Rabbi Steinman and the Messiah, part 2

Marc B. Shapiro

Continued from here

1. R. Yehudah Herzl Henkin has a different perspective than what we have seen so far.[1] He rejects the notion that “waiting” for the Messiah means that one must believe that he can come at any second, for the Sages already said that the Messiah will not come at certain times. He writes:[2]

ובעיקר הענין הרביתי בראיות מן הגמרא שחז”ל לא ציפו שהמשיח יבוא בכל עת

Contrary to the Brisker Rav (whom he mentions by name), R. Henkin writes: “There is nothing in the Rambam requiring one to believe that the Messiah is ready to come at any moment.”[3] He claims that the Rambam’s real point is that one should not be at ease with the Messiah not having arrived, but rather one should be upset that he hasn’t yet come. A similar argument was made by R. Shmuel Yaakov Weinberg.[4] Unlike R. Shulzinger (see the previous post), R. Henkin does not find a problem with those who mentioned dates for the redemption (and this includes a few important figures[5]), since he suggests that the dates were never intended to be absolutely certain.

Yet R. Henkin adds that it is clear that the sages who gave dates for the Messiah—even if their suggested dates were not certain— did not have אמונה שלמה that the Messiah would come before the dates they predicted, and they obviously are not to be regarded as heretics. He sees this point as contradictory to the Brisker Rav’s claim (as it is usually understood) that one must hope for and await the Messiah’s arrival every day. R. Henkin’s explanation is certainly not in contradiction to the Rambam’s Principle. If the sages who gave dates for the Messiah did not deny that they could be wrong, and that the Messiah could come at any time, then they were not contradicting the Rambam’s Principle. The only thing they were contradicting is the version of the Principle in the siddur which adds the words באמונה שלמה. Yet these words not appear in the Rambam’s formulation.

R. Henkin adds that it is strange that the Brisker Rav would declare that anyone who does not have his understanding of the Twelfth Principle is a heretic, when his understanding is not explicitly found in the Torah, the Talmud, or the rishonim.[6]

ואפילו לדברי הגרי”ז שצריך להאמין שהנה ממש היום הזה הוא בא וכו’ עכ”ל, מן התימה על האי גאון וצדיק ז”ל להחזיק מי שאינו מאמין כן ככופר כיון שהדבר אינו מבואר לא במקרא ולא בחז”ל ולא בראשונים.

R. Henkin concludes that it is enough to believe that the Messiah will come even if you assume that he will not come today or tomorrow. He also cites his grandfather, R. Joseph Elijah Henkin, that “to wait for the coming of the Messiah” does not mean that you think he is ready to come at any instant.[7]

קושטא דמילתא המאמין באמונה שלמה בביאת המשיח ומחכה לו ומתאווה לבואו קדוש ייאמר לו אף על פי שסובר שלפי מאמרי חז”ל לא יבוא היום או מחר, וכן אמר מו”ז הגה”צ זצלה”ה שלחכות לביאת המשיח אין פירושו שעומד לבוא בכל רגע וכן עמא דבר.

In support of R. Henkin, we can cite R. Yohanan ben Torta, who when R. Akiva declared that Bar Kokhba was the Messiah, responded as follows: “Akiva, grass will be growing out of your cheeks and the Messiah will still not have come.”[8] As R. Meir Mazuz notes, R. Yohanan ben Torta believed in the concept of the Messiah, but he did not see any chance that the redemption would come in his generation.[9] In other words, he was not “actively waiting” for the Messiah.

R. Menachem Kasher has another approach. He understands Maimonides’ words that one must wait for the Messiah in a negative sense, namely, that if one despairs of the Messiah’s arrival he is in violation of Maimonides’ words, but not that there is a continuous obligation to wait for the Messiah’s arrival.[10] R. Yisrael Weinman also questions the Brisker Rav’s understanding (although he is not certain the Brisker Rav really said it), since according to some rishonim the Messiah cannot come on Shabbat and Yom Tov. He therefore assumes that it is enough to wait for the Messiah to arrive whenever he is able to come.[11]

R. Yaakov Nissan Rosenthal explains that the siddur’s version of Maimonides’ principle,

עם כל זה אחכה לו בכל יום שיבוא

does not mean that you must believe and expect every day that today is the day the Messiah will come. Rather, the meaning of בכל יום is that every day you must believe in the coming of the Messiah and await his arrival, whenever that will be.[12] He offered an example to illustrate this point: A man’s daughter married and moved to the Diaspora. The father waits every day for his daughter to return to Israel, but on every day he does not expect that all of a sudden he will hear a knock at his door and his daughter is standing there.[13]

אין המאמין מחכה דוקא שלפתע פתאום יבוא האדון אל היכלו באופן ניסי ושיודיעו לו שהיום בא המשיח, אך הוא כן מחכה בכל יום לביאת המשיח

Significantly, R. Shlomo Zalman Auerbach agreed with R. Rosenthal and didn’t even think this was a hiddush, but rather the simple meaning of the words אחכה לו בכל יום שיבוא. R. Rosenthal then tells about how he was at a meeting with R. Shlomo Zalman and other rabbis, and he presented his understanding. A few of the hasidic rebbes present started screaming that what he said was wrong and in contradiction to one of the Principles of Faith. R. Shlomo Zalman didn’t say a word. After the meeting R. Rosenthal asked R. Shlomo Zalman why he didn’t defend him from the attacks of the hasidic rebbes. R. Shlomo Zalman replied that you shouldn’t start up with Hasidim

עם חסידים לא צריך להתחיל

R. Rosenthal couldn’t recall if the following witticism was said to him by R. Shlomo Zalman or someone else later told it to him: In the Amidah we say: על הצדיקים ועל החסידים. We see that the word צדיקים goes before חסידים

כי לא “מתחילים” עם חסידים

It is noteworthy that according to the Vilna Gaon’s understanding, if the Messiah does not come in a “hastened” fashion (see Sanhedrin 98a), it certainly seems that no one would be able to hope for the Messiah to arrive in Tishrei. The reason I say this is because of how the Vilna Gaon describes the terrifying things that will happen if the Messiah arrives in its “due time,” and this is in Tishrei.[14]

אם חלילה לא יזכו ותהיה “בעתה” ואז אם היתה הגאולה בתשרי לא היה להם תקומה ח”ו ולא היו נשארים חלילה אלא אחד מעיר ושנים ממשפחה מפני שמדת הדין שולט בתשרי

Also of interest is the report of how R. Jacob Kamenetsky told someone that the Messiah would not be arriving soon. A certain man had been convinced by people in Chabad that the Rebbe would soon reveal himself as the Messiah, and this had led him to start observing Shabbat. However, R. Kamenetsky thought that it was important to uproot the man’s belief that the Messiah would soon be here, as he worried about the negative consequences to the man’s Judaism when the Messiah did not arrive as he had been expecting.[15]

אל תאמין להם. משיח, לצערנו, עדיין אינו עומד לבוא . . . [רי”ק הסביר לתלמידיו] מה שהשיגו אנשי חב”ד הוא הישג מדומה, שיצא שכרו בהפסדו. בעתיד הקרוב, כשיראה יהודי זה שההבטחה לא נתמלאה והמשיח לא הגיע, יתחיל שוב לחלל את השבת. יתרה מכך, עד עכשיו הוא האמין בתמימות מוחלטת בביאת המשיח, ואם יתאכזב, יפסיד את אחד היסודות החשובים ביהדות – האמונה בביאת המשיח.

Based on this, I think we can say that R. Kamenetsky did not expect the Messiah to arrive in the near future.

Some Jewish traditions speak of a great war that will occur before the coming of the Messiah, and even of the death of Messiah ben Joseph in this war.[16] Other traditions see this great war as occurring after the coming of the Messiah. R. Hayyim Soloveitchik is reported to have said that if the messianic era will bring even one Jewish death, then he doesn’t want it, and if we had a choice in the matter the halakhah would require us to reject the Messiah in such a circumstance. I wonder, therefore, if R. Hayyim was really able to look forward to the messianic era, knowing that its arrival would bring the possibility of Jewish death.

Here is how R. Hayyim is quoted by R. Dov Katz.[17]

מספרים בשמו של ר חיים סולובייצ’יק מבריסק, הגאון של הדור הקודם, שבימי המלחמה כשנפלו כל כך הרבה חללים בחזית המלחמה וסבלו כל כך הרבה, אמרו לו פעם בשיחה, שלוא היתה לכל הפחות מביאה המלחמה הזו את הגאולה, כי אז היה אולי כדאי הדבר. גער בהם ר’ חיים ואמר להם: “תדחינה מאות גאולות ואל תפול נפש אחת מישראל, כי אם היתה באה שאלה לפנינו שאם על ידי קרבן של אדם אחד יבא המשיח, בודאי שהיינו פוסקים שלא יבוא המשיח ולא תמות נפש אחת, כי הלא פיקוח נפש דוחה כל התורה כולה, ואף המשיח והגאולה בכלל.”

I have no reason to doubt the accuracy of this report. It is very much in line with what we know about R. Hayyim’s views both about the value of human life, and also about the downplaying of messianism. R. Joseph B. Soloveitchik stated: “To R. Chaim, a good chidush in Torah and Kodshim – if I may say so, perhaps I shouldn’t say it – was more important than the whole beis ha-mikdash, in his intuitive weighing.”[18] R. Soloveitchik had some hesitations about what he said, because he knew it would be shocking to people, but he said it anyway. R. David Holzer, in his note on this sentence, writes: “Obviously, the Rav is speaking derech guzma, just to express the concept.” Even if the Rav is exaggerating his point is clear, namely, that Torah study is much more important than what will take place in the future Temple.

I think the Rav’s point is that an Ish Halakhah is simply not interested in the messianic era in any practical way. He believes it will come (and thus fulfills Maimonides’ requirement), but he doesn’t focus on it, for he has everything he needs in a non-messianic world, namely, the study of Torah and the fulfillment of mitzvot. As for the study of Torah, as the Rav said, creating a chiddush about the laws of sacrifices is more important than the sacrifices themselves, because at the end of the day Torah study is the focus of our lives, not sacrifices which we have been without the last two thousand years.

Even though I said that I have no reason to doubt what is reported in the name of R. Hayyim, and this report is also cited by R. Ovadiah Yosef,[19] I must note that R. Eliyahu Zini completely rejects the reported statement which he sees as absolute nonsense.[20]

טענות אלו דברי תימא גדולים הן. הלא הן סותרות כל מלחמה יזומה, אף כל מלחמת מצוה, וכ”ש מלחמת רשות! ואם נקבל אותן, נצטרך לגזור אומר, שגם כבוש הארץ בזמן יהושע איסור גמור היה, ושהיה עדיף להשאר במדבר כדי לחסוך בחיי יהודים רבים. ואסור להאמין שגדול בישראל אמר דבר כזה, שהרי טענות מרגלים יש כאן, מסוג “ארץ אוכלת יושביה היא וכל העם אשר ראינו בתוכה אנשי מידות”. ואם נאמץ אותן, עלינו לומר שהיה אף אסור לצאת ממצרים, כי יציאת מצרים הביאה למות דור שלם, ולכן היה עדיף לדחות אפילו גאולת מצרים!

לכן אסור להאמין לעדות זו. וגדול כר’ חיים מבריסק לא יאמר דברי הבל כאלו ויש כאן הוצאת דיבה על גאון זה, ובפרט שעדות זו מוכחשת ממה שכתב במפורש ר’ חיים עצמו [שלפי ר’ חיים אין דין פיקוח נפש חל בשעת מלחמה], והבאנו אותה כבר פעמיים לעיל

I don’t believe that R. Zini’s words, which come from a right-wing religious Zionist perspective, create any difficulty in believing that which R. Hayyim is quoted as saying, namely, given the choice between a Messiah which will require the loss of human life or no Messiah, that he would prefers the latter. What about R. Zini’s point that according to what is reported in R. Hayyim’s name, that human life stands above all, that the concept of milhemet mitzvah makes no sense? I think the answer is clear, namely, that R. Hayyim obviously acknowledged that in a halakhically valid war, and certainly in a war commanded by God (such as to conquer the Land of Israel), human life will be lost and we cannot have “conscientious objection.” (It is, however, hard to imagine how R. Hayyim would have been able to support a milhemet reshut.) 

Yet there is no halakhic imperative to bring the Messiah, and if given a choice between the Messiah with loss of life or no Messiah, R. Hayyim would forego the Messiah. Given the choice between a Jewish state that will require the loss of life—even a state that functions according to halakhah—or no state, R. Hayyim would forego the state. This was one of the two reasons for the anti-Zionism of R. Isaac Zev Soloveitchik, namely, that the actions of the Zionists endangered Jewish life. His other reason was that he believed that the Zionists would persecute religious Jews in a Zionist controlled state.

To be continued

Excursus

The old question is why did rabbis give dates for the Messiah’s arrival when the Talmud, Sanhedrin 97b, states: “Blasted be the bones of those who calculate the end (i.e., the Messiah’s arrival).” Maimonides actually mentions a family tradition as to when prophecy will be renewed, and this will precede the messianic era. See Iggerot ha-Rambam, ed. Sheilat, vol. 1, pp. 152-153.

On the second day of the Ten Days of Penitence, one of the selihot we read (Tohelet Yisrael) states:

חשבון אחר חשבון עמך יפתור

“Thy people interpret reckoning after reckoning.” This refers to predicted dates of the Messiah’s arrival. R. Zev Wolf Leiter sees this as a proof that there is no prohibition in offering dates for the Messiah as long as one does not lose faith in the messianic principle if the projected date comes without the Messiah’s arrival. See his Kevod Melakhim, Hilkhot Melakhim 12:2, found here and on Otzar haChochma.

In agreement with R. Leiter’s perspective, R. Menasheh Grossberg, Shevet Menasheh, no. 46, also suggests that there is no problem in giving dates of the Messiah’s arrival, and what the Talmud is criticizing is those who, if the Messiah does not come on the predicted arrival date, would then deny the principle of messianic redemption. His proof for this interpretation is the passage that comes directly after what I quoted above from Sanhedrin 97b: “For they would say, since the predetermined time has arrived, and yet he has not come, he will never come.” Thus, we see that the Talmud itself explains the reason for the curse of those who predict the Messiah’s arrival, and it is because if the Messiah does not arrive at the predicted date it will lead to heresy in that people will completely deny the principle of the Messiah. R. Grossberg goes so far as to write:

הנה הראשונים שהיו כמלאכים או כבני אדם מאמינים באמונה שלמה להם ראוי לחשוב בקצין ולחקור באמונה

R. Joseph Kafih states that the reason why sages gave dates for the Messiah’s arrival, or in Maimonides’ case the renewal of prophecy, was only in order to strengthen the people, that they not despair of redemption. In other words, the sages themselves did not take the dates seriously, as the point of publicizing this information was for an entirely different purpose. In R. Kafih’s words:

לא פעל רבינו כפי ההלכה לכתחילה, אלא בכדי לעודד את העם

See Teshuvot ha-Rav Yosef Kafih le-Talmido Tamir Ratzon (Kiryat Ono, 2018), p. 389.

This is the very same reason Maimonides gives for R. Saadiah’s messianic calculations. Maimonides writes as follows in his Letter to Yemen (Abraham Halkin and David Hartman, Crisis and Leadership: Epistles of Maimonides [Philadelphia, 1985]), p. 116):

As for Rabbi Saadiah’s calculations, there are extenuating circumstances for them though he knew they were disallowed. For the Jews of his time were perplexed and misguided. The divine religion might have disappeared had he not encouraged the pusillanimous, and diffused, disseminated, and propagated by word of mouth and the pen a knowledge of its underlying principles. He believed, in all earnestness, that by means of the messianic calculations he would inspire the masses with hope to the Truth. Verily all his deeds were for the sake of heaven. Consequently, in view of the probity of his motives, which we have disclosed, one must not decry him for his messianic computations.

R. Meir Leibush Malbim also provided dates for the messianic era. He believed that the initial stage of the Redemption would be between 1868 and 1913. The Temple would be rebuilt in 1925, sacrifices would begin to be offered in 1928, and the resurrection of the dead would take place in 2203. See Noah Rosenbloom, Ha-Malbim (Jerusalem, 1988), pp. 159-160.

R. Judah Leib Maimon reports that his father asked the Malbim how he could offer such dates in opposition to the talmudic statement against this. He replied that the proscription against offering dates was only in the early years after the destruction of the Temple, when the path until the end was still long. However, as we are now close to the end of the Exile it is permitted to give dates. See Maimon, Le-Ma’an Tziyon le Ehesheh (Jerusalem, 1954), p. 19. The same answer in the name of the Malbim is found in R. Yissachar Dov Teichtal, Em ha-Banim Semehah (Jerusalem, 1998), pp. 150-151. In both sources, in order to offer a parable explaining his point, the Malbim tells the story of a father and son taking a long journey. At the beginning of the journey, when the son asks if they almost there, the father is annoyed with him. However, after much time on the road, when the father asks the coachman the same question, he explains to his son that now that they have journeyed far the question is appropriate. It is the same with the exile, the Malbim explains. At the beginning, it was improper to offer predictions of its end. However, now that we are almost near the end, it is OK to do so. (In the version of the story told by Maimon, the young son is none other than the Malbim himself, and the answer comes from his father.)

R. Jacob Isaac Horowitz, the Chozeh of Lublin, is quoted as saying that those who, based on hints in the Torah, predicted dates for the Messiah’s arrival were really just offering a strong suggestion to God that it is time for Him to redeem the Jews. This is just like a son does not explicitly tell his father that he is doing something wrong, but instead shows him the Torah source so his father can draw the proper conclusion.

כי עפ”י הלכה באם בן רואה לאב שאינו עושה חלילה כיאות אז משום כיבוד אב לא יוכל לומר לו שאינו עושה כשורה רק החיוב להראות לו הדין בתורה ופוסקים ולומר לו אבא כך כתוב בתורה (עיין יור”ד סימן ר”מ סעיף י”א מש”ס קידושין דף ל”ב) וכיון שאנו רוצים לחות דעתינו לאבינו שבשמים שירחם על בניו ויגאל אותנו בקרוב וכי אין מן היושר כביכול שיסבלו עוד עול גלות לכן צדיק הדורות מחדשים איזה קץ משיח ועושים על זה רמז באיזה פסוק בתנ”ך איך שבשנה זו יבוא משיח צדקינו והוא להראות לאבינו הבורא ית”ש אבא כך כתוב בתורה היינו דבאותו מקום בתוה”ק כתוב שבשנה זו יבוא משיח בב”א

See R. Moshe Menahem Mendel Walden, Or ha-Niflaot, p. 12a, included in Ohel ha-Rabbi (Petrokov, 1913); Mendel Piekarz, Ha-Hanhagah ha-Hasidit (Jerusalem, 1999), p. 190.

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2. In the last post I mentioned Elliot Wolfson’s argument that the Lubavitcher Rebbe’s secret teaching is that there will be no physical redeemer, but the messianic redemption is able to occur within each person. A number of people were surprised to hear about this, as there is, I believe, literally not one person in Chabad who accepts this argument. While I do not believe that Wolfson is correct, it is important to note that one does find in Hasidic thought the concept of inner redemption.[21] Although this is not intended to replace the ultimate physical redemption, these Hasidic teachings do turn passages in the Talmud on their head. For instance, R. Meir of Apta asks why we need to pray for redemption if God has promised that he will redeem us. He quotes the Chozeh of Lublin who said that the Talmud, Megillah 16a, mentions that if you repeat a teaching in the name of someone else, you “bring redemption to the world.” The Chozeh points out that this is difficult, as every page of the Talmud has someone repeating a teaching in the name of someone else, and yet the redemption still has not come. The Chozeh replies that the redemption being spoken about is a personal redemption, that one is delivered from his difficult circumstances. Similarly,  when we pray for redemption, it is a prayer for personal redemption.[22]

דהנה השי”ת הבטיח לנו לפדותינו ולגאלינו מהגלות המר, ולכאורה יפלא מה צורך להתפלל על הגאולה, ההוא אמר ולא יעשה. אך ששמעתי [!] מרבינו הקדוש מוהרי”י זצללה”ה מלובלין על הגמרא כל האומר דבר בשם אומרו מביא גאולה לעולם, והתמיה נשגבה, כי בגמרא מצינו ממש בכל דף שאומר התנא דבר בשם חבירו או בשם רבו, ומדוע עוד לא נושענו מהגלות. ותירץ, כי הבאת הגאולה הוא גאולה פרטית לאיש ישראל ממצוקותיו, כאשר אמרנו, ותקם בעוד לילה שבהגלות יוושעו ישראל ויקומו בהרחבה והרוחה, וע”ז אנו מתפללים, וזה בכלל גאולה

3. In recent months there have been a number of discussions about epidemics in Jewish history and how the rabbis responded. No one has yet cited what the great R. Elijah Klatzkin wrote.[23] You can see this in R. Klatzkin’s Miluim le-Sefer Devar Halakhah (Lublin 1923), pp. 126-128. For some reason, the copy of this book on Otzar haChochma is missing the second half of the book. However, the complete work is available on hebrewbooks.org here.

R. Klatzkin prints an open letter he wrote in 1916 to his community in Lublin, when they were suffering a typhus epidemic. It originally was published in Yiddish and Polish. He obviously thought it was important that his message should be preserved for posterity, and over a hundred years later what he says unfortunately remains relevant to us.

R. Klatzkin tells the community that he has to write to them, rather than speak to them, as due to the danger they can no longer gather together in the synagogue. He mentions that although the government established rules to keep people healthy, nevertheless there are many who are ignoring the laws. (To this I would add, the more things change the more they stay the same.)

R. Klatzkin stresses that the various government rules are also required according to the Torah, and one who violates the rules, which bring danger to him and his neighbors, “his sin is too great to bear.” R. Klatzkin expresses wonder that he needs to warn people about these matters, which relate to their health and the health of their families. What he observed over a hundred years ago has of course repeated itself in our time, when for incomprehensible reasons entire communities simply ignored basic health guidelines which allowed the virus to spread very quickly, leaving a terrible toll.

R. Klatzkin states that he wouldn’t need to warn people to watch over their money, so how is it that people treat their health with less concern than their money? He then turns to the issue of hillul ha-shem, and we see that in his day it was also the case that there were Jews who created a hillul ha-shem in how they responded to the crisis. R. Klatzkin notes that even repentance, Yom Kippur, and personal suffering do not atone for hillul ha-shem.[24] “If we would behave in accordance with the Torah, then we would be a light unto the nations and would sanctify the name of heaven and the honor of the holy Torah.” In R. Klatzkin’s day, one of the reasons for the spread of the epidemic was the unsanitary conditions that the poor lived in, and he concludes his letter by appealing to the wealthy to support the poor so they can improve their living conditions.

In his open letter R. Klatzkin states that he spoke about the issue of hillul ha-shem and kiddush ha-shem in his book אמ”ש. This refers to his responsa Imrei Shefer which appeared in 1896, and he has in mind no. 92 in this book. In this responsum he makes a number of noteworthy points. To begin with, R. Klatzkin makes very clear that when it comes to halakhah there is a great distinction between real idolaters and the nations among whom Jews currently live. He cites the Meiri to back up this position and the entire lengthy responsum is in support of this point.

ורבים טועים ומתעין עצמם לחשוב שכל מה שמבואר בספרים להחמיר בטעות ואונאת אינו יהודי הוא רק מפני איבה ובאמת לא כן הדבר והוא איסור גמור . . . ומזה מבואר דכל מקום שכתוב בטור ושו”ע עכו”ם היינו בדיוק עובדי כוכבים ממש ואינו מדבר כלל מהאומות שבזמנינו המאמינים בהשגחה ושכר ועונש וכמו שמפורש במאירי

This shows that he really means what he says, unlike other works that include a comment at the beginning of the book saying that any time non-Jews are referred to it means idolaters who live in places like India and China. Comments like this were never taken seriously. In fact, the very existence of these comments was said by R. Moshe Feinstein to be a proof, contrary to R. Solomon Luria, that one is allowed to alter Torah teachings in the face of danger.[25]

R. Klatzkin begins his responsum by calling attention to a passage in R. Joseph Albo, Sefer ha-Ikkarim 3:25, where Albo states that one is not allowed to charge interest to a ger toshav. The problem is that this contradicts an explicit Mishnah, Bava Metzia 5:6, as well as the talmudic explanation of this Mishnah, Bava Metzia 71a.[26] R. Klatzkin offers an original explanation that when the Talmud says that you can charge a ger toshav interest this refers to one who is wealthy, but if a ger toshav is poor, and he needs the money to survive, then he is not to be charged interest. Also significant is R. Klatzkin’s point that in this matter, and similar things, contemporary non-Jews who observe the Noahide laws fall into the category of ger toshav. He assumes that Christians are not to be regarded as idolaters, so they too fall into this category.

R. Klatzkin discusses R. Moses Isserles’ responsum in which he tries to find some justification for the practice in Moravia to drink non-Jewish wine.[27] R. Klatzkin suggests that this leniency arose due to theological reasons, because most of the inhabitants of Moravia were followers of Jan Hus (i.e., Hussites) who rejected many Catholic practices, including the veneration of images. In other words, they were distant from any “idolatrous” practices, and thus there was a reason in people’s minds why the prohibition on non-Jewish wine should not apply to them.

R. Klatzkin also takes up the issue of darkhei shalom. He cites the Talmud and Maimonides that when it comes to non-Jews – even idolaters – the Sages said to bury their dead, visit their sick, and support their poor because of darkhei shalom. After mentioning this, Maimonides also quotes Psalms 145:9: “The Lord is good to all; and His tender mercies are over all His works,” and Proverbs 3:17: “Her ways are ways of pleasantness, and all her paths are peace.”[28] R. Klatzkin derives from this that the expression מפני דרכי שלום does not mean that Jews behave a certain way to avoid non-Jewish enmity. Rather, it means that by Jews acquiring the trait of mercy for all people, there will be peace on Israel. He cites the Jerusalem Talmud, Eruvin 7:9, which states:

מפני מה מערבין בחצרות מפני דרכי שלום

In this passage it is obvious that darkhei shalom means something positive, to create neighborliness. R. Klatzkin claims that this is exactly what the expression means when dealing with non-Jews, He states that when Jews extend themselves for non-Jews in the ways mentioned by the Talmud, there will be real peace – in a positive sense – between Jews and non-Jews.[29]

ומוכח מזה דמ”ש מפני דרכי שלום, אין הכוונה שלא ינטרו שנאה לישראל, אלא דקאמר שעי”ז שידבקו ישראל במדת החמלה ורחמים על כל יציר נוצר, יהיה שלום לישראל . . . הרי דפירוש מפני דרכי שלום, היינו שעי”ז אוהבין זא”ז ונעשה ביניהם שלום אמת, וה”נ הפירוש שיהא שלום אמת עם העמים, כאשר ידבקו ללכת בדרכי ה’ המרחם על כל מעשיו

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3. In my last post I had a quiz with two questions. A number of people got one of the questions correct, but only a few individuals got them both correct. I won’t mention any names because one of those who answered correctly asked to remain anonymous.

The first question was: Where in Rashi’s commentary on the Talmud does he say that a certain individual knew all of Shas?

In Beitzah 24b s.v. ולערב, Rashi writes about R. Kalonymus ben Shabbetai of Rome who had journeyed from Rome to Worms:[30]

גם עתה בא אלי מכתב מגרמיי”ש שבא לשם אדם גדול זקן ויושב בישיבה מן רומא ושמו ר’ קלונימוס ובקי בכל הש”ס

I took this question from R. Shlomo Schneider, author of the responsa volume Divrei Shlomo. In a work that has not yet been published he has a number of “quiz questions,” and in future posts I will cite more of them.

In terms of “knowing Shas,” it is noteworthy that today we hear about different great rabbis who have completed Shas twenty or thirty times, or even more than this. Yet in earlier days we see that the achievements of great rabbis are described in much more limited fashion. R. Joseph Karo’s maggid said to him that he would finish Shas three times, and that was thought to be a great blessing.[31] This was not just the prediction of the maggid, as R. David Conforte quotes the grandson of R. Karo that when his grandfather was on his deathbed he, too, said that he merited to complete the Talmud three times.[32] R. Karo also testified as to how rare it was in his day for anyone to complete the Talmud:[33]

בדורות אלו לא ימצא מי שלמד כל התלמוד כי אם אחד מעיר

Of course, it must be noted that when R. Karo speaks of completing the Talmud he is not referring to daf yomi style, but rather an in-depth study of every page.

Just like with have seen with R. Karo, in a letter to R. Betzalel Ashkenazi, the author of Shitah Mekubetzet, R. Moses Galante of Safed (1620-1689) writes that he has finished the Talmud three times.[34]

In describing the unique greatness of his teacher, R. Nissim of Gerona, R. Isaac ben Sheshet states that he was expert in three sedarim of the Talmud. Today, saying this about a leading sage would not be viewed as a compliment, as what about the other three sedarim, is he not also an expert in them? But this is what the Rivash writes.[35]

ה’ צב-אות הותיר לנו שריד דַבָּר אחד לדור הוא מורנו הרב הגדול רבינו נסים נ”ר היה כאחד מהם לדעת טוב טעם ודת בקי בשלשה סדרים ודמו לי’ כמאן דמנחי בכיסתיה ודעתו רחבה מני ים ושכלו זך וישר אין ערוך אליו בכל חכמי ישראל

For the other quiz question, I asked about the letters שב that are found after the first and second set of shofar blasts. What is this about?

I was going to discuss this matter and present various sources. However, Moshe Babad alerted me to the existence of a comprehensive article that recently appeared on this very topic, and thus there is no need for me to go into any detail. The article is by R. Yehudah Aryeh Markson and appears in the journal Etz Hayyim 30 (Elul 5778), pp. 408-437 (it is not yet on Otzar haChochma). The title of the article is

שב בני שב – לגלגוליו של מנהג קדמון שנשתכח

R. Markson begins by noting that he, like everyone else, simply paid no mind to the word שב that appears together with tekiat ha-shofar. It was only after he was asked what the meaning of שב is that he investigated the matter. This led him to uncovering the story of what used to be a widespread minhag that for some reason simply disappeared and was almost entirely forgotten from Jewish communal memory (with the exception of a few “pure” German minyanim, such as KAJ in Washington Heights).

R. Markson mentions various explanations that have been offered for שב including the incorrect suggestion that it is one of the holy names that you need to have in mind before shofar blowing. Another incorrect explanation was offered by R. Simhah Bunim of Peshischa that שב is an abbreviation for שוטה בלאז – “Idiot, blow.” In other words, blow the shofar without any special kavvanot and just have in mind to fulfill the mitzvah. (I am sure that R. Simhah Bunim didn’t really think that this is the meaning of שב but was only offering a “midrashic” understanding. This is probably also the case with those who explain the letters to mean שוואנץ בלאז.) A third incorrect explanation is that שב is related to תשובה and is directed to the people to urge them to do teshuvah. A fourth incorrect explanation mentioned by R. Markson is that שב should be read שֵב, as in שב ועל תעשה, and the meaning is that the person who blows the shofar should cease his blowing and wait a bit before resuming the next set of shofar blasts. According to this explanation, the reason for waiting is to give him time for silent prayer or to separate the different groups of shofar blasts. R. Markson records other incorrect explanations as well.

The fourth explanation mentioned in the previous paragraph is closest to the truth, which, as R. Markson shows, has its origin in medieval Ashkenazic minhag where it is first mentioned by Maharil. The word שב should indeed be read שֵב, and it means “sit”. The one calling out the shofar sounds was telling the blower to sit down between the series of blasts. R. Markson, p. 426 n. 71, refers to Maharil as ‘אבי ומייסד מנהג אמירת ה’שב. However, I don’t know on what basis one can say this, as opposed to assuming that Maharil is simply recording a minhag that was already practiced in his day. After all, as R. Markson notes, R. Meir of Rothenburg records the practice of the shofar blower to sit between the series of blasts, though there is no mention of the shofar blower being told שב.

Why is the person blowing the shofar told to sit? R. Markson presents a variety of explanations such as to show that the three groups of shofar blasts are separate from each other, to show that these blasts are the tekiot di-meyushav, to give the shofar blower a chance to focus on teshuvah or just to rest, or to confuse the Satan.

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The Seforim Chatter podcasts are fascinating shows conducted by a skilled interviewer. I think Seforim Blog readers will especially enjoy the show focused on Dan Rabinowitz’s book on the Strashun Library. See here.

On December 24, 2020, 9pm Eastern Time, I will be giving a Zoom class on the topic: “Christmas Eve: Is it a Time for Torah Study?” Those interested can sign up here. Those who are interested in my continuing series of classes can sign up at Torah in Motion here, and you can also download my previous classes on the website. The current series is being placed on YouTube here.

Coming soon:

Rabbi Steinman and the Messiah, part 3

Fighting Over the Rav’s Legacy in the Algemeiner

Response to Criticism, part 4

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Notes

ומו”ר זצ”ל חידש כי המלה “חכה”, אין פירושה להמתין, אלא ר”ל לקוות וליחל לבואו. ומה שבא רבינו לומר כאן הוא שכל יהודי חייב להרגיש בחסרון של העדר המשיח, ולקוות וליחל לבואו ולא להתיאש ממנו אף אם יתמהמה, ולא שאנו צריכים להיות ודאים שהוא יבוא בשעה הקרובה

[5] See Excursus.

[6] Benei Vanim, vol. 3, p. 182.

[7] Benei Vanim, vol. 3, p. 184.

[8] Yerushalmi, Ta’anit 4:5 (24a).

[9] Bayit Ne’eman, no. 222 (18 Av 5780), p. 2.

[10] Ha-Tekufah ha-Gedolah, p. 380.

[11] Mishnat Yisrael, p. 416. He concludes that if the Brisker Rav really said that which is attributed to him, then he retracts what he wrote.

[12] See, similarly, R. Mordechai Peterfreund, “Nusah Yud Gimmel Ikkarim va-‘Ani Ma’amin,’” Yeshurun 22 (2010), p. 711 (called to my attention by Nochum Shmaryohu Zajac).

[13] R. Nahum Stepansky, Ve-Aleihu Lo Yibol, vol. 3, pp. 369-370.

[14] Even Shelemah (Jerusalem, 2013) p. 177 (ch. 11). Many vocalize this as Even Shlomo, and I have also done so in the past. However, based on what the editor, R. Samuel Maltzan, writes in the introduction, it is clear that Even Shelemah is correct.

Genazym Auctions is holding an auction on December 8^th and browsing the catalog (available here) one can view beautiful photos of various rare books and documents, and learn more about numerous works, events and people related to many different time periods of Jewish History from all walks of life.

Just to highlight some of the items:

The first lot is a complete set of the Hanau 1610 edition of the Arba’ah Turim, with an illustrated frontispiece. There are two very similar versions of the same title page, the same year, by the same printer.  Which is first and which copied from the other?  One version appears in Shu”t Mahril, Hanau, 1610 and the other adorning the Tur, Hanau, 1610 (lot 1).

These were certainly among the first books published by Hans Jacob Hanau because both include a publisher’s note that describes the creation of his press.  Because the note appears in both (and no others in 1610), we can establish that both were among the first, but not which is first.

The most obvious physical difference between the two is size, the Tur is considerably larger than the Shu”t.  The former is a folio and the latter an octavo.

A close examination of the title page images yields interesting differences, using these differences we can determine which is the original.  Both contain non-Jewish elements, specifically Aaron with a bishop’s mitre and the incense, and Moses with horns. Yet, Aaron’s garment is considerably more embellished in the Tur.  Two winged cherubs appear above Moses and Aaron, in the Tur the wings are clearly visible and, in the Shu”t, they look more like a small scarf.  Both include a border surrounding the printer’s name, yet the Tur includes a border with figures, including a bare-breasted woman and the Shu”t is a simple border without any figures.  Underneath the printer’s mark, the Tur includes an additional panel that is completely absent in the Shu”t. That panel includes a raven, deer, and griffins.  The upper illustration is also different. Both depict the binding of Isaac, but in the Tur, Isaac is bowing whereas in the Shu”t he is kneeling.  [Regarding the image of the binding of Isaac in Hebrew books, see Marvin J. Heller, Further Studies in the Making of the Early Hebrew Book (Leiden, Brill, 2103), 35-56; Daniel Sperber, “Isaac of Prostitz’s Akedahs,” in Eshkolot: Essays in Memory of Rabbi Ronald Lubofsky (Melbourne, 2002), 213-25.] Perhaps most significant is Abraham’s clothing.  Whereas Moses and Aaron’s clothing are of indiscriminate time and is more focused on the ritual elements, in the Tur, Abraham is depicted in decidedly Renaissance garb with a neatly shaped beard.  In the Shu”t, Abraham is in the same dress as Moses and an unkempt beard.

The sum total of these changes points to a more expertly executed frontispiece on the Tur and a cruder imitation in the Shu”t.  It is possible that Hans Jacob purchased the original and then when the frontispiece was too large for the book, he created a new, smaller version.  Consequently, the first Hebrew book to include Moses and Aaron and printed in is indeed the Tur and not the Shu”t Mahril. The Tur holds both a record as the first Hebrew frontispiece with biblical imagery, Prague, 1540, and also as the first specifically with Moses and Aaron.

It appears that Hans Jacob sold the larger woodcut as it appears in 1615 in Elijah Zulkiman Ulma’s edition of Ginnat Egoz.

Finally, no matter which book is first neither qualifies as the first Hebrew book published in Hanau.  At best they can qualify as the first Hebrew books printed entirely in Hebrew and for a Jewish audience. The title of the first published Hebrew book in Hanau goes to a Latin Hebrew work, Mikneh Avraham, Grammatica Hebrae una cum Latina interpretation, published by Gulielmum Antonium in 1594. [For a description of this work, see Yitzhak Yudolov, Ginzei Yisrael (Jerusalem, Hebrew University Press, 1984), no. 1868.] The inclusion of a Latin translation and that the book opens left to right indicates a non-Jewish audience.   Thus, the Tur is the first Hebrew book for a Jewish audience published in Hanau.

Important Historical Broadsides & Documents

Lots 8 and 9 are of particular interest as they are printed editions of the classic Shu”t Noda Beyehuda but have numerous glosses from various Rabbonim of the time.

Lots 27 and 29 are original documents of the Chasam Sofer. Especially of note is lot 28 which is a manuscript copy of the very interesting autobiographical account of the Chasam Sofer when Pressburg was under siege from Napoleon’s armies in 1806. Also featured are other documents of his students and family members.

Lot 36 is R. Akiva Eiger’s personal copy of Masseches Megilah containing over fifty notes which were only printed in 1999.

Lot 39 a a broadside appealing for help after a pogrom in Posen 1716, where many Jews were killed. This item does not appear to be in any collection!

Lot 50 is a beautiful Machzor, yet another volume from the excellent collection of R’ N ’ ochum Dov Sadigur. A lot of his been written about this collection For more on this see R’ Zusha Dinkel’s article on this topic (PDF available upon request).

Lot 52 looks incredible (one can only to dream to own such an item). This is a few-page autograph manuscript of the Ramchal, where he lists out clearly and concisely fundamental concepts in Kabbalah.

Lot 53 is a manuscript of an important work of the Arizal. Of note is it’s a volume from the famous Library of R’ Daniel Itzig Berlin which the Prei Megadim used when composing some of his classic works.

Lot 61 Is a first edition of the Tikunei Shabbos. This important work was one of the key works which help “spread” and make famous various customs of the Arizal related to Shabbos.

Lot 64 is an amazing new discovery. This item is glosses of the Rogatchover Gaon on Kabbalah, written in a copy of the Rema Mi-Fano’s classic Asarah Ma’amros. As more and more of the Rogatchover Gaon’s material we learn more and more about him these notes shed light that he was also into Kabbalah (on some level).

Lot 77 is a copy of the Chortkover Rebbe’s, Avnei Miluim. What makes this of bibliographic interest is their a famous legend that Chasidim do not look at this work of the Ketzos as it was indexd by his maskilic son in law Shi”r and even contains comments of his. This copy remained in the family and was alsogin his Grandson’s collection.

Lot 90 is an original fascinating letter of R’ Yosef Zundel Salant where we learn about the following incident with the Mashgiach and some Talmidim in Volozhin:

מעשה שהיה ביה בוואלזין, פעם אחת בליל מוצא שמחת תורה משמחת יום טוב נשתכרו הר’ הג’ מו”ה אליקום ארדעצענר… והכו זה את זה והיה לחם עג”ג לאדמו”ר הרב הגאון זלה”ה… ושלחוהו מן השאלקע למטה לישיבה וגם שם לא שקט עד שאמרתי נצרך לכפתו וכן עשו, וביישתי את פניו ברבים, והיינו אוהבים נאמנים גם אחרי כן…. עתה נפלי בלבי ספק אולי שכחתי לבקש ממנו מחילה עד שימחול לי בלב שלום,… הגם שנצטויתי לעשות כן… על כן גודל בקשתי שימחול לעשות שליח עבורי… ולהביא יוד בני אדם להעמידם על קברו ולבקש מחילה בשמי…

Lot 92 is a copy of Rabbenu Yeruchem which has a signature of R’ Yisroel Salanter which is very rare to come by, interesting to see this item was in his library.

Lot 94 looks very special, as its twenty-seven original pages of the Classic work Meshech Chochma from R’ Meir Simcha Of Dvinsk. One hope who ever purchases this item prints it for the world to benefit from it.

Lot 100 relates to a controversy which took place about one hundred years ago involving many Torah giants related to a case of Chalitzah. R’ Yudolovetz offered a unique heter. Although he was a great gaon, this heter, was to put it mildly attacked by many. Yet, hundreds of people “pass” this work daily as it comes up as the first item on the Otzar Hachomah data base. The joke goes someone has to come up with a sefer with a title which would put them earlier on the list.

Lot 101 is the important and well-known, if not relied upon, responsum of R’ Chaim Ozer Grozensky on gelatin. This copy includes unpublished materials. For some sources on this topic see R’ Spitz collection here in footnote 12-13.

Item 125 is autograph copy of a responsum of R Meir Arik in regard to making Havdalah on seltzer.

Lot 183 Is the personal copy of the Chida’s classic work Birkei Yosef with over fifty glosses of his which have never been printed before. One only hopes that the future owner prints this material for the Torah world to benefit from it.

Lots 199-203 Are very important documents containing historical information about the Mir Yeshiva while it was in Shanghai.

Lots 207-208 must be pointed out as they are full manuscripts of classic Teshuva’s of the two previous Poskei Hador, R’ Moshe Feinstein (21pp.) and R’ Sholomo Zalam Auerbach (20 pp.).  R’ Moshe’s Teshuvah being offered for sale here relates to opening up cans and bottles on Shabbos has been the start of numerous Shiurim, articles and even seforim on this topic.

Lot 213 is a Letter and a Tefilah written by R’ Chaim Berlin, in honor of the of Czar Alexander III of Russia in Moscow, 1886. It appears to be written to Moses Montefiore and thanks him for his donation. R. Berlin describes that he, together with his students, recited this prayer. Additionally, the document discusses a heretofore unknown Talmud Torah that R’ Chaim Berlin had in Moscow.

Jacob’s Dream: Reproducing a Talismanic Illustrated Title Page

(Illustrations are from the following sources: the Edut Be Yosef, Rabot, Shivim Tekunei Zohar, and Yefeh Anaf are from the Gross Family Collection.  The Minhat Shai is from Dan Rabinowitz’s personal collection, and the rest are courtesy of the internet.)

One of the earliest examples of Jewish art are the biblical paintings at the Dura Europos Synagogue, completed in 244-5 C.E. Among those images is that of Jacob’s dream. The importance of the Dura Europos iconography in the development of Jewish art is hard to overestimate. “The iconographic formulas, seen for the first time in the Dura synagogue would recur both in Jewish art and Christian art, in widely differing media – manuscripts, murals, mosaics, ivories and silver utensils – frequently without modification, or with only the modifications necessitated by different materials or techniques, or the need to emphasize a new theological perspective.”[1]

By the time of its discovery in the 1920s, only a fragment of Jacob’s dream scene remained visible. Nonetheless it is possible to discern the subtly of the artist. In the fragment, Jacob is depicted as a figure wearing Greek costume – the then contemporary dress – leaning on his elbow, in the posture of Palmyrene funerary reliefs. Only the body is preserved, the head and upper body are lost. Near the figure is planted an inclined ladder, which one or perhaps two (it is unclear) personages in Persian dress are ascending. This custom, consisting of a short-belted tunic adorned with braid at the throat and hem, and wide trousers gathered into short supple boots, represents in the language of the Dura painter the garb of kings and princes, and court temple  personnel.[2] 

Scholars have voiced a number of opinions to explain the Persian court dress. According to one scholar the artist was referencing a midrash that appears in Pirkei de-Reb Eliezer. The angels, rather than merely serving as Jacob’s protection, also allude to “the four kingdoms that would conquer and subjugate the Jews, each as represented by its prince.”[3]One of the kingdoms is Persia. Thus, the artist’s choice of iconography was deliberate.

Jewish Title Pages

The first illustrated Jewish title pages appeared in the early seventeenth century. In 1693, the first depiction of Jacob’s dream graced a Jewish title page. That book, Sefer Rabbot, Midrash Rabba, with the commentary of R. Yisachar ben Naftali Katz, printed in Frankfurt on the Oder by Michael Gottschalk.

He was a local bookbinder and bookdealer who took over the management of Johann Christoph Beckman’s printing press in Frankfort d.O. in 1693, and led the press for almost forty years.[4]  Sefer Rabbot’s title page includes Moses and Aaron (who first appear in the 1610 edition of the She’a lot u-Teshuvot Mahril, printed in Hanau (see “Aaron the Jewish Bishop”), at the top, angels around the ark, and at the bottom, three biblical scenes, Jacob wrestling with the angel, David praying, and Jacob’s dream. It is obvious that these images are modeled after Matthaeus Merian’s engravings of biblical scenes that accompanied his Icones Biblicae printed between 1625-1630. All three of these images can be traced to Merian based upon a number of similarities and artist conventions.

The image of Jacob’s dream depicts, in both instances, Jacob laying next to a tree, boats and houses appear in the background, and angels’ hands are outstretched to greet Jacob. There is one significant puzzling difference. In Merian’s depiction, he substitutes the letters (reversed) of tetragram for God. In the Jewish book, God is depicted as an old man with a beard wearing a crown. This, despite Judaism’s strong prohibition on depicting God in a human form.

(This is not the only instance of a Jewish book containing a human image for God. The title-page of the first edition of R. Yedidia Shlomo of Norzi’s commentary on the biblical mesorah, Minhat Shai, Mantua, 1742-44, includes a depiction of God with a human face.   The images on the title page are various biblical vignettes and in the one for the resurrection of the “dry bones” that appears in Yehkezkel, God is shown as an old man with a white beard.)

Here is that image in detail:

Michael Gottschalk reused the Rabot title page at least five times; in 1695, for R. Shmuel Yaffe, Yafe Anaf, in 1696, Mattityahu ben Asher Lemle Liebermann, Mattat Yah, in 1698 in R. Benjamin Ze’ev Wolf ben Samuel Romaner’s Ir Binyamin,  in 1699 in Ohel Yaakov, and in 1602 in Yisrael b. Aaron Yaffa, Or Yisrael.

 

These title pages are just a few of Gottchalk’s illustrated title pages. Gottshalk artistic sensibilities are on full display in his 1697-99 edition of the Talmud, a work for which the Frankfurt press is best known to this day. It contains arguably the most magnificent Talmudic title page ever printed.

In 1695, the first illustrated copperplate Haggadah was published in Amsterdam. All the images are modeled based upon Merian. The title page too contains a number of biblical scenes in circular medallions. One of which is Jacob’s dream.

The next title page that depicts Jacob’s dream appears in Tzvi Hirsch ben Rachmiel Chotsh’s, Shiv’im Tikunei ha-Zohar, Hemdat Tzvi, Amsterdam, Moshe ben Avraham Mendes Coutinho, 1706.[5] Like the Gottchalk’s image that includes heretical iconography, those of Shiv’im Tikunei ha-Zohar would prove equally problematic.[6]

Despite Hemdat Tzvi’s impressive approbations, R. Jacob Emden accused Chotsh, and specifically this book, of holding and expressing Sabbatian beliefs.[7] It has been conclusively demonstrated that indeed Chotsh’s book contains Sabbatian ideas.[8] Evidence of Chotsh’s embrace of Sabbateanism is identifiable amongst the title page images. Indeed, Chotsh calls attention to the larger meaning of the title page’s images. At the bottom of the title page Chotsh provides that “whosoever wishes to know the secret of the above frontispiece, should see the introduction to the Tikkunim at the beginning of the first article.” An inspection of that section yields likely Sabbatian passages. Thus, Chotsh is indicating that like the introduction, the title page also contains allusions to Sabbateanism.

The title page depicts a variety of biblical figures and Jacob’s dream appears at the top center of the page. Above that are two deer holding a crown with the verse from Isaiah 28:5, “On that day will the Lord of the hosts be for a crown of glory, and for a diadem of beauty.” The “crown of glory” or in Hebrew “Ateret tzvi” has a double meaning here, “glory” and “deer” and, of course, is alluding to Sabbatia Tzvi, who, “on that day” will be presumably wearing the crown.[9]

The most long-lasting depiction of Jacob’s dream is that which appeared in Siddur Shaarei Shamyim from R. Isaiah ha-Levi Horowitz (Shelah), Amsterdam, 1717.[10]

This title page is notable in that the accompanying images that align with the book which was not always the case. This is a complete machzor and as such four holidays, Sukkot, Pesach, Shavout, and Rosh Hashana, are represented on the top encased in circles, and underneath the columns. On one side of the bottom of the pillars. On either side is a niche, on the right with Abraham with the legend and on the left, Isaac, underneath each is a verse corresponding to prayer. Displayed prominently at top center, depicting his dream, with the verse from which the book’s title is derived. Underneath the title is a depiction of the Levites pouring water over the priest’s hands with the legend above, Ze hasher la-leviim. This is a reference to R. Horowitz’s lineage. All of the biblical images correspond with Merian’s depictions.

This title page, with small modifications, was repeatedly copied and is found in books from across Europe. One explanation for the ubiquity of this title page is that the Siddur ha-Shelah was imbued with talismanic effect. R. Yoel Sirkes in his approbation assures that whoever prays from this book their prayers would be answered. As evidence of the talismanic effect of the book one only needs to look to recent auctions where the book is regularly sold for tens of thousands of dollars. Perhaps printers looking to capitalize on the aura surrounding the Siddur ha-Shelah incorporated the images in their books.

For example, the title page appears in Edut be-Yaakov, Sulzbach, 1741,[11] in 1765, Furth, Siddur Korban Minha, and in 1797, in the north west of France in Luneville, Sha’ar Selihot ve-Tahanunim. In the latter, the Levite is substituted for Jonah as that is more aligned with the High Holiday themes of the book, and the four depictions of the holidays are removed because they conflict with the singular nature of the book.

Illustrated Hebrew title pages are perhaps the most ubiquitous, and certainly the most accessible form of Jewish art. Yet, the study of the art of the Hebrew title page has not attracted commensurate scholarly interest. Our example, tracing the depiction of Jacob’s dream, is but one instance that illustrated Hebrew title pages fit within the larger history of Jewish art. Here, the Hebrew title pages seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Hebrew books harken back to the iconography identified at Dura Europos that continued to appear in Jewish artistic forms, in this instance books.

אין חכמת אדם מגעת אלא עד מקום שספריו מגיעין[1]¹

ר‘ יצחק קנפנטון

(ואין ספריו מגיעין בשעת המגיפה[2])

Pandemic Bibliopenia:[3] A Preliminary Report of Disease Eradication

Rabbi Edward Reichman, MD

The number of seforim written during, about or related to the Covid 19 pandemic continues to grow at breakneck speed.[4] What has largely gone unnoticed among the other unprecedented aspects of this pandemic, is that since the development of the printing press, we have not seen so much quality rabbinic literature produced in the midst of a pandemic.[5] In fact, if anything, a diminution in the quantity and quality of literature was more the norm during previous pandemics. This literature proliferation during Covid 19 heralds in a new age and reflects the eradication of a common condition prevalent in the premodern era- Pandemic Bibliopenia (heretofore, PB).

Few alive today have previously experienced a pandemic of the magnitude of Covid 19. While those Torah scholars and bibliophiles who weathered pandemics of the past would surely have been familiar with PB, possibly even from personal experience, the scholars of today are simply unfamiliar with this condition and have likely never seen a case. Furthermore, we are unlikely to see many cases of PB in the future as well (see “treatment” section below).

Since cases of PB in the present and future are likely to be exceedingly rare, the possibility of misdiagnosis or missed diagnosis is therefore a significant concern. We therefore review this condition and some illustrative cases to record its history for posterity, lest we completely forget this previously incurable disease that afflicted the Jewish community for centuries.

Definition/ Diagnosis

Pandemic

adjective

Associated with a widespread outbreak of a contagious disease.

Bibliopenia

noun

Biblio- relating to a book or books

Penia (suffix)- lack or deficiency

A lack or deficiency of books

Pandemic Bibliopenia (PB) is defined as the lack or deficiency of books available to scholars during times of widespread disease.[6] This often leads to quantitative or qualitative decline in literature produced during times of plague or pandemic.[7]

Etiology

While the Talmud explicitly recommends one to shelter in place during times of plague,[8] the practice evolved from at least the late Middle Ages and onwards to flee the urban areas for more rural, less densely populated locations.[9] Access to rabbinic works was often severely limited, if existent at all, in these remote areas. Production of literature was thus severely hindered or curtailed in areas of disease. Plagues often lasted for many months or longer.

Literary Manifestations

PB appears to be more explicitly manifest in halakhic, specifically responsa, literature, with less impact on other genres, such as poetry,[10] or other forms that do not require or rely heavily on texts. Halakhic writing often requires referencing a wide spectrum of legal writings. Furthermore, due to the often-urgent nature of halakhic queries, the response cannot await the passing of the pandemic. Elective works, however, can simply be delayed until calmer times, when access to libraries, be they private or public, can be restored.

Epidemiology

The impact and prevalence of PB throughout history is difficult to assess,[11] though it has likely been significantly underreported. Cases can only be definitively identified from manuscripts and printed works where PB is explicitly mentioned. One of the primary manifestations of Pandemic Bibliopenia is the unwritten book. How many works were conceived, and perhaps even gestated, though not birthed as a result of PB? As this is manifestly impossible to quantify, as no evidence of such remains, we will thus never know the extent of the bibliographic mortality of PB throughout history.

PB shows no innate predilection for age, gender or geographic location and is associated solely with the presence of pandemics.

Case Studies

There are a number of possible presentations of PB.

Severe Cases of Pandemic Bibliopenia

Below are two clear cases of severe PB.

1. Rabbi Yom Tov Tzahalon (c. 1559-1638)[12]

Rabbi Yom Tov Tzahalon (known as Maharitz) authored a number of halakhic works in the late sixteenth-early seventeenth centuries and lived in Tzfat for part of that time. There were a number of plagues in Tzfat during this period. In Tzahalon’s responsa we see clear evidence in a number of places of his affliction with Pandemic Bibliopenia.[13]

Siman 8

Due to plague in Tzfat, Tzahalon was forced to flee from mountain to mountain, village to village, and states explicitly that he lacks sufficient access to works of poskim to answer the question properly. He nonetheless offers a limited response to appease the questioner.

Siman 19

Tzahalon again notes his lack of access to rabbinic literature in the midst of plague, including the tractates of the Talmud, with the exception of tractates Bava Kama and Bava Metzia, and a portion of Rambam.

During the writing of the above responsum Tzahalon resided, albeit temporarily, in Kfar Par’am, located to the Northeast of the city. People generally fled to villages on the outskirts of their city of residence.

(the pin represents Par’am)

Siman 44

During the writing of this responsum Tzahalon appears to have returned to wandering between villages and once again laments his inability to provide an in depth and expansive response.

Siman 81

In our final, albeit less explicit, example of PB in Tzahalon’s responsa, written in 1589, Tzahalon bemoans his prolonged exile and the toll it has taken, though does not allow this to prevent him from offering a halakhic analysis of the issue.

We not only have mention of Pandemic Bibliopenia in Tzahalon’s responsa, it also surfaces in his Talmudic commentary.[14] Tzahalon wrote his commentary on the fifth chapter of Bava Metzia, at least partially, while in exile. Parenthetically, this may explain why the only volumes of Talmud he possessed in exile were Bava Kama and Bava Metzia, as he likely packed these specific tractates for his travels anticipating work on his commentary. In the midst of his Talmudic commentary[15] we are introduced to Tzahalon’s personal tragedy while in exile in Kfar Par’am with the following line:

Tzahalon digresses from his commentary to share the details of the tragic death of his infant son.[16] The timing of the death, associated with a delayed burial, precipitated a halakhic question for the author:[17] Here again he reiterates his lack of access to required Talmudic tractates and poskim. He writes of his intent to review and expand his analysis upon his return to the city and to his library after the cessation of the plague.

Of note, while this passage is physically situated in the midst of this Talmudic commentary, it is in essence a halakhic responsum.

2. Rabbi Hayyim Palachi (1788-1868)[18]

Rabbi Palachi was the Chief Rabbi of Izmir in Turkey. During his lifetime a cholera pandemic affected Turkey. In a number of his works he acknowledges suffering from Pandemic Bibliopenia. An explicit reference is below:

Hikikei Lev, vol 2, H. M., n. 51, p. 164a

Palachi was exiled to the village of Boron on the outskirts of Izmir. While lamenting that there is “no wise man without seforim,” he endeavors to respond to a halakhic question with the resources he has available him in addition to relying on his memory. Below we see the repeated mention of PB throughout multiple works reflecting a most serious case of the condition.[19]

Hikikei Lev, vol 1, E. H., n. 57, p. 114b

Hayyim Biyad n. 79, p. 98a

In a letter to Rabbi Hayyim Yehudah Avraham, published in the latter’s Ahi vaRosh[20] Palachi writes while still in exile in the village of Boron:

Varied Prevalence of PB

In the following case, we see the clear impact of PB on one Torah scholar, while another scholar during the very same pandemic appears to enjoy immunity from the condition.

In perhaps our most poetic example, Rabbi Yehudah Ibn Verga[21] corresponds with Rabbi Yosef Karo, author of the Shulhan Arukh, about a financial matter.[22] After lengthy praise for Rabbi Karo, he launches into a lament about the current state of plague in Tzfat.

Ibn Verga’s invokes the same phrase from Tehillim[23] (nikhsifah vigam kaltah nafshi) as does Tzahalon (Siman 81 above) to express the emotions evoked by the plague. His comment at the end of this passage about his elation upon meeting another person in the midst of the plague will sound familiar to those of us who have weathered complete lockdown during the current pandemic.

The next passage reflects the duration of Ibn Verga’s exile. Ibn Verga remarks that his exile had passed the entire summer, now into the winter, and the plague still lingered. “We have said, it is long due to the sins of the generation.” Ibn Verga and Karo both lived in Tzfat. Ibn Verga had hoped to speak to him directly about this case, face to face, but as the plague dragged on, he had no recourse but to commit his comments to paper.

Ibn Verga concludes that he had wanted to cite a responsum of Rosh in support of his position but was unable to include it due to his affliction with PB.[24] 

In his response, Rav Yosef Karo likewise longs to speak face to face with Ibn Verga:

He concurs that sin has caused them to be in a state of “mistar panim” until the plague passes. Rabbi Karo then proceeds to discuss the halakhic issue and makes no mention of lack of access to literature. He also lived in Tzfat and endured the same plague. In fact, we know Rabbi Karo fled Tzfat during the plague to live in the village of Birya.[25] It is in Birya in 1555 that he completed the first volume of his Shulhan Arukh. While the Shulhan Arukh was only first printed in 1565 in Venice, the colophon of each volume reflects the date and place of its completion.

Colophon at end of the 1565 edition of the first volume of Shulhan Arukh:

By the time he had completed the second volume, Yoreh De’ah, less than one year later, he had already returned to Tzfat, presumably after the cessation of the plague.

Colophon at end of the 1565 edition of the second volume of Shulhan Arukh:

While Rabbi Ibn Verga was clearly a victim of PB, Rabbi Yosef Karo does not appear to have been affected whatsoever. We thus have evidence of the variable prevalence of the condition during the same pandemic.

Mild or Implicit PB

Some cases of Pandemic Bibliopenia are not as explicit or easily diagnosed as those of Rabbis Tzahalon and Ibn Verga. At the same time as the aforementioned were experiencing plague in Northern Israel, Rabbi Moshe Isserles faced advancing disease in Cracow. Rabbi Isserles describes his dire situation in the introduction to his Mehir Yayin, a commentary on Megilat Esther that he wrote for his father-in-law, in lieu of mishloah manot, while in exile in the city of Shidlov.

While Rabbi Isserles does not explicitly refer to Pandemic Bibliopenia, he makes passing references possibly alluding to the condition. For example, he writes:

which means that his intellect still remained, despite his lack of access to an extensive library.

In describing the work, he writes:

Perhaps PB is reflected in his choice of composition, a work relying heavily on his textual analytic skills, and less so on obscure or hard to obtain texts, likely unavailable to him in Shidlov.[26]

Furthermore, his qualifying statement,

might reflect a lack of bibliographical resources. Whether this case meets the diagnostic criteria for PB remains a question.

Differential Diagnosis

Pandemic Bibliopenia may possibly be confused with other forms of Bibliopenia. To be sure, many individuals have lost access to their libraries due to personal tragedies,[27] but here I refer specifically to systemic forms of Bibliopenia that impacted entire communities. In these cases authors were similarly deprived access to rabbinic literature, though for entirely different reasons. One such example will suffice.

The Physician Abraham Portaleone was a prominent figure in Renaissance Italy, treating royalty, authoring several medical works.[28] At the age of 62 he suffered a stroke which prompted a reevaluation of his life. He concluded that his affliction befell him as he had not devoted enough of his life to Torah learning. He undertook to write a work on prayer and the Beit HaMikdash which he dedicated to his children. At the end of chapter thirty-two, which discusses the shulhan in the Temple, we find the following comment.

Portaleone notes that, “Perhaps some place in the Talmud Hazal spoke of this, and I am not aware. As a result of the known deficiency [my emphasis] I have not been able to properly ascertain this.”[29] One might erroneously assume that he is referring to Pandemic Bibliopenia as the etiology for his lack of access to the Talmud. In fact, Portaleone is referring to a variant form of the condition, called Censorship Bibliopenia. A review of the entire work of Portaleone, including his introduction, will clarify any confusion.

In his introduction, Portaleone details the nature of his early education, and recalls how while a student studying Talmud with R’ Yaakov MiPano, the infamous decree led to the Talmud “being consumed by fire before our eyes.” This refers to the burning of the Talmud in Rome in 1553.[30] After the initial burning of the Talmud in Rome, other Italian cities followed suit with their own citywide burnings. Portaleone was witness to one such event. Decades later, as he penned his classic work, Shiltei haGibborim, the Talmud still remained largely unavailable in Italy. Portaleone was forced to use substitute works that alluded to or quoted the Talmud, if available, but sometimes the information was simply not accessible. One such example is his discussion of the Shulhan above.

In one remarkable instance Portaleone reveals his elation at being able to acquire a bona fide Talmudic reference. He writes that after he completed the chapter on the Lishkat haGazit (Chamber of Hewn Stone), God ordained (hikra) that he happen upon a wise man from the city of Tzfat (where the Talmud was available) who had come to Italy to seek financial support for his family. “From his mouth I heard the sugya in the second chapter of Yoma on the laws of the Lishkat haGazit, and I write them here for you (my children) from his mouth…”[31]

In yet another place he excitedly relates of his accessing a small passage from Tractate

Chagigah from a tattered manuscript remnant in the library of a great Torah scholar (Gaon) of Verona.[32] All of these instances are examples of Censorship Bibliopenia.

Treatment

During previous pandemics, in the pre-modern era, PB was considered untreatable. Fortunately, however, it was temporary and ultimately resolved with the cessation of the pandemic. Today, however, the treatment for PB is readily available and inexpensive, though its safety has been called into question. Despite the fact that the understanding of disease transmission has evolved, people still, if feasible, flee their homes in urban areas for less populated locations. As such, they could still be susceptible to PB. However, PB is now completely remediable through internet access to Rabbinic literature.[33] Not only is virtually the totality or rabbinic literature widely and freely available for scholars (rabbis, poskim and laymen) via the internet, facilitating the production of quality work; the publication and dissemination of these works can be accomplished with ease on the internet as well. It is only today, in the midst of the current Covid 19 pandemic, that we are witnessing the eradication of PB. As a result, there have likely been more pages written of rabbinic discourse (both halakhic and aggadic, related to the pandemic or not) during the present pandemic than during all previous pandemics combined.[34]

Conclusion

Pandemic Bibliopenia is an underrecognized phenomenon in Jewish history. In addition to the medical impact of pandemics in the past, our ancestors experienced spiritual and intellectual suffering by being deprived access to the Torah library, our life blood. Today, however, even in the midst of a worldwide pandemic, while libraries have shuttered, and some have fled their homes, there has been little diminution in the access to rabbinic literature. As the world may never again experience Pandemic Bibliopenia and the unique literary impact of plagues and pandemics, it behooves us to recall it in appreciation that despite the many adversities associated with this pandemic, loss of access to our beloved Torah literature is not counted among them. Not only have we eradicated Pandemic Bibliopenia, it appears to have been replaced with a new diagnostic category, Pandemic Polybiblia,[35] though in this case, fortunately, a healthy and desired condition. May we be zokheh to the continuation of Polybiblia without any associated pandemics in the future.

Book Sale 2020

By  Eliezer Brodt

This Book list of over four hundred titles, and consists of a few sections. The first batch are some of the works that were printed in the past year.

1. Almost all the books are either brand new or in good shape.
2. Email your order to eliezerbrodt@gmail.com. I will than send you a bill based on what is available. Payment is with Pay Pal, but other arrangements can be made.
3. Shipping is not included in the price; that depends on the order and size of the book.
4. All books will be air mailed out after I receive payment
5. There are other shipping possibilities available depending on the quantity of books ordered.
6. For every 5 titles purchased there is a 10 percent discount [not including the shipping – a set counts as one title].
7. Feel free to ask for details about any specific book on the list, or for books not found on the list.
8. All questions should be sent to me at eliezerbrodt@gmail.com thank you and enjoy.
9. Part of the proceeds of this sale will be going to help support the efforts of the Seforim blog.
10. Enjoy!

ספרים חדשים שהופיעו בשנה האחרונה

1. פרופ‘ יעקב שמואל שפיגל, עמודים בתולדות ספר העברי, “תלמיד ערוך” $21
2. ד“ר מנחם קרן–קרץ, הקנאי, הרבי מסאטמר, $30
3. ד“ר מיכל טיקוצ‘נינסקי, משפטיך למדני, ניצני הלמדנות המשפטית בספר מנחת חינוך ואצל מחברו ר‘ יוסף באב“ד, $47
4. שפת אמת בשפת האם, דרשות חדשות של רבי יהודה אריה לייב אלתר מגור [מכתב יד], בעריכת דניאל רייזר ואריאל אבן–מעשה, $26
5. מחקרים בשפות שמיות, מקרא ומדעי היהדות מוגשים לראובן שמחה שטיינר, $36
6. יוסף דן, תולדות תורת הסוד העברית: ימי הביניים – כרך יג, $32
7. שרה הלר–וילנסקי, ר‘ יצחק עראמה ומשנתו, דפוס שניה, $22
8. הרב יהודה הנקין, מהלכים במקרא / סוגיות במקרא מבריאת העולם ועד מתן תורה, $24
9. אור השם מספרד – חייו, פועלו והגותו של ר‘ חסדאי קרשקש, (אוסף מאמרים), $30
10. ר‘ יצחק שילת, בין החסידות לראי“ה, $23
11. עם עולם, שי לישראל ברטל, $30
12. משה ארנד, שבעים פנים לתורה, בעריכת בנו אהרן ארנד, $21
13. יצחק טברסקי, כמעיין המתגבר, הלכה ורוח ביצירת חכמי ימי הביניים, בעריכת כרמי הורוביץ, $34
14. ביאור הרלב“ג לתורה, פרקי מבוא, מאת ברוך ברנר, כרמיאל כהן, הוצאת מעליות, $24
15. פרופ‘ שרגא אברמסון, מחקרים בספרות הגאונים, $27
16. ר‘ שמואל הילמן, אור הישר, דרשות, ע“י ר‘ פינחס דונר ואחרים, כולל תולדותיו ב-127 עמודים נכתב על ידי ר‘ יחיאל גולדהבר, $21
17. מפני תיקון עולם, פרק ד מסכת גיטין, מנחם כהנא, $27
18. אילן אלדר תחייתה והתחדשותה של העברית: מחקרים ועיונים, $21
19. מארמית לעברית: שיטת התרגום בהלכות ראו, יוחנן ברויאר, $33
20. שרה צפתמן, שבחי רבי שמואל ורבי יהודה חסיד, ראשיתה של ספרות השבחים ביהדות אשכנז, $32
21. גרשון ברין, פרשנים ביזנטיים יהודים באלף השני לספריה, $28
22. יוסף הכהן, ספר דברי הימים למלכי צרפת ומלכי בית אוטומאן, ג‘ חלקים, מהדיר: ראובן בונפיל, $48
23. יוסף הכהן, עמק הבכא, מהדיר ראובן בונפיל, $24
24. גנזי קדם, כרך טז, $35
25. ר‘ אליהו בן אמזוג, מסורת והיא תורה שבעל פה, $28
26. ר‘ אליהו רחמים זייני, עץ ארז חלק ו, $23
27. יעקב ברנאי, חדש באדרא: שבתאות – היבטים היסטוריוגרפיים, $37
28. ישעיהו תשבי, תורת הרע והקליפה בקבלת האר“י (מהדורה חדשה), $23
29. עיונים בלשניים פילולוגיים בחקר העברית והארמית, $27
30. העברית והארמית בימי הביניים: עיונים בלשון ובחוכמת הלשון, $31
31. עֵת הֵאָסֵף, א: מילים ומילונאות, $33
32. סופה להתקיים; הקיום המשותף בצל המחלוקת, $31
33. יעקב ליכט, מעולמה הרוחני של יהדות הבית השני פרקי עיון במגילות מדבר יהודה ובספרים החיצונים, $24
34. דפנא לוין, הילכו שניים יחדיו בלתי אם נועדו, בין מורה לתלמיד האר“י ור‘ חיים ויטאל, $35
35. גלוסר המילים השאולות מן היוונית ומן הרומית במקורות היהודיים הבתר־מקראיים, $21
36. רמי ריינר ופנחס רוט, תשובות ר‘ יצחק בן שמואל מדמפייר (ר“י הזקן), $25
37. לשון ומסורה אסופת מאמרים, יוסף פרץ, $22
38. פירוש רש”י למשלי, $24
39. אם לבינה, מכתב יד, מהריעב”ץ, $25
40. סוגיות בנוסח המקרא ובפרשנותו, ישעיהו מאורי, $24
41. פירוש האגדות לרבי עזריאל (מהדורה חדשה), $26
42. ספר המספיק לעובדי השם, ניסים דנה (מהדורה חדשה), $34
43. יונתן מאיר, דמותו המיתולוגי של הבעש”ט, $18
44. הלל צייטילין, בחביון הנשמה, $20
45. הלל צייטילין, געגונים ליופי, $20
46. דוד שוורץ, מטכניקה לתודעה – התגבשות הכתיבה הרב ממדית מר’ שלמה אבן גבירול ועד לרמב”ם , $24
47. ר’ אליהו גרינצייג, פקודי העדה, חידושים על רמב”ם הלכות סנהדרין, חלק ה, $14
48. Yiddish Letters From the Seventeenth-Century World of Glikl Hamel, $20

ספרים של (או בעריכתו) ר‘ שמואל אשכנזי:

1. אלפא ביתא קדמיתא דשמואל זעירא –ר‘ שמואל אשכנזי חלק א 852 עמודים,

עותקים אחרונים, $68

1. אלפא ביתא תניתא דשמואל זעירא – ר‘ שמואל אשכנזי שני חלקים, מבצע, 32$
2. אסופה, ארבעה מאמרים מאוצרות ר‘ שמואל אשכנזי, $13
3. אברהם אליהו הרכבי, חדשים גם ישנים $35
4. 500 געגראמטע שפריכווערטער $3
5. מפענח נעלמים, 4000 פענוחי נוטריקונים שלא נכנסו לאוצר ראשי תבות, $4
6. אוסף תדפיסים: מבוא שלו לשבט מוסר \ תדפיס פרדס הגדה \ על שני ספרי חסידים הראשונים $7
7. ר‘ שלמה אלקבץ, שרשי ישי $18
8. ר‘ שלמה אלקבץ, מנות הלוי, $18

ספרים מר‘ יעקב ישראל סטל:

1. 1. 1. 1. ספר גימטריאות – לר’ יהודה החסיד, שני חלקים $32
         2. סודי חומש ושאר ,$15
         3. סגולה – חלק א, $19
         4. דרשות לימי התשובה, $11
         5. תשובות הרוקח – $13
         6. נהגו ישראל – סוכות – $19
         7. גנזי חג הסוכות -$20
         8. אחר שלישים במועצות (פיוט לחתן עם פירוש לראשונים – נדפס ב-50 עותקים) $13

שאר ספרים– חדשים וגם ישינים

1. 1. 1. 1. 1. 1. 1. אגרות מלכי רבנן, תשובות מפוסקים וחכמי הדור, מלך שפירא, $21
         2. מכילתא א, $15
         3. ר‘ יחיאל גולדהבר, קונדיטון [לשאלת החרם על ספרד, אסון הטיטאניק מנקודת מבטו של העולם היהודי] 15$
         4. ליקוטי אליעזר, אליעזר בראדט, 9$
         5. בין כסה לעשור, אליעזר בראדט, 14$
         6. סדר אליהו, לאדר“ת מוסד רב קוק, (נדיר) $60
         7. שבחי הרמב“ם, יצחק אבישור, $23
         8. גרים וגירות, הרב יוסף ליפלאנד, (מוסד רב קוק) $16
         9. חרבא דמשהמהדורה חדשה , מהדיר: יובל הררי, $23
         10. שקיעין מדרשי תימן, שאול ליברמן, $17
         11. ספר היובל לדניאל קארפי, $17
         12. שערי צדק\ חכמת אדם, הלכות התלויות בארץ, [בעל החיי אדם] $22
         13. ר‘ יצחק אייזיק חבר, הגדה של פסח יד מצרים השלם, $17
         14. יסופר לדור, יונה עמנואל, $17
         15. משיבת נפש, קירוב רחוקים באספקלריית חז”ל $15
         16. הסנהדרין, אברהם ביכלר, $18
         17. שו”ת מתנות באדם, $26
         18. פרשיות מהווי יהודי איטליה במאה הט”ז, על פי כ”י, $40
         19. שו”ת ר’ עזריאל דאיינה, ב’ חלקים, $50
         20. אגרות מלמדים, $36
         21. אגרות בית ריאיטי, $36
         22. מחקרים בספרות התלמודית, יום עיון לרגל מלאת שמונים שנה לשאול ליברמן, $24
         23. פקסימיליה, ג‘ חלקים של תלמוד בבלי, כתב יד מינכן, $72
         24. סידור ר‘ הירץ ש“צ, א-ב, $21
         25. רוח חדשה בארמון התורה, ספר יובל לכבוד פרופ’ תמר רוס עם הגיעה לגבורות, $22
         26. מחקרים במקרא בתרגומיו ובמפרשיו, עזרא ציון מלמד,$30
         27. פירוש הרא“ש למסכת שקלים, (מהדיר ר‘ זק“ש) $18
         28. הרב קוק והציונות גלגולה של תקווה, מיכל לניר, $13
         29. אריה מורגנשטרן, הרבנות הראשית לארץ ישראל ייסודה וארגונה, $17
         30. לחקר התלמוד, א. וויס, $27
         31. ספר המצרף / ביאורים והגהות לעבדות חז“ל, $10
         32. ישראל בעמים, כריכה קשה, יצחק בער, $12
         33. בעלות השחר, מרדכי זלקין, $18
         34. חסד לאומים חטאת, הרב אליהו רחמים זייני, $18
         35. מועדים לשמחה ניסן – ב, ה, $16
         36. הגדות התלמוד, $28
         37. מוולוז‘ין עד ירושלים, כתבי הרב מאיר בר אילן (ברלין), ב’ חלקים, $40
         38. מחקרים בתקופת המשנה והתלמוד, אברהם ביכלר, $15
         39. המשנה הראשונה ופלוגתא דתנאי, הרב ד“ר דור צבי האפפמאנן, $10
         40. ספרות יידיש בפולין, חנא שמרוק, $17
         41. מחקרי תלמוד א, $21
         42. מחקרי תלמוד ב, $32
         43. ספר הפרדס עם תרומת הפרדס, $12
         44. מוסדות ותארים בספרות התלמוד, ד”ר אברהם אמיר, $18
         45. הספר כסוכן תרבות, זאב גריס, $21
         46. פנקס ועד ארבע ארצות, ישראל היילפרין, מהדורה שניה, $18
         47. ר‘ שלמה זלמן הבלין, תורתן של גאונים חלק א‘ [מבוא על תקופת הגאונים] , $20
         48. משה מונטיפיורי האיש והאגדה, משה סמט, $20
         49. שירת המאור, בעל המאור, $26
         50. מבואות לספרות התנאים, יעקב נחום הלוי אפשטיין, $35
         51. מבואות לספרות האמוראים, יעקב נחום הלוי אפשטיין, $35
         52. תוספתא עתיקתא, שמא יהודה פרידמן, $25
         53. דברים בעתם, הרב מרגליות, $15
         54. מלאכת מחשבת, רבי משה חפץ, $18
         55. בנימין בכר, ר‘ אברהם אבן עזרא המדקדק, $17
         56. אם למסורת, שמואל ש. ביאלובלוצקי, $18
         57. תורת אבן העזר, אריה קרלין, מוסד רב קוק, $15
         58. ארשת ספר שנה לחקר הספר העברי, חלק ה $16
         59. חשק שלמה שרשים לרבי שלמה פפנהים, $22
         60. ספר הדמעות, שמעון ברנפלד, ג’ חלקים, $65
         61. שרשי מנהג אשכנז, חלק ב $28
         62. פנקס פתוח, מרדכי נדב, $22
         63. זכרונות השרידי אש, $16
         64. לפרקים, (בעל השרידי אש), ב’ חלקים, $18
         65. ר‘ יוסף איש רוסהיים, ספר המקנה, $23
         66. ר‘ יוסף ב“ר נתן אופיציאל, יוסף המקנא,$27
         67. והגעגועים סגורים בי, נילי רחל שרף גולד, $14
         68. סדור עבודת הלבבות, ספר מקור הברכות, $19
         69. ר‘ יוסף קאפח המקרא ברמב“ם, $18
         70. על דרך האמת הרמב“ן ויצירתה של מסורת, משה הלברטל, $25
         71. מפרשי המקרא דרכיהם ושיטותיהם, עזרא ציון מלמד, ב’ חלקים, $38
         72. מפי בעלי לשונות, שרגא אברמסון, $20
         73. היא שיחתי, דן אלינור, $10
         74. טעמי מסורת המקרא לר‘ יהודה החסיד, $12
         75. פתחי שערים, נפתלי בן מנחם, $19
         76. פירושי מסכת פסחים וסוכה, א. קופפר, $11
         77. מעין החיים, דברי חיים – חתם סופר, $5
         78. ספר זיכרון דגל מחנה ראובן, $25
         79. ספר שמות תורה, הלכות הנהגות חידושים ביאורים, $20
         80. יסוד מורא וסוד תורה, ר’ אברהם אבן עזרא, $32
         81. סידור אור השנים, $18 מכון אהבת שלום
         82. מרבדי משנה פרקי ברכות, אברהם וולפיש, $18
         83. פנקס הכשרים של קהילת פוזנא (שפ“א–תקצ“ה), דב אברון, $16
         84. שירים גנוזים, נחמיה אלוני ויוסף טובי, $14
         85. הפירוש השלם על תהילים, רד”ק, $21 מוסד הרב קוק
         86. ביאור הגר“א לנ“ך, נביאים, $20מוסד הרב קוק
         87. בשליחות ירושלים, אריה מורגנשטרן, $16
         88. לקסיקון העיתונות העברית, מנוחה גלבוע, $24
         89. תקנות ניקלשבורג, א.נ.צ. רות, $23
         90. שבע החכמות, דוב רפל, $18
         91. בית אבות, ספר מוסר, על מסכת אבות, $25
         92. לוחות עדות להגאון רבי יהונתן אייבשיץ זצ“ל, $30
         93. רד“ב מייזלש, תולדות, מוסד הרב קוק, $16
         94. חקר ועיון, קלמן כהנא, חלק א, $18
         95. פרקי עיון במשנת רבי אברהם אבן עזרא, ד”ר אברהם ליפשיץ, $19
         96. אוצר המשלים והפתגמים, דוידזון, (בעריכת שמואל אשכנזי) $18
         97. משלי ישראל ואומות העולם, אלעזר בלאנקשטיין, בעריכת שמואל אשכנזי, $30
         98. חנוך אלבק, מבוא לתלמודים $25
         99. יעקב שמואל שפיגל, עמודים בתולדות ספר העברי, (עותק אחרון) הגהות ומגיהים $50
         100. יעקב שמואל שפיגל, עמודים בתולדות ספר העברי, הדר המחבר, $21
         101. יעקב שמואל שפיגל (מהדיר), וישמע קולי, $22
         102. פירוש רש“י למסכת ראש השנה [על פי כ“י], מהדיר: אהרן ארנד, $22
         103. ר‘ ואלדבערג, דרכי השינויים, מחקר דרכי מדרש הכתובים בספר חז“ל, [הוצאת מקור] 28$
         104. מרדכי סבתו, תלמוד בבלי, מסכת סנהדרין, פרק שלישי, ב‘ חלקים, $30
         105. רש“י, עיונים ביצירתו, בעריכת צבי שטיינפלד, בר אילן, 34$
         106. רבי זרחיה הלוי – בעל המאור ובני חוגו ישראל מ‘ תא–שמע $32
         107. מאיר בניהו, הדפוס העברי בקרימונה, $36
         108. מאיר בניהו, הסכמה ורשות בדפוסי ויניציאה, $36
         109. מאיר בניהו, כתבי הקבלה של הרמח”ל, $66
         110. קבץ על יד, כרך שנים עשר, $20
         111. קבץ על יד, כרך עשירי, $18
         112. קבץ על יד, כרך שביעי, $16
         113. קבץעל יד, כרך עשרים ואחד, $21
         114. ספרי היובל לרבי חנוך אלבק, מוסד הרב קוק, $21
         115. אור החיים, חיים ב”ר יוסף מיכל, $25
         116. במעגלי הנגלה והנסתר, וינשטוק, $23
         117. בין שני כהנים גדולים, מנחם קמפינסקי, $13
         118. משנת ארץ ישראל, עם פירוש ספראי, פסחים, $25
         119. אוזן עבדיך, שאלות ותשובות פוסקי הדור, $9
         120. עץ חיים, רבי יעקב חזן, ג’ חלקים $66
         121. ארעא דרבנן, $7
         122. רבי דב בר מייזלש, גדול בתורה מדינאי ולוחם, מוסד הרב קוק
         123. ספר מרגליות, מאמרים ומחקרים לזכרו של הרב ראובן מרגליות ז”ל, $23
         124. ישראל והאנושות, אליהו בן אמוזג, $20
         125. רבינו אפרים, ישראל שציפנסקי
         126. יום טוב שני של גלויות, מאיר בניהו, $28
         127. מולדת וארץ יעודה, אליעזר שביד, $13
         128. קורות בתי התפילה בישראל, שמואל קרויס, $34
         129. יחיד בדורו הגאון מוילנא – דמות ודימוי, עמנואל אטקס, $24
         130. שמואל בדורו, י. רימון – י.ז. וסרמן, $21
         131. דעת לשון ב, סיגלית רוזמרין וישראל רוזנסון, $8
         132. אלה דברי הברית, קובץ החרמות ופסקי ההלכות נגד ראשונים הרפורמים בהמבורג, דפוס צילום, $17
         133. שערי תורת בבל, ר’ זאב וולף רבינוביץ ז”ל, $40
         134. ספר ארץ ישראל, הגאון רבי יחיאל מיכל טוקצינסקי זצ”ל, $12
         135. חטאו של אלישע, יהודה ליבס, $13
         136. מה נשתנה, דוד הנשקה, $33
         137. רש“י תורתו ואישיותו, הרב ד”ר שמעון פדרבוש, $26
         138. החסידות, אהרן מרכוס, $25
         139. דוד הנשקה, שמחת הרגל בתלמודם של תנאים, $28
         140. אוצר הביאורים והפירושים, פנחס יעקב הכהן, $32
         141. הביוגרפיה הרוחנית של רבי שמעון בר יוחאי, רונית מרוז, $25
         142. אילן אלדר, תורת טעמי המקרא, ספר הוריית הקורא, קריאת ארץ ישראל במאה הי”א, $16
         143. בפריסהחסידות והקבלה, הלל צייטלין, $20
         144. דרשת הפסח לר‘ חסדאי קרשקש ומחקרים במשנתו הפילוסופית, אביעזר רביצקי, $18
         145. ספר סופר וסיפור, שמואל יוסף עגנון, $20
         146. ר‘ ישראל סלנטר וראשיתה של תנועת המוסר, עמנואל אטקס, $23
         147. הצנזור, העורך והטקסט, אמנון רז קרקוצקין, $18
         148. מטפחת ספרים, להגאון יעב”ץ, $34
         149. הויכוח על הפלפול, דב רפל $22
         150. יאיר בן שבתי מקוריו, חרב פיפיות, $21
         151. מלחמת השם, יעקב בן ראובן, $21
         152. נתיבי אמונה ומינות, ישעיה תשבי, $21
         153. מאסף לתולדות יהדות פולין, גלעד $10
         154. רבי יצחק בר ששת הריב“ש דרך חייו ותקופתו, אברהם הרשמן, $20
         155. ספר דברים, הרב דוד צבי הופמן, שני חלקים $45
         156. יוסף פאור, עיונים במשנה תורה להרמב”ם, $23
         157. נח שטיינשנדר, עיר ווילנא, דפוס צילום, $24
         158. לפלגות ישראל בהונגריא, $13
         159. קורות יהודים בהונגריה, $14
         160. עיר הצדק, צונץ, $22
         161. פסקי עוזיאל בשאלות הזמן, $25
         162. מפתחות שו“ת משפטי עוזיאל, לחלקים א-ט, $9
         163. רבינואליהו מווילנא, ישראל יעקב דינסטאג, כריכה רכה ,$9
         164. מלות ההגיון, רבינו משה בן מימון, $19
         165. הצדקה בישראל, יהודה ברגמן, $13
         166. בית הועד לעריכת כתבי רבותינו $18
         167. העקיבות התרגומית בתרגום אונקלוס, רפאל בנימין פוזן, $24
         168. מ‘בעל שד‘ ל‘בעל שם‘, מיכל אורון, $18
         169. בני עליה, ש. ברנפלד, $8
         170. מבואות למקורות ומסורות, דוד הלבני, $15
         171. לשון התרגום לנביאים ראשונים, אברהם טל, $12
         172. עולם כמנהגו נוהג, יצחק (אריק) זימר, $29
         173. מפרד“ס התנ“ך, ז. שזר, $25
         174. עיוני תפילה, יוסף היינימן, $21
         175. מילי דמרדכי, ה‘ ספרים מר‘ מרדכי זק“ש, $23
         176. שבחי הבעש“ט כתב יד, י. מונדשיין, $40
         177. פיוטי רבי פינחס הכהן, שולמית אליצור, $42
         178. תשובות רבינו אברהם בן הרמב“ם, פריימן גויטיין, $42
         179. פיוטי רבי יהודה בירבי בנימין, שולמית אליצור, $32
         180. רבי אלעזר בירבי קליר, שולמית אליצור, $32
         181. החדש אסור מן התורה, משה סמט, $55
         182. כתבים נבחרים, ב‘ חלקים אברהם ברלינר, $36
         183. כתבים נבחרים, אברהם ברלינר, חלק א, הערות על סידור, $18
         184. קובץ ראשונים מועד קטן, $24
         185. על פי דרכו, יהודה ברנדס, $18
         186. ספר ראבי“ה, חלק ו, מכון הרי פישל, $17
         187. ספרי רבינו ישעיה פיק: קשות מיושב, אומר השכחה, חידושי הש”ס, מיני תרגומא, $16
         188. גאוני פדוואה, קונטרס המקוה בריווג’ו, שאלות ותשובות מהר”י מינץ, סדר הגט למהר”י מינץ ומהר”ם פדאווה, שני חלקים, (זכרון אהרן) $55
         189. אגרות שד“ל, ב’ חלקים $46
         190. מנחת שי על התורה, צבי בצר, $40
         191. המדפיס דניאל בומבירגי ורשימת ספרי בית דפוסו, א. מ. הברמן, $36
         192. ספר צמח דוד, מהדורות מרדכי ברויאר $50
         193. על התפילה, אברהם הברמן, $23
         194. נאחז בסבך, דוד אסף, כריכה קשה, $36
         195. יעקב זוסמן, תורה שבעל פה, פשוטה כמשמעה, $23
         196. הלכות ארץ ישראל מןהגניזה, מרדכי מרגליות, $26
         197. מבוא על חכמי צרפת מפרשי המקרא, שמואל אברהם פאזנאנסקי, $25
         198. לקורות הגזרות על ישראל, אוסף ספרים על ת“ח ות“ט, $28
         199. ר‘ אברהם בקראט, ספר זכרון על פירוש רש“י (מהדיר: משה פיליפ) $23
         200. ספרים קדושים מתלמידי בעש“ט הק‘ : שם אפרים, יד ושם, אות ישע, אורח מישור, תולדות אדם, חשבה לטובה, ספר היחש, ברכה שלמה, $16
         201. קובץ ספרי טעמי המקרא, (מאת יודא ארי‘ גוטמאן) $40
         202. התפילה בתקופת התנאים והאמוראים, יוסף הימן, $24
         203. עם הארץ הגלילי, ביכלר , $18
         204. ספר לב טוב, לרבי יצחק ב”ר אליקים מק”ק פוזנא, תרגום מיידיש, $19
         205. מנוחה נכונה, ביברפלד, $14
         206. שמחה עמנואל, מגנזי אירופה, ב, $28
         207. שמחה עמנואל, מגנזי אירופה, א, $28
         208. “הגדול” ממינסק, הרב מאיר היילפרין, $21 [מצוין]
         209. מבחר כתבים, ר‘ מתתיהו שטראשון, $23
         210. מבוקר לערב, יצחק לוין, $19
         211. רש“י על התורה, מהדורת ברלינגר, $27
         212. התלמוד הבבלי בהתהוותו ההיסטורית, מ”א טננבלאט, $20
         213. מחקרים בספרות התשובות, י. ז. כהנא, $28
         214. טמירין, ב’, $17
         215. קובץ ספרי סת“ם, כתרי אותיות תפילין, ברוך שאמר, אלפא ביתא, $17
         216. שמחה עמנואל, שברי לוחות, ספרים האבודים של בעלי התוספות, $25
         217. מעולמם של חכמים, אפרים א. אורבך, $42
         218. בשערי ספר, נפתלי בן מנחם, $20
         219. מקראה בחקר הרמב“ם, ליקוטי “תרביץ”, $20
         220. ילקוט המכירי, ישעיה משלי, $20
         221. ברכות לאברהם, לכבוד פר‘ אברהם גרוסמן, בעריכת יוסף קפלן, $23
         222. יין הטוב על התרגומים, על התורה שני חלקים, $34
         223. כתבי הרב ד“ר יוסף זליגר, $28
         224. ספר הזיכרון, הריטב”א (מהדורת ר’ כהנא) $19
         225. מחקרים בגיאוגרפיה היסטורית יישובית של ארץ ישראל, $14
         226. חז“ל אמונות ודעות, א.א. אורבך, (כריכה קשה), $27
         227. אשכול חלק ד עם פירוש נחל האשכול, $12
         228. תרגום אונקלוס, מהדורת ברלינר $30
         229. רבינו מיוחס, פירוש על ספר במדבר, $17
         230. מגילת איבה לבעל התוס’ יום טוב $18
         231. יעקב מארק, גדולים פון אונזער צייט, $36 [מצוין]
         232. ר’ מרדכי גימפל יפה, מבחר כתבים $15
         233. רשימת תשובות רב שרירא גאון, $18
         234. ספר רש”י מוסד רב קוק $36
         235. בצלאל לנדוי, הרב ר’ אלימלך מליז’נסק, $26
         236. ר’ משה אבן עזרא, שירת ישראל, $20
         237. ר’ יהושע מונדשיין, הצופה לדורו, תולדות חייו ופעלו של הרב יקותיאל קמלהאר, $22
         238. שני ספרים נפתחים: ר’ ראובן מרגליות, תולדות אדם חיי המהרש”א, תולדות רבינו חיים בן עטר בעל אור החיים, $24
         239. ר’ אברהם גבישון, עומר השכחה, משלי $23
         240. חתן דמים, דפוס צילום, $11
         241. ר’ יצחק דמן עכו, מאירת עינים על רמב”ן על התורה, $24
         242. ר’ יוסף קאפח כתבים, חלק ב $23
         243. שו”ת הרי”ף מהדורת רוטשטיין, $24
         244. ר’ בצלאל לנדוי, הגאון החסיד מוילנא, $16
         245. אדרת אליהו, הגאון מוילנה, דמותו והשפעתו, בית התפוצה, $22
         246. רבי שמואל ב”ר נסים מסנות, בראשית זוטא, מוסד הרב קוק $28
         247. תשובות הגאונים, שערי צדק, $21
         248. חמדת גנוזה, $15
         249. תשובות הגאונים מוסאפיה (ליק), $16
         250. יד הקטנה, ביאור על תרי”ג מצוות, $25
         251. שני כרובים, על התוספות יום טוב וקצות החושן $22
         252. ישראל מ’ תא-שמע, הנגלה שבנסתר $20
         253. צבי ברסקי, חנות ותווית, מוכרי ספרים בארץ ישראל, 1870-1948, $30
         254. ר’ יוסף אבן עקנין, התגלות הסודות והופעת המאורות, פירוש שיר השירים, $35
         255. פירוש רבינו מיוחס ב”ר אליהו על ספר איוב, $17
         256. עמנואל אטקס, יחיד בדורו, הגאון מווילנה דמות ודימוי, $23
         257. תשלום אבודרהם פירוש על סדר העבודה, $21
         258. מנחם כהנא, המכילתות לפרשת עמלק, $36
         259. פירוש רש“י על התורה [על פי כ”י משנת ר’], מאת מנשה ליהמן, $28
         260. שלמה דב גויטיין, סדרי חינוך, מתקופת הגאונים עד בית הרמב”ם, $21
         261. ספר זכרון לר’ יוסף בן יצחק קמחי, $23
         262. ש’ שרגאי, מעייני חסידות איזביצא-ראדזין, $22
         263. יצחק רפאל, ספר החסידות, $27
         264. ספר ציוני, $20
         265. מדרשי הגניזה, בתי מדרשות, ב’ חלקים, רבי שלמה ורטהימר, $55
         266. ר’ יעקב עמדין, לחם שמים ד’ חלקים $65
         267. ספר הבתים, ג’ חלקים $66
         268. ספר השרשים לרד”ק $24
         269. ר’ אהרן מרקוס, החסידות, $26
         270. א’ אשכול, סיפור דוד הראובני, $28
         271. תרגום יונתן בן עוזיאל, מהד’ גינצבורג, $25
         272. תרגום ירושלמי, מהד’ גינצבורג $21
         273. אפרים אלימלך אורבך, מחקרים במדעי היהדות, ב’ חלקים, $42
         274. שרגא אברמסון, בעלי התוספות על התורה $23
         275. ספר הניצחון, $23
         276. ספר יוחסין השלם, $27
         277. משלי עם פי’ ר’ יצחק בן עראמה, $27
         278. רד”ק על התורה, מוסד הרב קוק, $21
         279. ר’ יעקב עמדין, תורת הקנאות, $42
         280. ר’ אברהם גלאנצר, מעייני אגם, אסופת מאמרים נבחרים, עיונים בפירוש רש”י $21
         281. פירוש הרמב”ן על התורה, דפוס צילום דפוס ראשון, $60
         282. ספר רושיינא, במדבר-דברים, $20
         283. ספר רושיינא, ויקרא, $20
         284. ספר רושיינא, בראשית, $21
         285. ספר רושיינא, שמות $20
         286. ספר הברמן, $25
         287. יד להימן, $25
         288. פנקס ועד ארבע ארצות, מהדורת תש”ה, $40
         289. שבת אחים, אדר”ת, $21
         290. תשובות רבי שר שלום גאון, $22
         291. מאמר על יהודי ונציה, $21
         292. מבוא לש”ס, אשכול, $65
         293. שבט יהודה, $24
         294. אברהם יערי, מסע משולם מוולטרה בארץ ישראל $24
         295. שלשלת הקבלה, $27
         296. ילקוט המכירי, תרי עשר, ב’ חלקים $26
         297. ר’ שלמה שיק, תקנות ותפילות, סדור רשב”ן, $21
         298. דובנא רבתי, עיר דובנא וגדוליה, $20
         299. בן גרני, קובץ ספרים מובחרים, $20
         300. אגרות רמח”ל, מהד’ גינצבורג, ב’ חלקים $36
         301. ר’ יוסף קרא, איוב, $24
         302. ר’ יוסף קרא, נביאים ראשונים, $25
         303. דרשה לפסח לרוקח, $23
         304. חשמונאי ובניו, $23
         305. פירושים לספר משלי לבית קמחי, $27
         306. שד”ל, בית האוצר, $30
         307. א’ קופפר, מהדיר, תשובות ופסקים, $25
         308. משה צינוביץ, עץ חיים על וולוז’ין $32
         309. שד”ל, מבוא למחזור רומא, $35
         310. הגאון מטשעבין, $18
         311. ספר רפאל וייזר, עיונים בכתבי יד, בארכיונים וביצרת ש”י עגנון, ערך גיל וייסבלאי, $34
         312. שאול ליברמן, יוונים ויוונות בארץ ישראל, $32
         313. לוית חן, אור עינים, $23
         314. ד’ חלקים, אריה ליב פרומקין, תולדות חכמי ירושלים $60
         315. עזרא פליישר, היוצרות בהתהוותם והתפתחותם $36
         316. אוצר נחמד, ד’ חלקים, $45
         317. כתבי יד הגניזה, גנזי ירושלים ב’ חלקים, $50
         318. ביאור הגר”א כתב יד, מכון הגר”א, $23
         319. רבי אשתורי הפרחי, חלוץ חוקרי ארץ ישראל, (קובץ מחקרים), $25
         320. מחזור גולדשמידט, סוכות $25
         321. מאיר בניהו ועוד, סדר אליהו זוטא, ג’ חלקים, $66
         322. אוסף הגדות [שבע: מלבי”ם, זכר יהוסף, אמרי שפר, מעשה נסים, מעשה בר’ אלעזר, מגדל עדר, צורף אמרים], $20
         323. פירוש חמאת החמדה על התורה, $27
         324. וידוי של משכיל, יומן, מרדכי גינצבורג, $12
         325. יצחק קובנר, יומן, ספר המצרף, $12
         326. שמואל פין, קריה נאמנה $36
         327. ספרי זוטא, ליברמן $24
         328. מחזור גולדשמידט, פסח $26
         329. מחזור גולדשמידט, שבועות $26
         330. מחזות של הרמח”ל ג’ חלקים: מעשה שמשון \ לישרים תהילה \ מגדל עוז $35
         331. שמא פרידמן, לתורתם של תנאים, $21
         332. יחוסי תנאים ואמוראים, מוסד הרב קוק $60
         333. דב רפל, הרמב”ם כמחנך $19
         334. מאיר בניהו, היחסים שבין יהודי יוון ליהודי איטליה, $34
         335. יוסף היינימן, התפילה בתקופת התנאים והאמוראים [כריכה קשה] $25
         336. שלחן שלמה \ פסקי תשובה א-ג $10
         337. מעלות היוחסין מאת ר’ אפרים זלמן מרגליות עם הערות 10$
         338. א”א אורבך, בעלי התוספות (ב’ חלקים), $27
         339. וילנסקי, חסידים ומתנגדים, (ב’ חלקים) $27
         340. משנת ארץ ישראל, ספראי, כתובות, ב’ חלקים $40
         341. כנסת מחקרים ישראל תא שמע,חלקים א-ד, כל חלק $27

The Significance of Avraham Avinu’s Performance of the Mitzvot

By Michael Landy

Perfection for a Jew can only be realized through the performance of the mitzvot [commandments] of the Torah, which were given from G-d to Moshe on Sinai [Matan Torah]. Since man is finite, his thinking and understanding is limited and constrained to factors of time and space. Man is not capable, and it is beyond his intellectual reach, to calculate a finite system that can relate to the infinite ruchaniyut world—existence beyond time and space. Man needed a revelation from G-d that would give him such a system whereby in the physical world man could affect and achieve perfection in the ruchaniyut existence. Torah is this system given by G-d to the Klal Yisroel, and its function is realized through the performance of the mitzvot.[1] The mitzvot are an “interface” from finite physical existence to the ruchaniyut existence. It is our emunah [belief], and a rational deduction, that only through the performance of the mitzvot, given from G-d to Moshe on Sinai, that a Jew can reach completeness and perfection in this world and in his ruchaniyut existence.

The Talmud in Yoma 28b[2] states: אמר רב קיים אברהם אבינו כל התורה כולה שנאמר עקב אשר שמע אברהם בקולי וגו’ – Avraham Avinu (performed and) fulfilled all the commandments of the Torah.[3] In a responsum, the Rema (Rabbi Moshe Isserles) writes that this statement of the Talmud refers only to Avraham, to the exclusion of Yitzchak and Yaakov.[4] What is the overall intent of the Talmud stating and proving that Avraham kept the mitzvot? Since Avraham lived before Matan Torah, what would be the implication if Avraham did not observe all the mitzvot? Additionally, why is the emphasis on Avraham to the exclusion of Yitzchak and Yaakov

Early church theology dealt with a dilemma as to the status of Divine Law—Torah: the function of the mitzvot [commandments] as written in the Torah.[5] Historically, in order to counter judaization of the Galatian Church, then comprised of pagan converts to Christianity, and, as a general attack on Jewish converts who still kept to traditional Jewish observance of the mitzvot, Paul declared that belief in[6] ישוע הנוצרי [Jesus of Nazareth, the historical central figure in Christianity] alone was sufficient for man’s perfection.[7] As a consequence of this supposition, the observance and performance of Divine Law—the mitzvot of the Torah—would no longer be necessary for a person’s completeness or perfection.

The fundamental proof for this assertion was the Torah’s description of Avraham who lived prior to Matan Torah.[8] Avraham referred to as righteous (Bereshit 15:6) and his attainment to the level of navi [prophet] (Bereshit 20:7), all occurring before Matan Torah, were used as proofs that performance of the mitzvot was not essential and not necessary for man’s perfection. In their view, Matan Torah with the requirement of the performance of mitzvot, was a temporary necessity only for the generation exiting Egypt into a wilderness and for a number of subsequent generations, culminating with the destruction of the Second Temple in Jerusalem and with the introduction of Jesus of Nazareth [יש”ו]. They postulated: with the appearance of Jesus of Nazareth, Torah Law and mitzvot became obsolete and were no longer necessary for a Jew’s performance. The basic requirement for a man’s completeness and perfection was only a type of identification with Jesus of Nazareth.

The Torah is completely opposed to this outlook. As stated above, perfection for a Jew can only be realized through the performance of the mitzvot [commandments], which were given from G-d to Moshe on Sinai [Matan Torah], and defined in the Torah she-ba’al peh. This is one of the main ramifications of Matan Torah for the world, that only through the performance (or non-performance) of mitzvot can a Jew’s ruchaniyut existence be affected. Any pronouncement of such a system existing outside the realm of the Torah and the function of its mitzvot is avodah zarah (עבודה זרה). (Therefore, the Chassidic legend that by whistling during Yom Kippur prayers the “gates of heaven” opened, and the prayers were elevated and accepted,[9] is in concept avodah zarah. The Torah gave man a mitzvah of Tefilla, and Chazal defined its structure and system.) Before Matan Torah one’s perfection was realized through observance of the seven Noahide commandments. According to the Talmud, the seven Noahide commandments were G-d given,[10] and before Matan Torah were communicated to mankind through a type of prophecy to specific individuals. What the Greeks and others refer to as Natural Law (or sometimes referred to in our literature as nemusi’im [נימוסים]) is in reality the seven Noahide commandments. Non-Torah philosophers throughout history have erred by denying the necessity that the seven Noahide laws also had to be G-d given.[11]

This supposition that man can achieve perfection through belief in Jesus of Nazareth, as well as the belief that Jesus of Nazareth became a prophet[12] lacking the necessary Halachic requirements, is an intentional distortion and outright rejection of the fundamentals of the Torah, as explained above. Their main proof from the Torah: the statement that Avraham was righteous, and the statement “All the families of the earth shall bless themselves by you” Bereshit 12:3), were used as examples of one who lived before Matan Torah, and yet had the ability to achieve spiritual completeness without the performance of the mitzvot. In a direct refutation of these distortions, the Talmud states emphatically: Avraham performed and fulfilled all the mitzvot in the Torah, which include the Written Torah and the Oral Torah. The Talmud brings a proof for this assertion from the verse: עקב אשר שמע אברהם בקלי וישמור משמרתי מצותי חקותי ו [Because Avraham obeyed My voice and observed My mishmarti, My commandments, My decrees, and My Torah] (Bereshit 26:5). The achievement of completeness and perfection of Avraham Avinu would not have been possible without the performance of the same mitzvot given at Matan Torah. Since before Matan Torah the only obligation for man was the fulfillment of the seven Noahide commandments, Avraham’s knowledge of the complete Torah and the mitzvot could only have been realized through prophecy, as explained and defined by the Rishonim.[13] The Talmud specifically references Avraham because the proof offered for this antinomic argument only mentions Avraham, and does not mention Yitzchak or Yaakov. It is probable that this issue was a prevalent theological debate of that era.¹⁴ Therefore, besides being a testimony of Avraham’s religious devotion and adherence to the mitzvot, the Talmud’s statement as to Avraham’s fulfillment of the entire Torah was a theological declaration as to the necessity of Matan Torah and the function of the mitzvot. And, consequently to categorically dismiss and deny what contemporary and current detractors of the Torah were and are teaching.

[1] [HaRav] Dr. Chaim Zimmerman, Torah and Reason: Insiders and Outsiders of Torah (Jerusalem: Tvuno, 1979), 20.

[2] This statement of the Talmud is also found at the end of a Mishnah in Kiddushin 82a, with a text variant. Yoma: Avraham קיים the whole Torah. Kiddushin: Avraham עשה the whole Torah. Rabbi Shmuel Eliezer Eidlisz [מהרש”א] in Yoma unites the two texts: קיים refers to fulfillment of the negative commandments, and, עשה refers to performance of the positive commandments. Therefore, Avraham performed and fulfilled all 613 commandments of the Torah—positive and negative commandments—including the Torah she ba’al peh (תורה שבעל פה).

[3] The author of the Yoma 28b statement is Rav, or רב אבא בר איבו. There is no mention in Yoma of this statement having a Mishnaic source, even though it is referenced and included in the Mishnah in Kiddushin 82a. Rabbi Akiva Eiger (גליון הש”ס קדושין שם) references Perush Kuntarus at the end of Tractate Kinim stating that sometimes a baraita [ברייתא] will be inserted at the end of a Mishnah. Rav is referred to in some places in the Talmud with the status of a Tanna: רב תנא הוא ופליג. Rabbi Aaron Hyman in Toldoth Tannaim Ve’Amoraim [תולדות תנאיים ואמוראיים] (I:17) quotes Rabbenu Hai Gaon that there are three baraitot [ברייתות] that should be attributed to Rav.

[4] שאלות ותשבות הרמ”א סימן י’

[5] Antinomianism (Epistles: Gal 3; Rom 4).

[6] This Hebrew spelling is in accordance with the Rambam (משנה תורה הלכות עבודה זרה פרק י’ והלכות מלכים פרק י”א). There are examples in rabbinic literature where the spelling has been changed to יש”ו. These authors probably follow the Talmud dictum לעולם ישנה אדם לתלמידו דרך קצרה [one should teach in the most concise language] (Pesachim 3b) and Megillah 25b.

[7] Samuel Sandmel, A Jewish Understanding of the New Testament (Cincinnati: Hebrew Union College Press, 1956), 69, 91.

[8] Sandmel, A Jewish Understanding of the New Testament, 89.

[9] See Shmuel Agnon, Ya’mim Nora’im (Jerusalem; Tel Aviv: Schocken Publishing, 1968), 369.

[10] Sanhedrin 56b

[11] See Rambam, Mishneh Torah: Hilchot M’lachim 8:11. According to what is written here, the text does not necessarily have to be amended. The correct text can be: “and NOT from their scholars” (ולא מחכמיהם).

[12] See also Alexander Altmann, “Maimonides and Thomas Aquinas: Natural or Divine Prophecy?” AJS Review 3 (1978): 1-19, https://www.jstor.org/stable/1486419.

[13] Concerning the specific level of prophecy of Avraham, the Ramban in his commentary on Bereishit 26:5 uses the term ruach ha-kodesh (רוח הקדש). The Rambam in Moreh Nevuchim 2:39 uses the term chazon (חזון). The Abarbanel in his commentary to Shmot 20 uses the term nevuah (נבואה).

[14] As seen by its explicit inclusion in Gal 3; Rom 4.