appears that literally every letter of this Tannaitic work has been dealt with. In addition to the scholarly acumen invested in the introduction and commentary, this work serves as an excellent model for preparing critical editions of works of Chazal.
For a Table of Contents or more information about purchasing this work, feel free to contact me at Eliezerbrodtatgmail.com. Copies of this work will be arriving at Biegeleisen shortly.



Regarding Haftarah on Simchat Torah and the daily obligation to recite 100 blessings

Regarding Haftarah on Simchat Torah and the daily obligation to recite 100 blessings
Chaim
Sunitsky
It is well known that
Simchat Torah is not mentioned anywhere in the two Talmuds or Midrashim[1]. In
fact we have no proof that in the times of Talmud they used to finish the Torah
cycle reading on Simchat Torah. The prevalent minhag in the land of Israel was
to read the Torah not in one year but approximately in three[2]. In
fact it seems that every synagogue read at its own speed[3]
without any established cycle, so speaking of the specific “day” when they
would finish the reading is meaningless[4].
However in Babylon
where they read Torah in one year, it is important to establish when did they
finish? One would assume that reading in one year meant finishing on Shabbat
before Rosh Hashanah[5] or
Shabbat before Yom Kippur (since the 10 days between Rosh Hashanah and Yom
Kippur while technically being already in the next year are also related to the
previous year[6].)
Indeed R. Rueben Margolis[7]
claims that the original custom was to finish reading the Torah cycle on
Shabbat before Yom Kippur[8]. One
of his proofs is the statement in the Talmud[9] that
R. Bibi bar Abaye wanted to finish reading all parshiyot on the eve of
Yom Kippur, and when he was told this day should be reserved for eating, he
decided to read earlier. Had they finished the cycle after Yom Kippur, why
didn’t R. Bibi bar Abaye instead postpone it for later[10]?
This idea also explains the tradition that there are altogether 53 parshiyot
in the Torah[11],
and therefore Nitzavim and Veyelech[12]
should be counted as one. According to this all 53 parshiyot were always
read on Shabbat and there never was a special parsha that is read only
on Yom Tov[13].
Even though the Talmud
(Megilah 31a) mentions that on Simchat Torah, “Vezot Habracha” is read,
there is absolutely no proof that they read the entire parsha till the
end of Torah. What is more likely is that this parsha was chosen for
this particular day of Yom Tov, just as all other parshiyot chosen for
various holidays in the same sugia. Maybe the reason is that they wanted
to finish Sukkot with the general blessing of all the Jewish tribes[14].
This also explains the
Haftorah for this day. According to the Talmud (ibid) it is from the prayer of
Shlomo (Melachim 1:8:22) right before the Haftorah of the previous day
(1:8:54). The prayers and blessings of Shlomo fit perfectly with the prayers
and blessings of Moshe[15].
However our custom is to say the Haftorah from the beginning of Yehoshua.
Indeed the Tosafot (Megilah 31a) ask why our custom this contradicts the Talmud[16]?
However according to the assumption that only during Gaonic times did we start
reading the entire last parsha of the Torah on the second day of Shmini
Atzeret[17], it
makes sense that this caused the change in Haftorah, as the beginning of Sefer
Yehoshua is a natural continuation of the Torah and it starts with the death of
Moshe.
The second topic of
this post is regarding the obligation[18] to
make 100 blessings every day. This is codified as halacha in the
Shulchan Aruch[19].
However the common practice seems to be not to count[20] the
number of blessings and make sure to say 100 every day. Indeed on the holiest
day of our year – Yom Kippur[21] it’s
virtually impossible to make so many blessings. Indeed the Brisker Rav – R.
Yitzchak Zev Soloveitchik is quoted as counting the blessings he made every day
except on Yom Kippur since making 100 blessings on Yom Kippur is impossible
anyway, he did not even try to make as many as he could[22].
Another problem is that
most women who don’t pray 3 times a day almost never pronounce 100 blessings per
day. This led some poskim to write that women are not obligated in this
mitzvah[23].
All of this led some Rishonim
to look for alternative ways one can be considered to have made 100 blessings.
One of approaches it to count some of the blessings one hears as if he made
them[24].
Another approach is to count the prayer “Ein Kelokenu” as a number of
blessings[25].
This approach obviously seems somewhat farfetched[26].
In this short article
we will try to see if the is a different reason why the practice of 100
blessings was not originally followed by the majority of Jews. It is known that
not all halachik obligations are treated equally[27].
There are various reasons for this[28] but
at least one has to do with traditionally following what our ancestors did. If
the Jews originally resided in areas where the majority of grain was “yashan[29]” and
later moved to northern countries where the crop is planted after Passover and
all the grain of that crop is “chadash”, they continued ignoring the
prohibition against it[30].
Similarly the Brisker Rav said the reason very few people ever ask a rabbi
questions regarding trumot and maaserot is because they never saw
their parents who lived outside the Land of Israel do so[31].
At times however it
seems that the Jewish people originally followed an alternative opinion in halacha
and later when the Shulchan Aruch paskened according to a different
opinion the old custom did not change[32]. In
my humble opinion it seems the custom of making 100 blessings a day was also
originally not obligatory[33], and
even when the Rambam and the Shulchan Aruch effectively made it so, the people
continued not to “count their blessings”.
The wording of the
Talmud (Menachot 43b) is as follows:
תניא
היה רבי מאיר אומר חייב אדם לברך מאה ברכות בכל יום שנאמר ועתה ישראל מה ה’ אלקיך שואל
מעמך רב חייא בריה דרב אויא בשבתא וביומי טבי טרח וממלי להו באיספרמקי ומגדי

It was taught[34]: R.
Meir used to say, a man is bound to say one hundred blessings daily, as it is
written, “And now, Israel, what doth the L-rd thy G-d require of thee[35]”? On
Sabbaths and on Festivals R. Hiyya the son of R. Awia endeavored to make up
this number by the use of spices and delicacies.

The obvious question is
why does the Talmud mention only R. Hiyya ben Awia as making a special endeavor
to compensate the missing blessings[36]?
What did everyone else do? It would seem logical that if there was a legal obligation
for everyone to make 100 blessings, the Talmud should have asked: and how do we
make up for missing blessings on Shabbat and Yom Tov[37]? It
would seem that R. Meir does not actually require to count the blessings one
makes during the day and make sure there are 100, and only one sage went out of
his way to always make 100 blessings. We similarly find other laws of the
Talmud that are stated as actual prohibitions but are possibly only
stringencies. These examples may include the prohibition of entering a business
partnership with an idolater or the prohibition of lending money without
witnesses[38].
Similarly the Rashba[39]
considers the prohibition against drinking bear with idolaters to be just “the
custom of holy ones (minhag kedoshim)”.
Even more compelling is
the version of the statement of R. Meir in Tosefta and Yerushalmi (end of Berachot)
implies that one would just normally end up[40]
making 100 blessings on regular weekdays:
תני
בשם רבי מאיר אין לך אחד מישראל שאינו עושה מאה מצות בכל יום. קורא את שמע ומברך לפניה
ולאחריה ואוכל את פתו ומברך לפניה ולאחריה ומתפלל שלשה פעמים של שמונה עשרה וחוזר ועושה
שאר מצות ומברך עליהן

We learned in the name
of R. Meir that every Jew does [at least] 100 mitzvot [by making 100 blessings]
every [week]day. He reads Shma with blessings before and after[41],
eats bread with blessings before and after[42], and
prays 3 times 18 blessings[43] and
does other mitzvot[44] and
makes blessings on them.

I found the same proofs
in the Metivta edition of the Talmud in the name of R. Yerucham Fishel Perlow[45]. He
also brings that R. Meir’s statement in our Talmud Bavli is according to some versions:
 מאה ברכות חייב
אדם לברך בכל יום[46] and he suggests it can be translated as “100 obligatory
blessings does one make per [week]day” rather than “100 blessings is one
obligated to make per day”. He also brings some Gaonim and Rishonim
who understood that the mitzvah of making 100 blessings a day is not a full
obligation[47].
In conclusion I’d like
to mentions that obvious: this article was only meant to explain why many are
not as careful about the law of making 100 blessings per day as they are
regarding other laws contained in the Shulchan Aruch right next to this law
(i.e. the laws of morning blessings). This short essay is definitely not meant
as a halachic guide. We certainly should try to fulfil the letter of the law by
either listening carefully on Shabbat and Yom Tov to the blessings on the Torah
and Haftorah as well as the repetition of Shmone Esre[48], or
eat a few snacks which contain foods that require different blessings[49].


[1] It is however
mentioned in the Zohar 3:256b.
[2] Megilah 29. It
was already linked to their general dividing many of the sentences into much
smaller verses (Kidushin 30a).We may actually have this preserved in Devarim
Rabbah where each new chapter starts with: Halacha, Adam MeYisrael and we have
21 such beginnings instead of 10 or 11 for parshiyot of Sefer Devarim. 
[3] See Hiluke
Minhagim between Eretz Yisrael and Babel.
[4] Although they
would presumably make the “siyum” and celebrate when they did indeed finish the
Torah (see Kohelet Rabbah 1:1).
[5] See Levush, 669
who gives a somewhat strange explanation that the reason we don’t finish the
cycle of Torah reading by Rosh Hashanah is to “deceive the Satan”.
[6] GR”A to Sifra
Detzniuta, see also a similar idea in TB Rosh Hashanah 8b.
[7] Shaare Zohar,
Megilah 30b, Nitzutze Zohar 1:104b, 3rd note.
[8] He seems to
claim this for Eretz Yisrael but it seems more reasonable to say this is true
regarding Babel.
[9] Berachot 8b.
[10] Indeed for us
the halacha is that someone who didn’t read the parsha on time, should finish it
before Simchat Torah.
[11] See for example
Tikune Zohar, 13th Tikun, GR”A there.
[12] Indeed at the
end of these two parshiyot we have one Masoretic note that counts all their
verses together – 70, rather than 30 verses for Nitzavim and 40 for Vayelech as
is usual for other parshiyot that are sometimes joined. Regarding their
splitting see also Tosafot, Megilah, 31b and Magen Avraham, 228.
[13] According to
this on certain years, when there was no Shabbat between Yom Kippur and Sukkot,
two other parshas were joined.
[14] See Sefer
Hamanhig, Sukka.
[15] See also Rashi,
Megilah 31a that Shlomo sent away the people on the eight day and this is why
the Haftorah for Shmini Atzeret was taken from this chapter.
[16] See also Rosh
and Tur that claim our custom is based on Yerushlami, but this is found not in
our Yerushalmi.
[17] Note that one
can’t bring any proof for this from the fact that the Talmud (Megilah 30a) does
not mention that on Simchat Torah 3 Sifrey Torah are taken out as it mentions
regarding Hanukkah that falls on Shabbat and Rosh Chodesh, and regarding Rosh
Chodesh Adar that falls on Shabbat. Aside from being an argument from silence,
the custom to read a passage regarding the mussaf sacrifice from Parshat
Pinchas is not of Talmudic, but of Gaonic origin (see Bet Yosef, 488). So we
would at most expect there to be two Torah Scrolls on the second day of Shmini
Atzeret, but if our argument is correct, they read only from one scroll.
[18] Talmud,
Menachot 43b. There are some sources that seem to attribute this law to King
David (Bemidbar Rabbah 18:21).
[19] Orach Chaim
46:4.
[20] On a typical
weekday one pronounces 100 brachot anyway due to large number of blessings in 3
Shmone Esre prayers (3*19=-57). However on Shabbat and Yom Tov the 4 Amidahs
with 7 blessings each make only 28 blessings, and the only way to make 100
blessings is by eating fruits and snacks and smelling fragrances throughout the
day.
[21] Even though we
pray five Amidahs on Yom Kipur, each has only 7 blessings and since there are
no meals throughout the day we can only compensate the missing brachot by
smelling various fragrances and making blessings on them.
[22] See Tshuvot
Vehanhagot 4:153.  Others say one should
still try to maximize the number of blessings even if you can’t reach 100 (R.
Haim Kanevsky quoted in Dirshu edition on Mishna Berura, 46).
[23] Shevet Halevi
5:23, Tshuvot Vehanhagot 2:129. However R. Ovadia Yosef (Halichot Olam,
Vayeshev) obligates women in making 100 blessings.
[24] See Orach Chaim
284:3.
[25] See Machzor
Vitri,1; Sidur Rashi,1; Rokach; Kol Bo, 37.
[26] See Sefer
Hamanhig, Dinei Tefillah (page 31) ולפי דעתי אין שורש וענף
לזה המנהג.
[27] The GR”A explains
that the statement in the Talmud (Shabbat 155b): “there is no one poorer than a
dog or richer than a pig” hints to two prohibitions: eating pork and speaking
lashon hara (evil speech). While every Jew is careful about the former (this
mitzvah is “rich”), very few people fully keep the latter (and this mitzvah is “poor”).
[28] Some mitzvot
are just very difficult to keep, like the obligation for every man to write his
own Sefer Torah.
[29] The five main
grains that took root after Passover are forbidden to be eaten until the day
after next Pesach and are called “chadash” – new [crop]. The grain from the
old, permitted crop is called “yashan” – old. Some poskim hold that the
prohibition does not apply outside the land of Israel, but the GR”A thought
these laws are applicable everywhere.
[30] See the GR”A
Yore Deah 293:2 אלא שנמשך ההיתר שהיו זורעין קורם הפסח.
[31] Similarly the
Chofetz Chaim says the reason most people ignore the prohibition against evil
speech is also because their parents did not stop them from speaking Lashon
Hara from childhood (Haga in the end of his 9th chapter of Chofetz
Chaim).
[32] I brought an
example of this in an article about mezuza, where it seems there used to be an
opinion followed that a house with more than one entrance only requires one mezuza.
[33] It is
interesting that according to the Manhig (quoted above) ונראין
הדברי’ שאחר שיסדן משה רבינו ע”ה שכחום וחזר דוד ויסדם לפי שהיו מתי’ ק’ בכל יום Moshe first instituted this law and it was
later “forgotten” and reinstituted by David. I am not sure how it’s possible
that this law would ever be “forgotten”.
[34] I am quoting
Soncino’s translation.
[35] There are a few
different interpretations regarding how this verse hints to 100 blessings, see
Rashi and Tosafot.
[36] See Hida,
Machazik Beracha to Orach Chaim 290.
[37] See similar
logic in Tosafot Baba Metzia 23b that we don’t pasken like Rav that meat that
was not watched becomes forbidden since the Gemora asks: “how does Rav ever eat
meat” and does not ask: “how do we eat meat”. See also Rosh, Pesachim 2:26 that
only one sage was careful to start the “Shmira” of matza so early, and
therefore the halacha for us does not follow him (Yabia Omer 8:22:24).
[38] See for example
Ritva, Megillah 28a, see also Ran on the Rif, end of first perek of Avoda Zara.
[39] See Bet Yosef,
Yore Deah 114 in the name of Torat Habayit.
[40] It’s also
possible R. Meir’s statement is in realm of agada rather than halacha.
[41] That’s 7
blessings.
[42] If he eats 2
meals a day and makes Birkat Hamazon with a cup of wine, he will make 2+4+2
blessings during each meal, i.e. 16 blessings a day.
[43] 57 blessings.
[44] The blessings
on tefillin and tzitzit make 2 or 3 blessings, blessing on the washing hands
and two or three blessing on the Torah add another 5-7 blessings. Altogether we
get 7+16+57+5/7=85/87 blessings. If we add all the morning blessings we will
get more than 100.
[45] Commentary to
R. Saadia’s Sefer Hamitzvot (Aseh 2).
[46] This is the
Girsa of Tur and some other Rishonim.
[47] See R. Perlow
on Sefer Hamitzvot quoted above.
[48] At any rate one
should listen carefully and if there is a small minyan, when people don’t pay
attention to the blessings on the Torah or to the repetition of Shmone Esre,
they cause a “bracha levatala”.
[49] For example an
apple, some watermelon, a piece of chocolate and some cake will add 4 blessings
before and 2 after.



German Orthodoxy, Hakirah, and More

German Orthodoxy, Hakirah, and More
Marc B. Shapiro
1. I recently published a translation of Hirsch’s famous lecture on Schiller. You can see it here.
At first I thought that this lecture remained untranslated into English for so long because of ideological concerns. (I still think that this is the reason it was never translated into Hebrew.) Yet before the article appeared, I was informed that the reason it did not appear in the English translation of the Collected Writings of Hirsch was not due to ideological censorship, but censorship of a different sort (see the article, note 2). I will let readers decide if this was a smart choice or not. I plan on publishing another translation from Hirsch which has also never appeared in English or Hebrew, and which many people will regard as not “religiously correct” for the twenty-first century.
With regard to the Schiller lecture, I thank Elan Rieser who called my attention to the following: Hirsch quoted Schiller as saying about a plant, “What it [the plant] unwittingly is, be thou of thine own free will.” It so happens that this very thought also appears in the Nineteen Letters, Elias translation, p. 56: “The law to which all forces submit instinctively and involuntarily—to this law you, too, are to subordinate yourself, but consciously and of your own free will.” This shows that even in his earliest work, Hirsch was influenced by Schiller.
While on the topic of non-Jewish writers influencing German rabbis, here is another example which might lead some to wonder if we have crossed the line from influence into plagiarism. (I do not think so, as I will explain.) Rabbi Marcus Lehmann (1831-1890) was a well-known German Orthodox rabbi. He served as rabbi of Mainz and was founder and editor of the Orthodox newspaper Der Israelit. Apart from his scholarly endeavors, he published a series of children’s books, and is best known for that. These were very important as they gave young Orthodox Jews a literature that reflected traditional Jewish values and did not have the Christian themes and references common in secular literature. Yet despite their value for the German Orthodox, R. Israel Salanter was upset when one of Lehmann’s stories (Süss Oppenheimer) was translated into Hebrew and published in the Orthodox paper Ha-Levanon. Although R. Israel recognized that Lehmann’s intentions were pure and that his writings could be of great service to the German Orthodox, it was improper for the East European youth to read Lehmann’s story because there were elements of romantic love in it. This is reported by R. Isaac Jacob Reines, Shnei ha-MeorotMa’amar Zikaron ba-Sefer, part 1, p. 46. Here is the relevant passage:
והנה ברור הדבר בעיני כי הרה”צ רמ”ל כיון בהספור הזה לש”ש, ויכול היות כי יפעל מה בספורו זה על האשכנזים בכ”ז לא נאה לפני רב ממדינתינו להעתיק ספור כזה שסוף סוף יש בו מענייני אהבה.
This passage is followed by another, which was made famous by R. Jehiel Jacob Weinberg in Seridei Esh, vol. 2 no. 8. This is Weinberg’s well-known responsum on co-ed groups. He describes how R. Israel Salanter visited R. Esriel Hildesheimer and saw him giving a shiur in Tanakh and Shulhan Arukh before young women. R. Israel commented that if a rabbi from Lithuania would institute such a practice in his community they would throw him out of his position, and rightfully so. Yet he only hoped that he would be worthy enough to share a place in the World to Come with Hildesheimer: הלואי שיהי’ חלקי בג”ע עם הגה”צ ר”ע הילדסהיימר.
Weinberg doesn’t say where he learnt of this story, but it comes from Reines, who heard it directly from R. Israel Salanter. Yet Weinberg’s recollection was not exact. Before World War II, Weinberg had access to Shnei ha-Meorot, and he refers to it in his essay on Reines (Seridei Esh, vol. 4, p. 355, originally published before the War). After the War he no longer had access to this book, and thus was not able to check R. Israel Salanter’s exact words. Although, based on Weinberg, people often repeat Salanter’s comment that he hopes for a share of the World to Come together with Hildesheimer, he never actually said this. Here are his words, as recorded by the only witness, Reines, and I hope that from now on the great R. Israel Salanter will be quoted accurately. (The passage in the parenthesis is a comment from Reines himself.)
הלכתי לבקר גם את ביה”ס אשר לבנות, ששמעתי שגם שם מגיד הרה”ג הנ”ל [הילדסהיימר] איזה שעור, ומצאתי שבחדר גדול ורחב ידים עומד באמצע שולחן גדול וסביב השולחן יושבות נערות גדולות, והרה”ג הנ”ל בראש השלחן מגיד לפניהם שעור בשו”ע (הוא אמר לי אז גם באיזה הלכה שאמר להם אבל שכחתי) והוסיף לומר בזה”ל “ברור הדבר בעיני כי כוונת הרב היא לש”ש, וגם נעלה הדבר בעיני מכל ספק, כי כל התלמידות האלה השומעות לקח מפיו תהיינה לנשים כשירות, תמלאנה כל המצות שהנשים חייבות בהן, תחנכנה ילדיהן על דרכי התורה והאמונה, באופן שיש לומר בוודאות גמורה ומוחלטת כי הרה”ג הנ”ל עושה בזה דבר גדול באין ערוך, בכ”ז ינסה נא רב במדינתינו לעשות ב”ס כזה, הלא יקראו אחריו מלא ומן גיוו יגרשוהו; ואין ספק כי יהי’ מוכרח לנער את חצני’ מן הרבנות כי לא תהלמו עוד”, כל הדברים האלה דבר הרה”ג הצדיק הנ”ל בהתרגשות מיוחדה והתלהבות יתירה
Returning to Lehmann, one of his short stories is titled Ithamar. Eliezer Abrahamson called my attention to the fact that chapter 17 tells the same story as is found in Lew Wallace’s classic American novel, Ben-Hur, Book 3, chs. 2-3. I prefer to call this “borrowing”, rather than plagiarism, since Ben-Hur was a worldwide sensation and Lehmann was not trying to hide his borrowing. At that time, any adult reading Lehmann’s book would know what he was basing the chapter on, and that he was providing a Jewish version of certain episodes. In fact, the name of the main character of Lehmann’s book, Ithamar (not a very common name), is also the name of the father of the main character of Ben-Hur (Judah ben Ithamar ben Hur). By naming his character Ithamar, Lehmann was signaling his debt to Wallace.[1]
Regarding Lehmann’s stories, in the 1990s they also appeared in a censored haredi version. Ha-Modia actually published an article attacking this “reworking”. Here it is, followed by the response. (You can right-click to open larger images, or download it as a pdf here.)

I found these on my computer and don’t remember anymore how I got them (and unfortunately, there is no date visible on the articles). Click them to enlarge.

2. Not too long ago Hakirah 13 (2012) appeared, and as with the previous issues, it is a great collection of articles. The other Orthodox journals have to ask themselves why Hakirah has been so successful in overshadowing them. I think the answer is obvious. Hakirah is not afraid to take risks in what they publish. They don’t mind rocking the boat a bit, and dealing with controversial matters. I want to respond to two articles in the issue. The first is R. Elazar Muskin’s piece in which he discusses a 1954 Yom ha-Atzmaut event in Cleveland, which featured R. Elijah Meir Bloch, the Rosh Yeshiva of the Telz yeshiva. From the article one sees that Bloch had a positive attitude towards the State of Israel. Before reading further, I suggest people look over Muskin’s article again, so you can best appreciate that which will follow. You can find the article here.
Muskin notes that Bloch’s letter justifying his appearance at the Yom ha-Atzmaut event was published in R. Joseph Epstein’s 1969 book Mitzvot ha-Shalom. Although there have been many books that express a positive, or tolerant, view towards Zionism, anti-Zionist extremists chose to focus on this volume. Muskin quotes Gerald Parkoff who wrote as follows in a letter published in the Torah u-Madda Journal 9 (2000), p. 279:

When the first edition of the Mizvot ha-Shalom was published, the unsold inventory, which represented most of the extant copies, was kept in Rabbi Epstein’s garage. As it turned out, the sefer came to the attention of some misguided people[2] who were particularly upset with Rabbi Epstein’s association of Rabbi Eliyahu Meir Bloch with Yom ha-Azmaut. They proceeded to burn the first edition of Mizvot ha-Shalom in Rabbi Epstein’s garage. Subsequently, the perpetrators of this dastardly act were found and brought to a Satmar Bet Din. Financial restitution was then made to Rabbi Epstein.

As Parkoff notes, when the next edition of the work was published, Epstein took out Bloch’s letter, so as not to have another confrontation with the extremists. Yet something doesn’t make sense. Why would Satmar (or Satmar-like) extremists care about a letter from Bloch in Epstein’s book? What does this have to do with them? The extremists certainly had no interest in defending the honor of an Agudist whose ideology is rejected by them just as they reject the Mizrachi position. So why would they care about Epstein’s book at all?
If you compare the first edition of Mitzvot ha-Shalom to the second edition, the answer is, I think, obvious, and it has nothing to do with the Bloch letter. Pages 605-624 from the first edition are omitted in the second edition. The first few pages of this is Bloch’s letter, but beginning on p. 612 there is a section titled “Al ha-Geulah ve-al ha-Teshuvah.” This section is a rejection of R. Joel Teitelbaum’s views (in which, by the way, Epstein refers to the writings of R. Zvi Hirsch Kalischer, R. Yissachar Shlomo Teichtal, and R. Menachem M. Kasher). The very title of the section is an allusion to the Satmar Rav’s book, Al ha-Geulah ve-al ha-Temurah. While Epstein’s views are expressed respectfully, it is easy to see why the extremists would have gone after him, as a means of upholding the honor of their Rebbe. They presumably also saw the following passage, p. 611, as directed against the Satmar Rav, and even if it wasn’t directed against him personally, it is certainly directed against his followers.
אמנם השטן מרקד בין תלמידי חכמים על תלמי הפירוד והפילוג בישראל להטיל קטטיגוריא ביניהם, עד כדי השמצת שמות אהלי תורה ויראה, ועד כדי הורדת כבוד גדולים ארצה בכתבי פלסתר והוצאת דיבה, ללא חשש הלבנת פנים, וחטא מבזה תלמיד חכם, ונמצאים נכשלים בחטאים יותר חמורים מאלה שבאו לצעוק עליהם.
On p. 615 he writes as follows (even referring to the Satmar Rav’s views as “has ve-shalom”):
עיני גדולי וצדיקי הדור רואים נסים ונפלאות (ראה לעיל מבוא, מ”מ 32) – קול דודי דופק – אם אתחלתא דגאולה, אם רק פקידה, אם רק רמז רמיזה “מן החרכים” מאבינו שבשמים לריצוי, לפיוס – בהדי כבשי דרחמנא למה לן – איתערותא דלעילא הקוראת לאיתערותא דלתתא – וכי כל זה אך אור מתעה הוא חו”ש? (ראה “על הגאולה ועל התמורה עמ’ כ’ . . . )

I found a relevant “open letter” in the R. Leo Jung archives, File 2/1, at Yeshiva University. I thank the Yeshiva University Archives for permission to reproduce the letter here.

From this letter we see again that the issue had nothing to do with Bloch. Yet since there were other people attacking the Satmar Rav’s views during this time, I still think we need an explanation as to why these crazies decided to focus on Epstein. From the “open letter” it would appear that this was just another way to attack R. Moshe Feinstein, who wrote a haskamah for Epstein. In the “open letter” it states that if R. Moshe does not retract his haskamah then those behind the letter will take action. This action no doubt includes the burning of Epstein’s sefer.[3]

Here is how these wicked people expressed themselves, sounding just like mobsters:
משה’לע תדע שזה היא האזהרה האחרונה שאם לא תתחרט ברבים על ההסכמה שכתבת להספר הנ”ל לא נבוא עוד בכתב רק בידים נעשה מעשים נבהלים שתסמר שערות ראשך שתבוש להראות פרצופך הטמא.
Regarding R. Elijah Meir Bloch, he was a real Agudist, even serving on the U.S. Moetzet Gedolei ha-Torah. Yet his positive view of the establishment of the State of Israel is not unexpected. I say this because his father, R. Joseph Leib Bloch, Rosh Yeshiva of Telz and also rav of the city – the combination of rosh yeshiva and city rav was not so common [4] – appeared to be inclined to a type of Religious Zionism. Here is his letter to R. Zvi Yehudah Kook, published in the latter’s Li-Netivot Yisrael (Beit El, 2001), vol. 1.

 

I realize that R. Joseph Leib Bloch is usually portrayed as a strong anti-Zionist. This needs further investigation, but it could be that his opposition was only against secular Zionism and what he regarded as the Mizrachi’s compromises with the secular Zionists. From his letter, we see that he had a much different view of R. Kook’s Degel Yerushalayim.[5]
The letter above that of R. Joseph Leib Bloch is from R. Avraham Shapiro, the Kovno Rav, who unlike many other Lithuanian gedolim was a real opponent of Agudat Israel. (Another noteworthy opponent was R. Moses Soloveitchik.) Here is R. Shapiro’s picture.

R. Shapiro also was a supporter of Religious Zionism and a great admirer of R. Kook. Unfortunately, we don’t yet have a biography of his life. Those who want to know a little more about his attitude towards Zionism can see his 1919 letter to R. Kook in Iggerot la-Re’iyah, no. 94. Here he writes as follows:

החלטנו שבהמעשים הפוליטיים להשגת חפצנו באה”ק, כלומר העבודה לפני אסיפת השלו’, נלך ביחד עם הציונים שלא בהתפוררות כבאי כח מפלגה ומפלגה, כי אם כבאי כח כל העם העברים בסתם. למטרה זו נבחרה קומיסיה פוליטית לבוא בדברים עם הציונים, וכבר נעשה הצעדים הדרושים לזה. מקוה אני שתמצא הדרך להתאחדות הפעולות.
We see very clearly from this letter that the Kovno Rav supported working with the non-Orthodox Zionists in order to achieve the Zionist objective, which became a real possibility after the defeat of the Ottoman Empire in World War 1.
In a 1921 letter to R. Zvi Yehudah Kook, Iggerot la-Re’iyah, p. 557, the Kovno Rav refers to the Agudah paper Ha-Derekh in a mocking tone: כפי שראיתי מ”הדרך” לא-דרך. In this letter he tells R. Zvi Yehudah that it is important for the Orthodox in Palestine to be involved in the political process that was set up by the British Mandatory authorities. Yet instead of doing that, he claims that the Orthodox have turned a large portion of the women against them, alluding towards the Eretz Yisrael rabbis’ ruling forbidding women’s suffrage, a ruling which R. Avraham Yitzhak Kook was at the forefront of. Look at these words and remember that the one writing them was one of the greatest poskim of his time, the great rav of Kovno, not some minor Mizrachi figure:
האומנם חושבים הם את השתתפות הנשים לאיסור גמור המפורש בתורה שאין אומרים בו מוטב יהיו שוגגים כו’? לדעתי הסכילו עשה.
This opposition to women voting in Israeli elections has disappeared from the haredi world, for obvious political reasons. Yet examination of haredi writings leads to the conclusion that female suffrage is only a hora’at sha’ah, and that if the haredim ever became a majority the right to vote would be removed from women. But I think that this is more theory than reality, as I can’t imagine that even a haredi society would take this step as the backlash from women would be quite significant. As for the followers of R. Kook, do they also think that female suffrage is hora’at sha’ah and hope for a day when the vote will be taken away from women, for all the reasons R. Kook offered? Based on a recent statement by R. Aviner, it appears that for some of them the answer to this question is yes.
The Kovno Rav ends his letter to R. Zvi Yehudah with these strong words against Agudat Israel:
כנראה אסע אי”ה בקרוב בשביל צרכי צבור ללונדון. כמובן לא בשביל אגודת-ישראל. כנראה אחר כ’ את האספה בפ”ב. מה דעתו עליה? אנכי בכוונה לא נטלתי חלק בה, לפי שכל מעשיהם עד עכשיו אינם רצוים בעיני ואינם בדרך האמת. הדו”ח של רוזנהיים לא הי’ אמת. הקומיסא הפוליטית איננה יודעת מאום מאשר עשו ולכה”פ אנכי איני מסכים על כל דרכיהם שהזיקו רק להאורטודקכסיא ולא לאחרים. אני אומר זאת לכל מפורש מבלי התחבא בהשקפתי.
I mention the Kovno Rav’s opposition to Agudat Yisrael not only for its historical significance, but also because it brings us back to a time when Agudat Israel actually did something other than put on a big Daf Yomi celebration every seven years.[6] There was a time when Agudat Israel tried to accomplish great things, so there was reason to oppose it by those who thought that it was moving in the wrong direction. Today, however, what is Agudat Israel? There was a time when it was a movement, and today it is a lobbying organization, pure and simple, and without much influence at that. I guess that’s what happens when you don’t even have a website or a journal. You sink into oblivion, only to be remembered in another seven years at the next Siyum ha-Shas.
In a 1931 letter to R. Kook, Iggerot la-Re’iyah, no. 273, the Kovno Rav asks R. Kook if he agrees with him that a world congress of rabbis should be convened – אספת רבנים עולמית . I mention this only because in later years it became almost an article of faith in the haredi world that such rabbinic gatherings were absolutely forbidden. The fear was that the gatherings would make decisions at odds with the haredi Daas Torah. The only way to make sure that their followers would not attend these gatherings, where they might actually hear different viewpoints, was for the haredi leaders to ban these gatherings.[7] This is as good an example of any of how the haredi leadership uses its rabbinic “muscle” for political goals. If someone were to ask on what basis can one state that it is forbidden for rabbis with different viewpoints to gather to discuss issues, the answer is obviously not going to be that the Talmud or Shulhan Arukh says it is forbidden. It is forbidden because the gedolim say it is forbidden, i.e., Daas Torah.
R. Jehiel Jacob Weinberg writes as follows about the Kovno Rav (Kitvei ha-Rav Weinberg, vol. 2, p. 234):
ועלי להעיר כי הגאון דקאוונא שליט”א הוא אחד מגדולי הדור בזמננו, אחד המוחות היותר טובים שבתוכנו. ואעפ”י שאנשים ידועים משתדלים להשפילו ולהמעיט את ערכו, מ”מ אי אפשר להחשיך את אור תורתו וחכמתו.
What does Weinberg mean when he speaks of those who oppose the Kovno Rav and try to minimize his importance? Who are these people and what led them to this judgment of the great Kovno Rav? Let me thicken the plot. The late R. Tovia Lasdun wrote to me as follows: “Kovner Rav was a great person, but his views did not always meet the views of the Orthodoxy [!]”[8] By “Orthodoxy” he meant Lithuanian yeshiva world Orthodoxy. From what we have seen already, namely, his anti-Agudah stand and the other points I noted, one can begin to understand why there would be opposition to the Kovno Rav from yeshiva circles.

R. Jeffrey Woolf recorded the following story about the Kovno Rav. He heard it from an eyewitness and it is very illuminating.[9]

The pre-war Jewish community of Kovno (Kaunas, today) Lithuania was divided into different components, divided by the Neris River. On the one side was the general community, which was made up of every type of contemporary Jewish religious and cultural population. Indeed, the community was a bit notorious for a lackadaisical form of religiosity. On the other side of the Williampol bridge, was the famous Slabodka Yeshiva, a flagship of the Mussar Movement. As might be expected, relations between the two sectors were often tense. There was a saying attributed to the Alter of Slabodka, R. Nosson Zvi Finkel זצ”ל, that the bridge from Kovno to Slabodko only went one way.

Coping with the myriad of challenges, modernization and secularization in Kovno was its illustrious rabbi, R. Avraham Dov-Bear Kahana-Shapira זצוק”ל, author of the classic collection of responsa and Talmudic essays דבר אברהם, and known more popularly as the ‘Kovner Rov.’ One central concern of his was the alienation of young Kovner Jews from the synagogue. Thus, when the administration of the Choral Synagogue came to him with an intriguing approach to the problem, he jumped at it.

The idea was to have the synagogue’s cantor, the internationally renowned tenor Misha Alexandrovich, offer public concerts that would feature classical חזנות alongside renditions of serene Italian bel canto compositions. The hope was that this type of cultural evening would draw modernizing young Jewish men and women to the synagogue, where they would socialize and (perhaps) find mates. 

The first concert was a smashing success and more were planned. Everyone was thrilled, except for the heads of the Slabodka Yeshiva. They turned angrily to the Kovner Rov and demanded that he intervene to stop the concerts. They were indecent, the Rashe Yeshiva objected. The led to fraternization between men and women, and in the synagogue. Worse still, they might corrupt yeshiva students.

The Kovner Rav listened quietly, and then firmly rejected the Yeshiva’s objection. “You are responsible only for your yeshiva,” he asserted. “I am responsible for the spiritual welfare of all of the Jews of Kovno.” The concerts, he declared, would continue.

Returning to R. Elijah Meir Bloch, there is another relevant source and that is found in Chaim Bloch’s Dovev Siftei Yeshenim. (There was no familial relationship between the two Blochs.) As we have discussed numerous times, one can’t believe anything that Bloch wrote, and all of the letters of gedolim he published must be assumed to be forgeries. However, this only applies to the letters he published of deceased individuals, but the letters he published of living figures are indeed authentic. In vol. 1 (1959), p. 392, he published a letter he received in December 1944 from Jacob Rosenheim, the president of World Agudat Israel, then living in New York. Chaim Bloch had written to him asking on what basis the Agudah was now supporting the establishment of a Jewish state. Rosenheim replied that this policy was based on the decision of the “gedolei ha-Torah.” He also mentioned that this support was dependent on two important points. (1) The State had to be run according to Torah, and (2) that the new State would be accepted peacefully by the Arabs. He states that if the Arabs and the world governments agree to the establishment of the State, then there is no prohibition of שלא ימרדו באומות. He also adds that there is no prohibition to establish a state without a Temple, i.e., a State before the coming of the Messiah.
Chaim Bloch strongly rejects Rosenheim’s words, and declares that based upon what Rosenheim writes, there is now no difference between the Agudah and the Mizrachi. This was exactly the claim of the Edah Haredit in Jerusalem, and eventually it and the Agudah would go their separate ways.
The end of Rosenheim’s letter is of interest to us, because after stating that he personally doesn’t believe that in the current (end of 1944) circumstances there is any chance of a Torah state, he adds that R. Eliezer Silver and R. Elijah Meir Bloch do think such a Torah state is possible. I don’t know what this says about the political acumen of Silver[10] and R. Elijah Meir Bloch, but it shows that R. Bloch had a very optimistic view of the religious development of the future State.
Rosenheim concludes his letter by stating that, unlike Silver and R. Elijah Meir Bloch, “we” (by which he must mean the rest of the Agudah leadership) regard the creation of a State as a real catastrophe. Rosenheim and the others assumed (correctly) that the non-religious would be the majority and that this would create a very difficult circumstance for Orthodox Jews. Their preference was that the land remain under British control, with religious freedom given to all. Rosenheim’s comments today appear surprising, but we must remember that from the perspective of most Agudists, nothing was worse than having a secular “Hebrew State”. Many of them assumed that Zionist control of the Land of Israel would lead to anti-religious measures (which turned out to be correct in some instances). Others might even have believed that the Zionists were to be suspected of wanting to kill the Orthodox![11]
Regarding R. Elijah Meir Bloch, let me call attention to one more interesting source. In the volume Yahadut Lita, vol. 2, pp. 234-235, Bloch contributed an article on Agudat Israel, in which, as mentioned, he was very involved. In this article he says the following, which fits in very well with what we learn from Muskin’s essay (I have added the emphasis).
“אגודת ישראל” בליטא, כמו מרכז “יבנה”, התענינו גם בהפצת הדיבור העברית והשתמשו בטקסיהם בדגל הכחול-לבן, שכן סיסמתה של ה”אגודה” בליטא היתה ללחום רק נגד הדברים שהם בניגוד להשקפתה, אבל לא נגד דברים נכונים כשלעצמם, אף שאחרים דוגלים בהם בדרך מנוגדת להשקפת העולם החרדית. סיסמתנו היתה שכל דבר טוב שייך לנו, אף שאחרים הרימוהו על נס, ונקבל את האמת ממי שאמרו. אדרבה, בזה יכולנו לרכוש את דעת-הקהל לצדנו בהיות מאבקנו רק נגד הדברים שהם בניגוד למסורת.
As Bloch says, the approach of the Lithuanian Agudah was not to oppose something just because it was supported by the non-Orthodox. Just because the non-Orthodox spoke in Hebrew in their schools and used the blue and white flag didn’t mean that the Orthodox had to avoid these things. (I have to admit that for Agudah members to use the blue and white flag strikes me as very strange, as from its beginning this was a Zionist flag, not a flag for the Jewish people as a whole.)
In his article, Bloch describes how in the 1930s two hundred Agudah halutzim went on aliyah, after hakhsharah at Tzeirei Agudah kibbutzim in Lithuania. Sounding very Zionistic, he notes that among them were those who took part in defense of the yishuv against Arab attacks: ופעלו במסירות למען בנין הארץ.[12]
* * * *
In a previous post I asked two quiz questions. No one was able to answer no. 1, which means that the prize will remain for the winner of a future quiz. These were the questions.
1. Tell me the only place in the Shulhan Arukh where R. Joseph Karo mentions a kabbalistic concept? I am referring to an actual concept e.g., Adam Kadmon, Ein Sof, etc.
2. If more than one person answers the above question correctly, the one who answers the following (not related to seforim) will win: Which is the only United States embassy that has a kosher kitchen?
Nachum Lamm and Ari Zivotofsky both got the answer right for no. 2. The embassy is in Prague and the ambassador is Norman L. Eisen. I had the pleasure of davening with him every morning on my trip to Prague last summer. You can read about him here.
Now let’s turn to the question no. 1. The first thing to note is that there are many halakhot in the Shulhan Arukh. If R. Joseph Karo was a mystic, as in the title of Werblowsky’s book on him,[13] one would expect to see evidence of this in the Shulhan Arukh, and also in the Beit Yosef. Yet we don’t have this, and references to the Zohar and even basing halakhot on the Zohar have nothing to do with whether one should be thought of as a mystic. By the 16th century the Zohar was a canonical text, so referring to it says nothing about whether one is a mystic, neither then nor today.
However, we know that R. Joseph Karo was a mystic because of his book Magid Meisharim, which recounts his visions of a heavenly figure, who taught him over many decades.[14] Interestingly, R. Leopold Greenwald denied that Karo wrote this book. He attributes it to an anonymous לץ.[15] This reminds me of something I noted in an earlier post. See here where I mention how Abraham Samuel Judah Gestetner denies that R. Jacob Emden wrote Megilat Sefer, his autobiography. Gestetner claims that it could only have been written by a degenerate maskil! (There is no doubt whatsoever that Emden wrote the work.)
Despite the fact that the Shulhan Arukh does not generally mention kabbalistic ideas, there is one place, and only one place, where he indeed does so. It is in Orah Hayyim 24:5, where he states that the two tzitzit in front have ten knots, which is an allusion to the ten Sefirot:
כשמסתכל בציצית מסתכל בשני ציציות שלפניו שיש בהם עשרה קשרים רמז להויות

* * *

I am happy to report that this summer, God willing, I will once again be leading Jewish history-focused tours to Central Europe and Italy. (A trip to Spain is being planned, but will not be ready by the summer.) For information about the trip to Central Europe, please see here.
Complete information about the Italy trip will will soon be available on the Torah in Motion website.

To be continued

[1] With regard to Ben-Hur, there are at least eight different Hebrew translations, and they all censor Christian themes in the novel. See Nitsa Ben-Ari, “The Double Conversion of Ben-Hur: A Case of Manipulative Translation,” Target 12 (2002), pp. 263-302.
[2] Why such lashon nekiyah? I can think of many more appropriate ways to refer to such criminals.
[3] In the introduction to Iggerot Moshe, vol. 8, p. 27 (written by the sons and son-in-law), it states that some Satmar hasidim would come to R. Moshe for advice and to receive blessings. But on p. 26 it also records as follows:
בגלל עמדת האגודה לגבי ארץ ישראל וההתנגדות החריפה של חסידות סטאמר לעמדה זו, הוחלט אצלם לתקוף את רבנו ופסקיו (כך ספרו לרבנו אנשי נטורי קרתא בירושלים כאשר היה שם בשנת תשכ”ד). כמטרה להתקפה זו נבחרו תשובותיו בעניין הזרעה מלאכותית ושיעור מחיצה של עזרת נשים. מחלוקת זו שלא היתה לאמיתה של תורה גרמה לרבנו עגמת נפש מרובה. התקפות אלה לא היו רק באמצעות מאמרים ותשובות, אלא גם בהתקפות אישיות חירופים וגידופים, מעשי אלימות, איומי פצצות, הטרדות טלפוניות ושריפת ספריו.
[4] His father-in-law, R. Eliezer Gordon, also held both positions, as did his son, R. Avraham Yitzhak Bloch (who was martyred in the Holocaust). Although in the U.S. the Telz yeshiva adopted a very anti-secular studies perspective, this was not the case in Europe. R. Joseph Leib Bloch was very involved with the Yavneh day school system in Lithuania, which incorporated secular studies (and also Tanakh), and in the context of Eastern Europe can be regarded as a form of Modern Orthodox education. It is also significant that in Yavneh schools Hebrew was the language of instruction for all subjects. The preparatory school (mekhinah) of the Telz yeshiva also contained secular studies (which the government insisted on if students wanted to be exempted from the draft).
The graduates of Yavneh attended universities, in particular the University of Kovno, and they had an Orthodox student group named Moriah. By the 1930s, Lithuania had begun to produce an academically trained Orthodox population. Had the Holocaust not intervened, much of Lithuanian Orthodoxy would have come to resemble German Orthodoxy. This is important to realize since people often assume that Bnei Brak and Lakewood are the only authentic continuation of Lithuania, when nothing could be further from the truth. What R. Ruderman attempted to establish in Baltimore was, speaking historically, the true successor of the pre-War Lithuanian Orthodox society’s dominant ethos. (I am speaking of Orthodox society as a whole, not the very small yeshiva population.)
In speaking of R. Joseph Leib Bloch, Dr. Yitzhak Raphael ha-Halevi Etzion, the head of the Yavneh Teacher’s Institute in Telz, writes as follows:
בדברי על הגימנסיה העברית לבנות “יבנה” בטאלז ובהזכרי על החינוך בעיר בכלל אינני יכול שלא להזכיר את דמותו המופלאה והדגולה של הרב ר’ יוסף ליב בלוך זצ”ל, רבה של טאלז וראש ישיבתה. אחד הרבנים הגדולים והקנאים ביותר של ליטא – היה הראשון שהבין את הנחיצות של חינוך עברי דתי-מודרני לבנות ולבנים.
See “Ha-Zerem ha-Hinukhi ‘Yavneh’ be-Lita,” Yahadut Lita, vol. 2, pp. 160-165.
R. Shlomo Carlebach wrote as follows, after describing the creation of the Kovno Gymnasium, a Torah im Derekh Eretz school established by R. Joseph Zvi Carlebach (Ish Yehudi: The Life and the Legacy of a Torah Great, Rav Joseph Tzvi Carlebach (Brooklyn, 2008), pp. 74, 76):

The Kovno Gymnasium left a deep impression upon the Lithuanian Torah leaders, who could not help but notice the enthusiastic response to the Torah im Derech Eretz educational approach on the part of students and parents. They realized that this approach caused no compromise in Yirat Shamayim. The enormous upheaval in the political and social structure of Jewish society throughout the land, in the aftermath of war, threatened the stability and loyalty of Jewish youth. Under those circumstances, these Torah leaders felt an urgent need to introduce a similar educational program, on a broad scale, by reorganizing existing schools and establishing new ones, where subjects in Derech Eretz would be taught alongside Limuday Kodesh.

At the behest of the Telzer Rav, Rav Joseph Leib Bloch, a world-renowned gaon and Rosh Yeshivah of the equally renowned Telzer Yeshivah, Dr. [Leo] Deutschlaender, director and guiding spirit of the Keren Hatorah Central Office in Vienna, was summoned to Kovno to organize, in consultation with the Rav [Joseph Zvi Carlebach] such an educational system, to be called Yavneh. . . . At its conclusion, he published a summary of the “Yavneh educational project” in the “Israelit”. He reported that separate teachers’ seminaries for men and women had been established in Kovno, in addition to “gymnasium-style high schools in Telz, Kovno, and Ponevesh, and approximately 100 elementary schools spread throughout the land.”

It is interesting that when the late, unlamented, Jewish Observer published a review of this book by R. Yosef Gavriel Bechhofer, the editor felt constrained to insert the following “clarification,” knowing that its readers would be shocked to learn that Lithuanian Torah Jewry was not an enlarged version of Lakewood.

The best part of this “clarification” is the final sentence. I wonder, why does such a careful scholar and talmid hakham as Rabbi Carlebach need to have his book vetted by “gedolei Torah and roshei yeshivos”, who for all their talmudic learning are not known as experts in historical matters? Since the Agudah gedolei Torah and roshei yeshivot are prepared to cover up historical truths (as seen in their signing on to the ban of Making of a Godol), why in this case did they agree to allow the masses to learn what really was going on in Lithuania? Is it because they too feel the need to change the direction of American haredi Orthodoxy to a more secular studies friendly perspective, and this could help set the stage for this?

Returning to Telz, the question remains why Telz in Cleveland adopted such an extremely negative outlook regarding secular studies? Maybe a reader can offer some insight. R. Rakeffet has reported that R. Samuel Volk of YU, who was himself an old Telzer, commented that Telz in Cleveland distorted what Telz in Europe was about.

An interesting story about the Cleveland Telz was told to me by Rabbi M.C., a Cleveland native (and YU musmach). He was at the Telz high school and upon graduating decided to go to YU. R. Mordechai Gifter summoned M.C.’s mother and told her that if her son goes to YU, within a few months he will no longer be religious. She then angrily demanded that R. Gifter return to her all the years of tuition she had paid. She said: “If you tell me that after all the years my son has studied here, it will only take a few months at YU before he becomes non-religious, then the education you offer must be pretty lousy, and I want my money back!”
R. Dov Lior recalls that R. Zvi Yehudah Kook had a similar reaction when at a meeting of roshei reshiva with Minister of Defense Shimon Peres a haredi rosh yeshiva claimed that putting yeshiva students in the army could lead to them becoming non-religious (Hilah Wolberstein, Mashmia Yeshuah [Merkaz Shapira, 2010], p. 296):
הרכין הרב צבי יהודה את ראשו כולו בוש ונכלם. הרי צבא ישראל, צבאנו הוא, ולא צבא הפריץ הנוכרי, ולכן חובה עלינו להשתתף בו. זאת ועוד, האם המטען שהבחורים קיבלו בישיבות אינו חזק דיו שיש לחשוש כל כך לקלקולם?
[5] See his Shiurei Da’at (Tel Aviv, 1956), vol. 3, p. 65 (in his shiur “Dor Haflagah”), where we see that he was also opposed to messianic Zionism, so it appears that he didn’t really understand R. Kook’s ideology.
הגאולה אי אפשר להביא על ידי תחבולות בני אדם ואי אפשר לדעת אותן, נעלה ונעלם הוא ענין הגאולה, ולכן תבא בהיסח הדעת, כי לא ידעו בני אדם אל נכון איזה מצב הוא הראוי לגאולה.

[6] In all the discussions recently about the success of Daf Yomi, I didn’t see anyone note that one of the reasons this success is so surprising is that the whole notion of Daf Yomi goes against what for many years was the outlook of the rabbinic elite. The Shakh, Yoreh Deah 246:5, quoting the Derishah, states that laypeople should not only study Talmud but also halakhah, which he thinks should be their major focus as practical halakhah is שורש ועיקר לתורתינו. It is not hard to understand the point that since a layperson’s time is limited, he will get more out of his learning by focusing on practical material. If, for example, one has an hour a day to learn, what makes more sense: to go through hilkhot Shabbat or to study Talmud? While people today prefer Talmud, the Shakh prefers halakhah, and I don’t know of any rabbinic figures in years past who disagreed with the Shakh. This Shakh is also mentioned in the introduction to the Mishnah Berurah. While it is obvious that one who has time to learn both Talmud and practical halakhah is in the ideal circumstance, how did we get to the situation where those whose time is limited are now encouraged to focus on Talmud? The credit (or blame, depending on your outlook) for this development can, I think, be laid at Artscroll’s door, for Artscroll made learning Talmud exciting for the masses, in a way that halakhah is not, and maybe can never be.
Daf Yomi is so revolutionary precisely due to its democratic ethos, that everyone is welcome to study that which used to be the preserve of only the elites. Much like American universities opened up higher learning to the masses, and created a situation where for the first time in history texts such as Plato and Aristotle were now taught (or spoon-fed) to all, so too, for he first time in history, Daf Yomi allowed Talmud to become a product of mass consumption.
[7] See e.g.. R. Eleazar Shakh, Mikhtavim u-Ma’amarim, vols. 1-2, no. 111.
[8] Rabbi Rakeffet has reported the following story that he was told by R. Bernard Revel’s widow, Sarah. When the Kovno Rav was in New York he was at some gathering with Revel. Revel told him that he had to excuse himself as he had yahrzeit and had to go recite kaddish at a minyan, The Kovno Rav replied: “You also believe in that?” The implication was that the notion of saying kaddish on a yahrzeit was folk religion, not something that Torah scholars take seriously. Mrs. Revel was shocked when she heard the comment, but Rakeffet is probably correct that this was an example of Lithuanian rabbinic humor.
[9] See here.
[10] I heard from a Holocaust survivor that in 1946 Silver came to Kielce. Dressed in a military uniform, he gave a speech telling the people to remain in Poland in order to rebuild Jewish life there. The man who told me this thought that Silver’s speech was directed against the Mizrachi. (Silver was in Poland on July 4, 1946, the date of the infamous Kielce pogrom, yet I don’t know if his visit to Kielce was before or after the pogrom.) Silver was not a chaplain, but rather an emissary of Agudat ha-Rabbanim and Vaad Hatzalah. “The American government agreed to Silver’s wearing an Army uniform so its insignias would add to his protection in areas where anti-Semitism was still rife.”Aaron Rakeffet-Rothkoff, The Silver Era (Jerusalem/New York, 2000), p. 228.
[11] It has been reported that R. Moshe Sternbuch claims that he was told by R. Velvel Soloveitchik that his father, R. Hayyim, once expressed fear of not being left alone with a religious Zionist. He was worried that the latter would kill him, since the Zionists are suspected of shefihut damim. See Mishkenot ha-Ro’im, vol.1, p. 271, quoting Om Ani Homah, Sivan 5732. (I don’t know if Sternbuch is being quoted accurately, but I can’t imagine that R. Hayyim would ever have said this about a religious Zionist. A number of his own students and relatives were religious Zionists!). The exact same fear was, according to Moshe Blau, expressed by R. Joseph Rozin, the Rogochover:
הלא הם [הציונים] חשודים על הכל, הם חשודים גם על שפיכות דמים
See Yair Borochov, Ha-Rogochovi p. 70. (After the killing of Jacob de Haan, this viewpoint was given some basis.) See ibid., where Blau also quotes the Rogochover as saying that the reason he stopped publicizing his anti-Zionist views was because he was asked to do so by his daughter, who was married to R. Yisrael Abba Citron, the rav of Petah Tikvah. Citron was a Mizrachi supporter and it was creating problems for him that his father-in-law was attacking the Zionist movement. Regarding Citron, see the fascinating book-length biography of him that appears at the beginning of his volume of hiddushim, published in 2010.
[12] As Eliezer Brodt noted in his last post, Bloch’s son, R. Yosef Zalman Bloch, Be-Emunah Shelemah (Monsey, 2012), pp. 115-116, quotes a strongly anti-Zionist and anti-Mizrachi letter of the elder Bloch, attempting to leave the impression that when it came to this issue his father had a completely negative attitude. However, as we have seen, the truth is more complicated. In general, Y.Z. Bloch’s book is quite a strange mix of wide learning combined with unbelievable nonsense, a point alluded to much more gently by Brodt. On the very page that he quotes his father’s view of Zionism, he tells us that one who does not believe that God’s individual providence encompasses everything in the world, even the animals, insects, falling leaves, etc. הרי הוא כופר בעיקר, ואין לו חלק לעוה”ב. He says that the sages in earlier times who didn’t have this perspective were tzadikim and they are at present in Olam ha-Ba, but today, after the matter has been “decided” by the Masorah, holding such a position is heretical. Leaving aside the question as to why he feels he is a prophet and can in bombastic fashion declare who has lost his share in the World to Come (something he is fond of doing in this book), does he not realize how many great Torah scholars from even recent generations he has (inadvertently?) condemned as heretics?
This is all so obvious to me that I don’t see any need to cite “authorities.” But for those who want this, let me offer the following. A few years ago, an author writing in Mishpahah asserted that one who believes that animals are not subject to individual providence, it is like he is “eating fowl with milk” (which is a lot less severe than Bloch’s judgment that such a person is a heretic with no share in the World to Come). R. Meir Mazuz, Or Torah, Tamuz 5769, pp. 867-868, responded to this strange assertion by citing many authorities who indeed held this position, and he mentions nothing about it being “rejected by the Masorah.” He concludes:
אבל אטו מי שסובר כדעת הרמב”ם והרמב”ן והרד”ק ורבינו בחיי וספר החינוך ומהרש”א והרמ”ק ומהר”י אירגאס והגר”א נקרא אוכל בשר עוף בחלב?
A large section of Bloch’s book is designed to show that the only acceptable Torah belief is that the sun, planets, and stars revolve around the earth. As for Copernicus, he refers to him as קופירניקוס הרשע שר”י (p. 351 n. 36).
Among his nuggets of wisdom is that astronomy is the most heretical, and anti-Jewish, of all the sciences. P. 387 n. 1:
וצריכה למודעי, דספרי חכמת התכונה גרעי טובא יותר מכל שאר ספרי חכמתם, שמלאים אפיקורסות ושנאת הקב”ה ר”ל, שנאת דת יהודית, ושנאת האמת, שטויות ושגעונות, עד שיש להתפלא מה טעם יהיו “חכמיהם” וספריהם האלו כל כך מטופשים ומלאי ארס הכפירה יותר מכל שאר ספרי חכמיהם.
Since, as he states, these scientists are not only heretics but also stupid fools, one can only wonder how they were able to figure out how to put a man on the moon.
On p. 331 he refers to the view of R. Jacob Kamenetsky (without mentioning him by name) that the first four chapters of Hilkhot Yesodei ha-Torah are not to be regarded as Torah but as פילוסופיא בעלמא. See Emet le-Yaakov (New York, 1998), pp. 15-16. Bloch sees this as absolute heresy, and he quotes R. Yehudah Segal of Manchester as saying that even if the Hatam Sofer or the Noda bi-Yehudah said this, we would not accept what they said, and would be forced to reinterpret their words. Bloch quotes this approvingly, and this illustrates the problem. He is so locked into his dogmatic assumptions that his mind is closed and doesn’t want to be confused with the facts.. If most people were shown an explicit text of the Hatam Sofer or Noda bi-Yehudah that diverges from their dogmatic assumption, they would conclude that their assumption of what is “acceptable” needs to be revised. But Bloch refuses to even acknowledge the possibility that people greater than him might have a different perspective on what constitute the fundamentals of faith.
Bloch advocates this approach even when it comes to the rishonim (p. 117):
ואפילו מה שכתבו עמודי העולם הראשונים ז”ל, אם אינו מתאים עם האמונה הפשוטה הברורה שבה”אני מאמין”, וכפי שנמסרה לנו ה”אני מאמין” מאבותינו ואמותינו הצדיקים והצדקניות, הַניחו אותה בקרן זוית.
On p. 336 Bloch goes further than merely rejecting the Copernican outlook that earth revolves around the sun. He also denies that the earth rotates on its axis. According to him, it is a Torah truth that the earth stands still: שהארץ עומדת על עמדה ואינה זזה כלל.
The absolute craziest thing he says, in a book filled with absurdities, is that the sun, moon, and all the stars [!] revolve around the earth every twenty-four hours!:
שהשמש והירח וכל הכוכבי-לכת וכל הכוכבים וכל צבא השמים סובבים יחד את כדור הארץ בכל עשרים וארבע שעות.
I  guess it is a neat trick that stars so many light years away (i.e., trillions of miles away) are able to circle earth each day. (Our galaxy alone has hundreds of billions of stars.) But seriously, is one supposed to laugh or cry when reading this? How should one relate to a rabbi who so dishonors the Torah by claiming that this is Torah truth, and a required belief of any religious Jew?
On p. 289 Bloch writes:
והא דמצינו לפעמים שאחד מרבותינו הראשונים או אחד מגדולי האחרונים ז”ל אשר מימיהם אנו שותים, אמרו על איזה אגדתא שזה גוזמא, תדע לנכון דלא משום שח”ו לא הרכינו ראשם לכל הנאמר בגמרא, וחשבו שמה שרחוק מהמציאות שלעינינו בהכרח יתפרש רק כגוזמא, אלא דכך היתה קבלתם דזה המאמר המובא בתלמוד לא נאמרה מעיקרא כפשוטה אלא כגוזמא.
Everything in this sentence is incorrect, and is contradicted by numerous explicit statements in rishonim and aharonim.
[13] Joseph Karo: Lawyer and Mystic (Oxford, 1962)
[14] Regarding why R. Joseph Karo doesn’t mention the maggid in his halakhic writings, see Eliezer Brodt, Likutei Eliezer (Jerusalem, 2010), pp. 106ff. As usual, Brodt shows incredible erudition.
[15] Kol Bo al Avelut (Brooklyn, 1951), vol. 2, p. 31, in the note. Greenwald elaborates on this position in Ha-Rav R. Yosef Karo (New York, 1953), ch. 8.