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New Book Announcement

New Book Announcement 
By Eliezer Brodt 
 הציץ ונפגע, אנטומיה של מחלוקת חסידית, דוד אסף, ידיעות ספרים ואוניברסיטת חיפה, 541 עמודים. 

Just released, from University of HaIfa and Yedioth Achronoth, Hazitz Unifgah (הציץ ונפגע), the much-anticipated work by Professor David Assaf on the Sanz Sadigura controversy (see here about this book, on Prof. Assaf’s extremely interesting blog). This controversy began in 1869 and continued for a while afterward. This is the first work to document at great length (541 pp.) all the details of this controversy based on many rare documents and the like. It continues in the path of Assaf’s previous works and will be sure to cause a great stir and much interest, as did his prior books. 
A complete bibliography of the sources that were used for writing this book was printed in the recent volume of Mechkarei Yerushalayim 23 (2011) pp. 407-481. This was not included in this new work.

If you are interested in a table of contents of this work email me at eliezerbrodt @ gmail . com.




Halakhah and Haggadah – Manuscript Illustrations and their Halakhic and Customary Significance

This post is part of a series of posts regarding illustrations adorning manuscript and print Haggadot. Our first post dealt with a new work on the topic and can be viewed here. In this post we will focus upon the some of the Halachik implications of these illustrations. In many Ashkenazic manuscripts, the Passover illustrations begin chronologically earlier than the Seder. Many begin with the preparation of the matzah. For example, in the Second Nuremberg Haggadah[1], (the manuscript is online here) a 15th century Ashkenazic haggadah, contains ten scenes devoted to the matzah process. A similar haggadah, likely illustrated by the same artist, also includes numerous matzah baking scenes. All of these, however, begin with the bringing of the grain to the miller. This is in contrast to today’s practice whereby the matzah producing process begins earlier, with the cutting of the wheat.
(All images may be clicked for larger viewing.)
That is, for many today, matzah shmurah means shmurah (watched) from the time of harvest and not from the time of grinding. But, in reality the reason for the illustrations beginning where these haggadot do, is simply because they reflect the practice in Ashkenaz, based upon the R. Ya’akov ben Asher, the author of the Tur, that only from the time of grinding is it necessary to “watch” the grain. Matzah Shmurah in Ashkenaz in the medieval period meant grain which had been watched from the time of grinding not cutting.[2] Turning to a Sefardic custom, the Barcelona Haggadah, produced after 1350, is the earliest record of the custom to place the Seder Plate on someone’s head during the recitation of Ha Lahma Ania (Ashkenazim remove the plate from the table).Only some three hundred years later is this custom mentioned in printed sources. Additionally, there is a difference between the Sefardic and Ashkenazic haggadot regarding what the Seder Plate actually was, with the Ashkenaz depicting a plate, whereas the Sefardic manuscripts depict a basket.[3]
When it comes to marror and what vegetable that is, we have at least two different types depicted in various manuscripts. In the Brother to the Rylands Haggadah, marror is depicted as an artichoke, as is in the case with the Sarajevo Haggadah.

While in many manuscripts, marror is a leafy vegetable.[4]
Setting aside the issue of what marror is, another custom related to marror can be found in both printed and manuscript haggadot. In the Prague, 1526, the first illustrated printed haggadah, there is a picture of a man pointing at his wife with the legend, “there is a custom that a man points to his wife when mentioning marror based upon the verse Ecclesiastes 7:26 “Now I find woman more bitter than death.”
A.Y. Hyman the scholar of Jewish liturgy was appalled when he came across this. In his autobiography, he claims that there is no basis whatsoever for this “custom.” Hyman is wrong.[5] If you look at the Brother to the Rylands Haggadah you can see that it shows this custom. As does the Washington Haggadah. Likewise, the Rothschild Miscellany shows the same custom.

It’s worth noting that the Rothschild Miscellany shows another custom at the time, mid-14th century, that of mixed dancing.

The mixed dancing is that of couples, husband and wives dancing with each other, and not that of unmarried men and women dancing[6] In Italy, where this manuscript was composed, mixed dancing was apparently common during this period.[7] Returning to the gesturing at one’s wife at marror, in the Hiluq and Biluq Haggadah this custom takes on a somewhat more humorous dialogue with the wife no longer passive but instead returns the compliment. In that haggadah it includes speech balloons and they record the following: The husband states “touching marror I must recall that this one, too is bitter [as gall].” To which the wife replies, “It is you [my husband] is one of the causes of bitterness as well.” After which, we have a play on the 13 attributes of Rabbi Yishmael and the haggadah provides that “the third comes between them [perhaps the marror itself] and makes a stink” – or in Hebrew ve-yavo ha-shlishei ve-yakhriach benehem.[8]


Similarly, in some Ashkenazic haggadot manuscripts, they show the the husband and wife pointing at one another.[9] Finally we get to a halachik error in a manuscript haggadah. The Washington Haggadah was written by a scribe calledJoel ben Simon. This haggadah was first printed as part of the Diskin Orphan House haggadah series in 1965. The Library of Congress didn’t publish its facsimile edition until 1991, and last year another facsimile edition of this haggadah was published as well.[10] Although this haggadah was written close to 300 years prior to Diskin publishing it, until that time a significant scribal error escaped notice. Specifically, in the text for eruv tavshilin rather than just saying “with this eruv I am allowed to cook from Yom Yov for Shabbat,” it continues and says “and on Shabbat for Yom Tov.”


Needless to say this did not escape the eagle eyes of some who feared that someone may use this haggadah (we note that contrary to the other reproductions mentioned, the Diskin version is a poor copy) and inadvertently think it is permissible to cook on Shabbat. So, the ever wise Aggudat ha-Rabbonim took out ads in the Yiddish daily, Der Tag, and the Forward to let its readers know of this error. The publishers took this one step further and mailed out a letter, with the provocative title, “Heresy or Blunder,” after Passover indicating the error and also included a letter from Cecil Roth, who had written about manuscript haggadot.


In his letter he indicates that indeed this was most likely inadvertent and that Joel did not have a different tradition regarding eruv tavshilin. Indeed, we know from Joel’s other manuscripts, where he records the correct blessing, that the Washington Haggadah’s version was simply a scribal error.

This is not the only error related to halakha and haggadah illustrations. R. S.H. Kook, criticizes two aspects of illustrations that appear in the Prague 1526 Haggadah. Both of these issues center around how the wine glass is depicted. Specifically, he takes issue with the fact that in many of the illustrations show the wine glass in the left hand and not the right. Additionally, he complains that the illustration show the holder grasping the glass at the stem and not at with his fingers cupping the bottom of the glass.
Regarding the first issue, that of left handedness, this anomaly may be attributed to the fact that this was the first completely illustrated woodcut haggadah. And, as it was the first, it was not necessarily perfectly executed. But, before we continue we must digress and explain about woodcuts in order to get to the left handedness. A woodcut when inked and put on paper produces a mirror image of whatever the woodcut depicts. Thus, if the woodcut was of a right hand, when pressed on paper would produce a left handed image. Additionally, when copies were made, the copyist were not careful and would reverse the images. That is, they were working off the printed image and would copy it directly rather than accounting for reversing the image to ensure that when it was used it would produce the same and not a mirror image. So, as has been explained, during the early history of woodcuts “copies [of woodcuts] were constantly being made, with or without leave, for copyright hardly existed, and the same printer would often have to replace worn cuts by new blocks in successive editions. It is not always an easy task to distinguish copy from original. Immediately recognizable as from different blocks are subjects which appear in reverse directions, for the copyist who does not take the trouble to reverse his drawing from the original print, will make a block that will print the subject reversed.”[11] We can now explain why the images are left handed, presumably, they were copied and the woodcutter was not careful to reverse the image, thus producing a left handed image. As an aside, another example of copying which reverses the images may be seen when the Prague 1526 Haggadah was itself used as a model for a woodcut. The border surrounding Shefokh was reused in the Levush. As is apparent, the images are that appear on the right in the Prague 1526 Haggadah appear on the left in the Levush. And, those on the left appear on the right.

Regarding the second point, the failure to cup the glass rather than grasp the stem, this can be attributed to an error on R. Kook’s part and not the woodcutter. While today it may be commonplace to cup the glass, this was only popularized by R. Yeshaya Horowitz, in his book, Shnei Luchot ha-Brit, (Shelah). R. Horowitz wasn’t born when the Prague 1526 Haggadah was printed – he lived between 1565-1630. Moreover, his book was published posthumously, in 1648, more than 120 after the Prague 1526 Haggadah was published. Thus, it is unremarkable that the Prague 1526 Haggadah failed to account for a custom that didn’t exist at that time. This is another example of why bibliography is important, for other examples see here. Finally, we conclude this part of the series regarding halachot and Passover in general, and specifically, the notion that on Passover we are stricter than normal. At times it appears that some go overboard with the various humrot on Passover as well as cleaning all sorts of items that seemingly don’t require cleaning. But, from the evidence of manuscript illustrations, this notion of stringency is not a new one. The Golden Haggadah, circa 1320, includes this very nice image of cleaning and searching for leaven. If one looks closely they will note that the woman on the left is apparently sweeping the ceiling! Thus, indicating that perhaps going overboard has been the case for some while. Also of note is that the father is performing bedikat hametz and he is bareheaded (as is the son).[12]
[1] Its title is a reference to the fact that from the mid-nineteenth century until 1957 it was housed in Nuremberg, after which it moved to the Schocken Library, and then to a private collector. The reason it is the the Second, is because Nuremberg also had another manuscript haggadah – now known as the First Nuremberg Haggadah. It too is no longer in Nuremberg. Today it is in the Israel Museum.
[2] See Steven Fine, “The Halakhic Motif in Jewish Iconography: The Matzah-Baking Cycles of the Yahuda and Second Nurnberg Haggadahs,” in A Crown for a King, Gefen, Jerusalem-New York: 2000, pp. 106-07. [3] See Evelyn M. Cohen, “Seder Foods & Customs in Illuminated Medieval Haggadot,” in The Experience of Jewish Liturgy, D.R. Blank ed., Brill, Leiden:2011, 24-25. We note that while this article provides a summary of some of the images and text accompanying medieval haggadot, the article provides little context for various practices. Indeed, the article fails to provide sources which support many of the illustrations and texts and instead merely parrots what the the manuscripts say or depict. [4] On this issue of which vegetable is preferable for marror see Zohar Amar, Merorim, n.p., 2008. [5] His comments appear in the Misrad Hasikon 1965 reprint of the Prague 1526 Haggadah at pp. 14-15. [6] See Therese & Mendel Metzger, Jewish Life in the Middle Ages, Chartwell Books, Inc.:1982, 216-17. [7] See the sources collected by R. Henkin, Shu”t Benei Banim, vol. 1, Jerusalem: 1998, no. 37, esp. section 5 where he discusses Italian sources. Thanks to R. Weinfeld for bring this source to our attention. [8] See Bezalel Narkiss, “Art of the Washington Haggadah,” in The Washington Haggadah, Commentary, M. Weinstein, ed., Washington D.C.: 1991, pp. 73-75, discussing manuscripts that contain the marror/wife images, as well as the source in the following note. [9] See R. Yisrael Mordechi Peles, “Controversies Regarding Customs That Can Be Gleaned from Haggadot,” in HaMaayan, Nissan: 5771 (51,3), pp. 13-14, available here. [10] The 1991 edition was accompanied by a commentary volume. The 2011 edition also includes some articles with the color reproduction of the haggadah. [11] Arthur M. Hind, An Introduction to the History of Woodcut, Boston: 1935, vol. 1, pp. 284-85, quoted in R. Charles Wengrov, Haggadah and Woodcut, New York: 1967, pp. 87-88. In general Wengrov’s book provides a wealth of information regarding the images contained in the Prague 1526 Haggadah.[12] Mendel Metzger, Jewish Life in the Middle Ages, supra, p. 148 discussing generally medieval manuscripts and depictions of headcovering or lack thereof.




New seforim list with some random comments

New seforim list and some random comments By Eliezer Brodt This is a list of some of the recent seforim I have seen around during my seforim shopping. This is not an attempt to include everything or even close to that. I just like to list a wide variety of works. I note by some of these works that I can provide a table of contents if you request so, via emailing me at, Eliezerbrodt@gmail.com ספרים א. אוצר הגאונים מסכת בבא מציעא, מכון אופק ראה כאן. I will return to this work in a post shortly. ב. ראב”ן [ג’ חלקים] מהדיר: ר’ דוד דבליצקי [ניתן לקבל ה’מבוא’]. ג. מחזור כמנהג רומה- שונצין קזאל מיורי רמ”ו (1485-1486) מהדורת פקסימיליה, וחלק נוסף, קובץ מחקרים בערכית אנג’לו מרדכי פיאטלי, 170 עמודים. I will return to this work in a post shortly. ד. שלחן מלכים, יורה דעה, ר’ יצחק בואינו, מכון ירושלים. ה. אמת ליעקב, ר’ ישראל יעקב אלגאזי, על הלכות קריאת התורה, כולל ספרו, חוג הארץ על הלכות פורים כשחל בשבת לבני ירושלים, חזון למועד, דינים לבני חו”ל הבאים לארץ ישראל, ומפתחות, ש”ו + לד עמודים. ו. כתבי החיד”א: מורה באצבע צפורן שמיר קשר גדול כף אחת יוסף בסדר סנסן ליאיר שומר ישראל מכון אהבת שלום, עם הערות. ז. מגילת ספר, לר’ יעקב עמדין, מהדיר ר’ אברהם בומבך, רעא עמודים. [ניתן לקבל דוגמא של הספר]. This is the third time this famous work has been printed in Hebrew. This time the manuscript was consulted and many things from previous versions were corrected. This work contains a nice overview and many useful notes and an index of names. The editor is a known expert of Rav Yakov Emden’s writings and his notes are good. However this editor felt that he needed to edit the work and certain parts such what he writes about Reb Yonason Eybechutz and the like was removed, so once again a perfect edition remains a need. Of interest is the aeppendix at the end dealing with what the argument between Rav Emden and Eybeschuetz was about. This is another attempt to deal with this sad time in history. I will leave it up to the reader to decide if he is convinced by what he suggests. ח. שו”ת אור השנים לבעל ה’פרדס’- ר’ אריה לייב הלוי עפשטיין, קסה עמודים. כולל כמה ספרים של ר’ שריה דבליצקי, א. יראו עינינו, בענין תפלת ותיקן. ב. פאר יעקב, מצות תפילין וק’ על מצות תפלין כל היום. ג. הידורי תפלין. ד. פלגי מים, תענית גשמים וברכות גשמים בזמן הזה. ט. כתר ראש לר’ חיים מוואלאזין, עם מקורות ביאורים והערות, קמו עמודים+ 110 עמודים ועוד. This sefer looks beautiful but is lacking one thing: a proper introduction to enumerate what it exactly is adding to what we already have. For a partial introduction to this work see Rabbi Dovid Kamentsky’s article in the latest issue of Yeshurun 26 (2012), pp. 790-797. י. פנים יפות מהדורא תנינא, מכתב יד, תקא עמודים. This is a completely new work of the Haflaah’s, never before printed, which will help in the now famous ongoing debate about the Haflaah and his ties to Chassidim, especially in his written works. For recent articles on this topic See Rabbi Dovid Kamenetsky’s article in Yerushasenu 4 (2010), pp. 251-274 and Rabbi Yitzchak Weiss in one of the recent issues of Kovetz Beis Aharon Ve-Yisroel. [Email me if you would like to see these articles]. I have been told that there will be more on this in the near future. יא. תפילת הסופר, עניני תפילה, ממרן החתם סופר, קצט עמודים. יב. מנחת עני על התורה לבעל ה’ערוך לנר’, כולל מפתחות, ושאר הוסופות, תקלט עמודים. יג. שערי צדק, שער החצר, ר’ שמעון בן דוד, שני חלקים, בעניני ארץ ישראל, כולל מבוא, מפתחות והערות. יד. כתר תורה, ר’ מאיר מבארדיטשוב, בנו של בעל ה’קדושת לוי’, על התורה רמב”ם וש”ס ועוד, תלה עמודים. טו. ספר תהלים עם ביאור ‘תהילות יעקב’ לר’ יעקב פריימאן [מכת”י], שהיה רב בפוזן בברלין ועוד מקומות, מהדיר של הספר לקט יושר, 305 עמודים. טז. גנזים ושו”ת חזון איש, חלק ב, תכה עמודים. יז. הליכות חנוך, הוראות עובדות והנהגות מרן ר’ חנוך דוד פדוואר, בעל שו”ת חשב האפוד, שנג עמודים יח. תולדות נח, ר’ אליהו ברכה, בעניני שבע מצות בני נח בהלכה ואגדה, תתסג עמודים. יט. לאוקמי גירסא, ביצה- תיקונים והוספות ברש”י מכתבי יד, ר’ ישראל גרינבוים, לח עמודים, [ניתן לקבל דוגמא]. כ. ספר הזכרון בצאת ישראל, כולל גנוזות, תורת ראשי הישיבות וחכמי התורה, ומאמרי מוסר ודעת, על פסח, חול המועד, ספירת העומר ושבועות, תתמו עמודים. Of special interest to me was the few Teshuvot printed here from manuscript related to putting on Tefillin on Chol Hamoed. כא. חומש שמות עם פירוש ‘מעט צרי’ על תרגום אונקלוס. כב. התהלים המפורש, ר’ יעקב וינגרטן, תקסו עמודים ומבוא על עניני תהלים 137 עמודים. This work simply put is just beautifully done. כג. סנסן ליאיר ר’ מזוז, עניני פורים. כד. מגידים חדשים, ר’ דוד ווייס, ספר במדבר, תתיט עמודים. [מלא חומר חשוב ומעניין]. כה. חזון איש- שמונה עשרה שעות עם פירוש פשר חזון מר’ ישראל רוטנברג, קכה עמודים. כו. דרכי העיון, מאמרים בשיטת הלימוד, ר’ מאיר מזוז, רנא עמודים. כולל הערות על ספרים ‘עליות אליהו’ ו’תולדות אדם’. There is a lot to say about this sefer, hopefully I will have time to write it up in near the future. כז. כבודה של תורה, עובדות והלכיות מחיי ר’ רפאל שמואל ברנבוים, קפב עמודים. כח. והארץ לעולם עומדת, ר’ שלמה רוזנר, צז עמודים. כט. שיגרא דלישנא, הפתגם ומקורו ככתבו וכלשונו, ר’ אברהם מייזעלס, 95 עמודים. ל. קונטרס אור לגויים, ר’ יאיר עובדיה, ליקוט בעניני מעונן, מכשף, כתובת קעקע, חוקות הגויים ודרכי האמורי ורפואה מנכרי, 119 עמודים. לא. עיטוש להלכה [Sneezing] ר’ יששכר הופמן, פג עמודים. לב. איגרתא חדא, לר’ שריה דבליצקי,- דיני ביעור מעשרות, ברכות האילנות, פסח שחל בשבת, עירוב תבשילין, צ עמודים. לג. רמב”ם עפ פירוש יד פשוטה, שופטים [ג’ חלקים], ר’ נחום רבינוביץ. לד. מנחת אהרן, חג הפסח, ר’ אהרן מיאסניק, תנ עמודים. לה. עשן הכבשן, הבנת השואה לאור התורה סיבותיה ולימודיה, מלוקט מחיבורי ושיעורי רבי אביגדור מילר, ריז עמודים. לו. ימי פורים, ר’ דוד הכהן, תרלג עמודים. לז. הברת החסידים כללי עברי, ר’ נפתלי צבי דעמביצער, שלו עמודים+קח עמודים. ביאור הברת לשון הקודש למנהג בני פולין ואונגארן וסדר השתלשלות המבטא מימי קדם עד היום ויישוב דברי הפוסקים בכמה ענינים ובירור מבטא לשון הקודש על פי דקדוק. See page 307 in this work about quoting Shadal. לח. משיח כהלכה: קובץ דקדוקי תורה קונטרס פרק בשיר ספר מחברת התיגאן ספר חלק הדקדוק, ר’ אריאל הלוי. לט. פרקי אבות לפי פירוש רוח חיים של ר’ חיים מוולואז’ין, – ישעיהו ליבוביץ, 335 עמודים. מ. מכתב ישראל חלק ב מכתבים של ר’ ישראל אליהו ויינטרויב. מא. This volume is full of regular Torah of his on different topics the back has a few pages interesting stuff on random things. Just to mention three points he writes: קבר הגר”א, שאלתיו בנוגע לנסיעה לקברי רבותינו שמידי פעם עורכים נסיעות כאלו, שלכאורה אסור לצאת לחו”ל לצורך זה. והשיבני… כמו שללמוד תורה ולפרנסה מותר, כמו כן מי שיגע הרבה בכתבי הגר”א ז”ל יכול להבין מה שהוצאתי מההשתטחות על קברי הגר”א ז”ל… (עמ’ רצו). ירדית דורנו… המצב היום גרוע מאוד, כל אחד יכול לשבת עם המחשב על הסטנדר ואלפי ספרים עולים לו בלי מאמץ, ולא צריך להתייגע מה שלא היה אף פעם… (עמ’ רצח). אודות ספר מסילת ישרים ויכוח שהופיע בחמש עשרה שנים האחרונות, אמר לי מו”ר שלא לעיין בו משום שהוא מהדורא קמא של המסילת ישרים והדברים באים שם באופן של שאלה ותשובה, אשר זה מראה כביכול יש כאן אפשרות לצד אחר, וזה עושה נזקים, [ורק] המסילת ישרים [שלפנינו] ששם באו הדברים בצורה ברורה בלא שום צד אחר חלילה (עמ’ שח). קבצים א. ישורון כו, ניתן לקבל תוכן הענינים. Just to highlight some of the great looking sections 1. חידושי הריטב”א מסכת ביצה 2. עניני תפילה מספר המשכיל 3. פ’ הגדה של פסח לר”י גיקטיליא 4. ספר הגור על מכות מצרים 5. ק’ גבעת פנחס לזכרו של ר’ פנחס הירשפרונג, כולל זכרונות על רבו ר’ מאיר שפירא 6. ק’ פרי עץ חיים לזכרו ר’ אברהם יעקב זלזניק 7. ק’ אור זורח לזכרו רבי זרח שפירא כולל מכתבים ופסקים ממרן בעל החזון איש 8. להקים שם על נחלתו- על חידושי ר’ יהושע ליב דיסקין על התורה 9. אגרות הקודש ותולדות הגאון ר’ אפרים חרל”פ- ר’ דוד קנמצקי 10. תוס’ ותוס’ רא”ש על מסכת ביצה- ע”י ר’ משה מיימון 11. הלכות ברכת הראייה במסגרת הספר מעגל טוב לחיד”א, – ולענין ללכת לגן החיות ועוד, ממני אליעזר בראדט ב. מקבציאל, גליון לח, תתעט עמודים. Just to highlight some of the great looking sections 1. קטעי גניזה מפירוש הרא”ה למסכת ברכות. 2. נועם ה’ לר’ אברהם ב”ר אלעיזר הלוי 3. קונטרס אמרי דעת לר’ מנחם די לונזאני 4. פסקי תוס’ מסכת חולין 5. סבוב רבי פסתחיה מרגנשבורג (98 עמודים) 6. תולדות חכמי הדורות וחיבוריהם לר’ יצחק כדורי ג. המעין גליון 201 ד. היכל הבעל שם טוב, לג One article worth pointing out is related to Chasidus and the Mussar of Kelm including the writing of Rabbi Blch, Reb Yeruchem, Lev Eliyhau and Rav Dessler. ה. אור ישראל גליון סד Of special interest to me in this volume was the article of Rabbi Asher Miller which is a nice collection of comments on Rabbi Shmuel Ashkenazi’s recent work Alpha Beta Tenyusah DeShmuel Zeira. ו. עץ חיים גליון יז –ניתן לקבל תוכן הענינים. ז. היכלא, גליון ב’ בעניני פסח, שפא עמודים, ניתן לקבל תוכן הענינים. ח. סידרא, חלק כו ט. דעת חלק 71 מחקר א. מברכת משה, קובץ מאמרים במשנת הרמב”ם לכבודו של הרב נחום אליעזר רבינוביץ, ב’ חלקים, מעלה אדומים, ניתן לקבל תוכן הענינים. These two volumes are an excellent collection of material related to many aspects of the Rambam. ב. צמחי המקרא, זהר עמר, בחינה מחודשת לזיהוי כל הצמחים הנזכרים בתנ”ך לאור מקורות ישראל, והמחקר המדעי, 288 עמודים. ג. אשנב לספרות התשובות, שמואל גליק, 422 עמודים. This work is a very useful tool for understanding the Shut literature. ד. מחקרים בהלכה ובתולדותיה, שלום אלבק, הוצאת בר אילן, 210 עמודים. ה. גנזי חז”ל בספרות הקראית בימי הביניים, עפרה תירוש בקר, ב’ חלקים, כרך א’ עיונים פילולוגיים ובלשניים כרך ב מהדורה מדעית מוערת של הטקסטים. מוסד ביאליק. ו. מוצא העם העברי ואמונתו, אהרון תומר, מוסד ביאליק. ז. על דעת הקהל, ספר היובל לכבוד א’ רציצקי, שני חלקים מרכז זלמן שזר.




A review of Marc Michael Epstein’s The Medieval Haggadah, Narrative & Religious Imagination

Marc Michael Epstein, The Medieval Haggadah, Art, Narrative & Religious Imagination, Yale University Press, New Haven & London: 2011, 12, 324 pp. Most discussions regarding the Haggadah begin with the tired canard that the Haggadah is one of the most popular books in Jewish literature, if not the most popular, and has been treasured as such throughout the centuries. Over sixty years ago, Isaac Rivkin noted that as a matter of fact, only since the 19th century has the Haggadah become one of the most printed Jewish books. Prior to the 19th century, the Haggadah is neither the most printed nor most written about work in the Jewish cannon.[1] Epstein does not fall prey to this canard nor any other of the many associated with the Haggadah. Dr. Epstein’s survey of four Jewish medieval manuscripts is novel, vibrant, and sheds new light on these manuscripts, as well as Jewish manuscripts and the Haggadah generally. Epstein covers four well-known medieval Haggadah manuscripts:[2] The Birds’ Head Haggadah, The Golden Haggadah,[3] The Rylands Haggadah,[4] and the Brother to the Rylands Haggadah. First, a word about manuscript titles. Sometimes manuscripts are referred to by the city or institution that houses or housed the manuscript, while in other instances, especially when a manuscript contains a unique marking or the like, that unique identifier may be used to describe the manuscript. The Rylands Haggadah (currently housed at the John Rylands Museum, Manchester, UK), is an example of the former, and the Birds’ Head Haggadah is an example of the latter. In the case of the Birds’ Head, most of the figures depicted in the manuscript are drawn not with human heads, but with birds’ heads. Similarly, the Golden Haggadah is another example which gets its title due to the proliferation of gold borders and filler. Finally, the Brother to the Rylands, gets its title from the similarly of its illustrations to that of the Rylands, indicating some connection or modeling between the two manuscripts. As alluded to above, Epstein is not the first to discuss these manuscripts. Indeed, in the case of both the Birds’ Head and the Golden Haggadah, book length surveys have already been published.[5] Epstein, however, differs with his predecessors both in terms of his method as well as what he is willing to assume. Regarding assumptions, previously, many would take the path of least resistance in explaining difficult images and attribute confusing or complex illustrations to errors or lack of precision of the illustrator. Rather than assume error, Epstein gives the illustrations and illustrators their due and, in so far as possible assumes that the images are “both coherent and intentional.” As an extension of his “humility in the face of iconography,” Epstein attempts “to understand how the authors understood it rather than assume that [he] must know better than they did.” He does “not fault the authorship for what” he, “as a twenty-first century viewer, might fail to notice or understand concerning the structure or details of the iconography.” Furthermore, engaging with illustrations not only from tracing the history of how the image came into being but, more importantly, how that image was interpreted and what meaning it carried for its audience throughout its transmission is also one of Epstein’s goals. In furtherance of these goals, Epstein is all too aware of his own limitations and throughout the book, Epstein willingly admits both where the evidence can lead and, what is pure speculation. All of this translates into a highly satisfying and illuminating (no pun intended) perspective on these and Jewish manuscripts in general. The book is divided among the four manuscripts, with each getting its own section, with the exception of the Rylands and its Brother that are included in a single section. At the beginning of each section, all of the relevant pages from the manuscript are reproduced. The reproductions are excellent. This is not always the case in other books that reproduce these images. Indeed, in Narkiss, et al. who compiled an Index of Jewish Art that includes detailed discussions regarding a variety of medieval Haggadah manuscripts, only reproduce the images in black and white.[6] Similarly, Metzger, in her La Haggada Enluminée, also only reproduces the images in black and white (and many times the images are of poor quality). Here, each page containing an image is reproduced in full, in a high quality format that allows the reader to fully appreciate the image under discussion. Appreciating that to obtain similar high quality images requires the purchase of an authorized facsimile edition, which in some instances can be cost prohibitive highlights the importance and attention to detail that characterizes Epstein’s work on the whole. The Birds’ Head Haggadah is the oldest illustrated Haggadah text, dated to around the early 1300s. This manuscript is not the only Jewish manuscript to use zoophilic (the combination of man and beast) images. Zoophilic images can be found in a variety of contexts in Jewish manuscripts. For example, in the manuscript known as Tripartite Machzor, men are drawn normally while the women are drawn with animal heads.[7] Or, the well-known manuscript illustrator Joel ben Simon playfully illustrates the prayer God should save both man and beast, which can be read as God should save the man/beast, with a half human-half beast:
When it comes to the Birds’ Head manuscript, a variety of reasons have been offered for its imagery, running the gamut from halachik concerns to the rather incredible notion that the images are actually anti-Semitic with a bird’s beak standing in for the Jewish nose trope. Epstein ably summarizes the positions and based upon a close examination of the illustrations as well as his stated methodology, dismisses much of the prior theories. His ultimate conclusion, which builds upon the halachik position, is more nuanced and, hence, more believable, than his predecessors. The Birds’ Head provides a striking example where Epstein’s unwillingness to simply ignore complexity by claiming error, demonstrates the interpretative rewards offered to a close reader of the illustrations. While most of the images carry a bird’s head, there are a few exceptions. Most notably, non-Jews, both corporal and spiritual do not. Instead, non-Jewish humans as well as angels have blank circles instead of faces. But, there is one scene that poses a problem. One illustration shows the Jews fleeing Egypt (all with birds’ heads), being pursued by Pharaoh and his army. But, unlike the rest of the figures in Pharaoh’s army, two figures appear with birds’ heads. Some write this off to carelessness on the illustrator’s part. Epstein, who credits his (then) ten-year old son for a novel explanation, offers that these two figures are Datan and Aviram, two prominent members of the erev rav, those Jews who elected to remain behind. The inclusion of these persons, and allowing them to remain with their “Jewish” bird’s head, may be a statement regarding sin, and specifically, the Jewish view that even when a Jew sins, they still retain their Jewish identity. Sin, and including sinners as Jews, are motifs that are highlighted on Pesach with the mention of the wicked son and perhaps is also indicated with this illustration. The illustrator could have left Datan and Aviram out entirely or decided to mark them some other way rather than the Birds’ head. Thus, utilizing this explanation allows for the illustrator to enable a broader discussion about not only the exodus and the Egyptian army’s chase, but expands the discussion to sin, repentance, Jewish identity, inclusiveness and exclusiveness and other related themes.
(click to enlarge)
Epstein’s discussions of the other manuscripts are similarly eye-opening. For instance, the Golden Haggadah is an example of the Sefard manuscript Haggadah genre. Manuscript haggadahs are placed in two broad categories, Ashkenaz and Sefard. The former’s illustrations appear in the margins and generally explain the text or refer to Pesach scenes such as baking matzo or looking for hametz. The latter’s illustrations appear before the text and are a series of illustrations, appearing either in two or four panels on a single page, depicting the beginning of Jewish history with Adam and Eve, or in the case of the Sarajevo haggadah, the actual creation sequence. The illustrations culminate with the exodus. But, unlike the Ashkenaz examples, the Sefard manuscripts generally do not illustrate the Haggadah text (with the exception of HaLachmanya, a picture of matzo or the like). The Golden Haggadah follows the Sefard conventions and includes the Jewish history scenes. Epstein demonstrates, however, that the images should not just be read chronologically. Rather, the Golden Haggadah illustrator subtly linked events that did not necessarily follow in time. For example, the placement of the water in a scene depicting Jacob’s blessing to Pharaoh is linked to the scene, occurring much later, to the boys being thrown in the Nile and is similarly linked by imagery to Moses being saved from the Nile, as well as Moses rescuing Jethro’s daughters. Epstein connects all of these scenes by noting the unique method and placement of the water in the scenes. But the linkage is not merely water, instead, this interpretation affords insight into God’s blessings, promises, the parameters and methods of His divine punishment of “measure for measure,” gratitude, and salvation. Again, this is but one example where close examination of the illustrations enriches the Haggadah discussion. All of Epstein’s discussions display his keen awareness and erudition regarding illustrations appearing in both the manuscript as well as print Haggadahs. Although the work employs end notes, which we find generally to indicate that the notes are unnecessary for the text, the notes should not be ignored. They are full of interesting sidebars as well as additional information on the illustrations discussed and the history of Haggadah illustration.[8] As a testament to the importance of this work, as well as its accessibility, the book was originally published after Pesach last year (hence our belated review) and, already, before even a single Pesach, its publisher is sold out. The work has already received numerous accolades from numerous others to which we add our small voice. This is an incredible work in terms of its insights, methods, and production values that is a welcome breath of fresh air to stale and repetitive Haggadah genre.

[1] See Isaac Rivkin, The Passover Haggada Through the Generations, New York: 1961, pp. 3-4.
[2] We note that unlike most other Jewish books which ceased being produced in manuscript at, or soon after the advent of the printing press, manuscripts of the Haggadah are still being commissioned even today. This is not to suggest that all Haggadah manuscripts are equal. Many of the haggadah manuscripts produced after the printing press are very similar, and especially those produced after the Venice 1609 and Amsterdam 1695 and 1712, most of the illustrations that adore manuscript haggadahs are identical or virtually identical to their printed counterparts. See, e.g., Haviva Peled-Carmel, Illustrated Haggadot of the Eighteenth Century, Jerusalem, The Israel Museum: 1983 (Hebrew).
[3] The link for viewing the Golden Haggadah at the bottom of page here or in a fully sizable and zoomable image here.
[4] The Rylands Haggadah is currently on display at the Met in NYC until September 30, 2012.
[5] M. Spitzer, The Birds Head Haggadah of the Bezalel National Art Musuem in Jerusalem, Jerusalem: 1965; B. Narkiss, The Golden Haggadah: A Fourteenth-Century Illuminated Hebrew Manuscript in the British Museum, London: 1970.
[6] Iconograhical Index of Hebrew Illuminated Manuscripts, ed. Bezalel Narkiss & Gabrielle Sed-Rajina, vol. I, Jerusalem: 1976 (containing Birds’ Head among other Haggadah manuscripts); similarly, see Narkiss’ Hebrew Illuminated Manuscripts in the British Isles, Oxford & New York: 1982.
[7] On the use of zoophilic images in the Tripartite Machzor, see Zsofia Buda, “Animals Gazing at Women, Zoocephalic Figures in the Tripartite Machzor,” in Animal Diversities, ed. Gerhard Jaritz & Alice Choyke, Krems: 2005, pp. 136-64 (available at this link). The Tripartite Machzor is another example of an unusual manuscript title. Its title is derived from Bezalel Narkiss’s conclusion that the work is comprised of three parts, one of which is housed in the Kaufmann Collection in Budapest, Hungry, while the other two parts are currently in the Bodleian Library at Oxford. The Kaufmann portion is available online here.
[8] We note that Epstein’s discussion of headcovering is in conflict with Rivkin. Compare Epstein, p. 278 n.2 with Isaac Rivkin, “The Responsum of R. Judah Areyeh of Modena on Going Bareheaded,” in Sefer Ha-Yovel le-Kovod Levi Ginzberg, ed. Saul Lieberman, New York: 1946, pp. 401-03 n.1.



Women and the Recitation of Kaddish by Rahel Berkovits – A Review Essay (Hebrew with English Synopsis) by Yael Levine

Women and the Recitation of Kaddish – A Review Essay

Rahel Berkovits, A Daughter’s Recitation of Mourner’s Kaddish, New York: JOFA 2011, 102 pp.

By Yael Levine

The author holds a Ph.D. from the Talmud department at Bar Ilan University. She is the author of numerous articles related to women in Judaism.
Rahel Berkovits has written a work about the recitation of kaddish by daughters and women generally. The main texts appear in Hebrew alongside an English translation. The publication was issued by JOFA.
The topic itself is of notable interest, and Berkovits attempts to deal with the issues at hand. Her main purpose is to show that the recitation of kaddish by women is permissible, and that this is the opinion of the American rabbis (“Rabbanei Artzot Ha-Brit”).
However, essential problems may be detected with the analysis presented in this work. Even if there is a basis for the opinions permitting women to recite kaddish, the author does not provide an objective discussion of the sources. She shows a clear preference towards those sources which permit women to recite kaddish, and belittles the opposing sources. Berkovits mainly presents those opinions which permit women to recite kaddish, and writes that these opinions are the majority opinion (p. 85). However, this assertion is incorrect. There is a large pool of sources on the topic, to which the author preferred not to relate.
The first and classic responsum on the topic was written by R. Yair Hayyim Bacharach in Havvot Yair. The author based herself on the text in the Bar Ilan responsa project, which contains several corruptions, and didn’t corroborate the text with the book itself. There is an overt mistake concerning her discussion of “Sefer Ha-Hayyim”, and other mistakes are prevalent within the publication. Berkowits failed to list among the early sources two important texts. This work by Berkovits was not worthy of publication in its present state, not even for the use of women. Women also have the right to publish Divrei Torah, but Divrei Torah that are devoid of any error.
מונחת עתה באמתחתנו חוברת המבקשת להציג ולנתח את המקורות העיקריים בנושא אמירת קדיש על ידי הבת והאישה. החיבור נכתב בידי רחל ברקוביץ, שמלמדת במכון פרדס בירושלים. הוא כתוב אנגלית והטכסטים הראשיים מופיעים בעברית לצד תרגום אנגלי. ציטוטים שונים בעברית מופיעים גם במסגרת הערות השוליים, אם כי מרביתם אינם מתורגמים. הפרסום מונה תשעים-ושלושה עמודים ממוספרים, אולם בשל הופעת מקורות רבים בתבנית דו-לשונית, מדובר בכמות מצומצמת יותר של חומר.
החוברת יצאה בהוצאת ארגון הנשים האורתודוקסי-פמיניסטי JOFA בניו יורק. היא התפרסמה תחילה במהדורה ניסויית שהושקה בשלהי הקיץ האחרון, ובמסגרת זו קיימה המחברת סדרת שיעורים המיוסדים על הנכתב בו. מלבד זאת, ארגון JOFA הכשיר נשים אחדות להורות את החומר במוקדים שונים ברחבי ארה”ב.
בחוברת שפרסמה ברקוביץ מצוי ניסיון להתמודד עם הנושא של אמירת קדיש בידי הבת והאישה. וכך נפרסת תחילה שורת מקורות בדבר המנהגים השונים הקשורים באמירת קדיש יתום. לאחר מכן מתקיים דיון במקורות המוקדמים בנושא, החל משו”ת חות יאיר, ולאחריו מובאים מקורות מאת אחרונים מאוחרים יותר. בהמשך נידונים עמדותיהם של פוסקי ארץ ישראל מראשית המאה העשרים ועד לזמננו, והחלק האחרון נדרש לפסיקת רבני ארה”ב במחצית השנייה של המאה העשרים. המגמה והמתכונת המרכזיות הן החתירה להראות שאמירת קדיש בידי נשים מותרת וכי זו היא פסיקת רבני ארה”ב.
לצד העניין המתגלה בנושא גופו, ניכרת בפרסום זה בעייתיות מסוגים שונים, בכלל זה בעניינים מהותיים ועקרוניים. נקודה עקרונית היא שהמקורות המדברים בשבח אמירת קדיש בידי נשים מועמדים במרכז, ומקורות סמכותיים שהם חוליות מרכזיות בשלשלת המקורות מופיעים בהערות שוליים משום שהמחברים הביעו בהם השקפה המתנגדת לאמירת קדיש. המקורות מסוג זה מובאים בגוף החיבור בעיקר כשהם נחוצים להבנת המקורות בשבח אמירת קדיש, כגון שהמקורות המתירים מצטטים אותם, או שמצויה בהם התייחסות לדעות המתירות.
בקטע הבא מחקתי את מספר העמוד, כי הרעיון מבוטא גם בעוד מקומות:
יתרה מכך, ברקוביץ עצמה מציינת כי הדעות המתירות הן בחזקת דעת הרוב (עמ’ 85). ברם, קביעה זו אינה נכונה בעליל. קיים מאגר גדול של מקורות האוסרים אמירת קדיש בידי הבת או האישה, עד לימינו, אולם ברקוביץ כמעט ולא הביאתם וגם הפחיתה מֵעֶרְכָּם. וכך התמונה המצטיירת בלתי מאוזנת, ואינה משקפת את פני הדברים לאשורם. גם אם יש מקום לצדד בעמדה המתירה אמירת קדיש לנשים בזמננו, עדיין קיימת חובה לנהל דיונים נכונים ואמיתיים במקורות, ללא הטייתם וללא משוא פנים.
שו”ת חות יאיר

התשובה הקלאסית בנושא נשים ואמירת קדיש מופיעה בשו”ת חות יאיר לרב יאיר חיים בכרך (שצ”ח-תס”ב; 1638-1702). בתשובה זו נדון מקרה שהתרחש באמשטרדם באדם אשר הורה קודם הסתלקותו כי בתו הקטנה תאמר אחריו קדיש במניין שהיה אמור להתקיים בביתו. רבני הקהילה לא מיחו כנגד אמירת הקדיש בידי הבת. אולם המחבר עצמו הביע את הסתייגותו מנוהג זה. הוא מציין כי אף שאישה מצווה על קידוש ה’ והגם שמצד הסברא קיים מקום לומר שגם הבת גורמת נחת רוח לאביה באמירת קדיש, אם כל אחד יבנה במה לעצמו על פי סברתו יש לחוש להיחלשות כוח המנהגים, ודברי חכמים ייראו כחוכא ואיטלולא. על תשובה זו נסמכו ונסמכים פוסקים מאוחרים יותר בדיוניהם בנושא, הן לקולא והן לחומרה.
והנה, בחיבורה של ברקוביץ מצויה טעות בולטת למדי בנוסח ה”חות יאיר”. חיבור זה התפרסם בשלוש מהדורות, לראשונה בפרנקפורט דמיין בשנת תנ”ט (1699), בשנייה בלמברג תרנ”ו (1896), ובשלישית ברמת גן בשנת תשנ”ז ובמהדורה מעודכנת בשנת תש”ס. נודעים שינויים שונים בין נוסחי המהדורה הראשונה והשנייה, ובמהדורה האחרונה נפתחו ראשי התיבות. ברקוביץ לא ציינה באיזו מבין המהדורות הסתייעה. השינוי המשמעותי בגרסת הטכסט כהבאתה אצל ברקוביץ הוא הנוסח “ומחזי מילי דרבנן כחוכא ואטלול’ ויבואו לגלגל בו”, חלף הגרסה “לזלזל” המצויה בדפוסים. והנה, הגרסה שהביאה ברקוביץ נמצאת בפרויקט השו”ת. עיון ברשימת הספרים שעליה מתבסס מפעל זה מלמד שנעשה שימוש במהדורת למברג. בנוסח התשובה בפרויקט השו”ת קיים שיבוש נוסף בהשוואה למקור; הנוסח בנדפס הנו “שהוא תקחז”ל [=תקנת חז”ל] כנזכר”, והגרסה בפרויקט השו”ת היא “ונזכר” .וישנם שינויים אחדים נוספים. בנוסח התשובה בפרויקט השו”ת מצויים אפוא שיבושים אחדים בהשוואה למקור. ברקוביץ עצמה מביאה חלקים נבחרים מהתשובה בלבד. מחד גיסא, הקטע השני אינו נכלל, אולם הגהת גרסת הטכסט שהיא מביאה מעלה שהיא מיוסדת על למברג ווארשה. אם כן, מתברר שברקוביץ נשענה על גרסת התשובה כהווייתה במאגר הנזכר, ולא ערכה כלל הגהה עם הנוסח המודפס.
אין זה המקום להרחיב את היריעה בדבר מצב הגרסאות במאגרים הממוחשבים השונים. גם אם חלו טעויות אחדות בנוסחי טכסטים שונים בפרויקט השו”ת, עדיין מושתתת על המחבר החובה הגמורה לבדוק את הנוסחאות בספרים גופם. באשר לתקליטור התורני DBS, אפשר להזכיר כי הבעלים מקפידים על זכויות יוצרים, ולאור מדיניותם זו הם עצמם הכניסו במודע טעויות שונות שבאמצעותן יהיה אפשר להכיר שאדם העתיק חלקי יצירות או ספרים שלמים. למיטב ידיעתי אין מדיניות דומה בפרויקט השו”ת, הגם שהמקרה הנוכחי מורה שאם מצויות טעויות כלשהן בנוסחי מקורות, אף בשגגה, צריך למצוא את הדרך להגיה את כלל הטכסטים. אולם בבוא אדם לפרסם ספר, על המחבר רובצת האחריות להגיש חיבור בעל תכנים נכונים, המנוקה מכל טעות, כשם שקיימת חובה הלכתית ומוסרית על מורים ללמד בצורה נכונה ובלא שגיאות. בהנחה שברקוביץ הורתה את התשובה המדוברת בפורומים שונים קודם פרסום החוברת ולאחריו, הרי שנלמדו לכל אורך הדרך דברים שגויים. אין זו הבמה לדון בשימוש שעשו אחרים בנוסח השגוי.
נקודה זו בדבר החובה לאשש גרסאות בתוך הספרים עצמם, איננה דבר חיצוני בלבד, אלא עניין מהותי. גם כשמדובר בפרסום לא מדעי, יש תנאי סף מינימליים. כל עוד אין בירור והעמדה נכונה של גרסאות, אין אפשרות לקיים דיון ראוי בנושא העומד על הפרק, והעדרו של תנאי בסיסי זה מעיב על מהימנות הפרויקט כולו. כמה צדקו גדולי ישראל שהורונו ש”אותיות מחכימות”, כי עיון בספר עצמו הנו הכרח. ענייננו צורם ביותר נוכח העובדה ששתי המהדורות הראשונות של ה”חות יאיר” נגישות, בהיותן מוצבות באתר “היברו בוקס”. אולם המחברת לא טרחה לכל אורך הספר למסור מידע לגבי מהדורות החיבורים שבהם הסתייעה – או לא הסתייעה.
לו היה מדובר במקרה בודד ויחידאי במהלך החיבור, אזי החרשתי. אולם הבעייתיות בהצבת נוסחי המקורות אינה שמורה למקור המרכזי של ה”חות יאיר”, אלא מצויה במקומות נוספים ברחבי החוברת. בנוסף, המחברת נהגה לפתוח בסוגריים את ראשי התיבות המובאים במקורות. בשו”ת חות יאיר מצויה טעות בפתיחת אחד מהם; הצורה “והנלפענ”ד” שמשמעה “והנראה לפי עניות דעתי”, פוענחה אצל ברקוביץ בתור “והנה לפי עניות דעתי”.
מקורות מוקדמים
ברקוביץ מקדישה הערת שוליים בחומר הנוגע לשו”ת חות יאיר להתייחסותו של הרב שמעון פרנקפורט (שצ”ד-תע”ג; 1634-1712) בחיבורו “ספר החיים” לאמירת קדיש בידי הבת, שבו התנגד בנחרצות לתופעה. חיבור זה התפרסם בשנת תס”ג (1703), שנים אחדות לאחר ה”חות יאיר”. ברקוביץ מביאה בין היתר את עמדתו המתנגדת לאמירת קדיש בידי הבת: “כי אין לבת בקדיש לא דין ולא דת ואין זה אלא שטות חסידי’ אף שיש לו לשון למודים כי הוא כחוכה וטלולא” (כך במקור). בהערת שוליים המופיעה מעט קודם לכן, מציינת ברקוביץ חלק מהידרשותו של “בית לחם יהודה”, אחד מנושאי כלי השולחן ערוך, ל”חות יאיר”: “ואין לבת בקדיש לא דין ודת ואין זה אלא שטות, כי הוא כחוכא ואיטלולא”. אולם המעיין ב”בית לחם יהודה” נוכח שדבריו אלה הם ציטוט מ”ספר החיים”, וניכרים שינויי נוסח אחדים בהשוואה למקור. בפתיחת הקטע ב”בית לחם יהודה” נדונו דברי ה”חות יאיר”, אולם בהמשך עבר המחבר לצטט מ”ספר החיים”. מצב עניינים כזה של הנחלת טעויות, שֶׁתֵּאַרְנוּ עד כה את מקצתו, הוא בבחינת בכייה לדורות.
לגופו של עניין, ההתייחסות לאמירת קדיש בידי הבת ב”ספר החיים” היא בעלת חשיבות מרובה משום שהמחבר התגורר באמשטרדם, והיה רבה של “חברה קדישא” בעיר. והרי במקום זה התרחש המעשה המתואר ב”חות יאיר”, שממנו משתמע כי רבני אותה הקהילה לא מיחו בידי הבת. אולם מדברי “ספר החיים” עולה שהיו התנגדויות לאמירת קדיש בידי הבת בתוככי העיר, אף כי אין בידינו האפשרות לקבוע בבטחה שדבריו מתייחסים לאותו המקרה. מכל מקום, אין סייג מפורש המתייחס למניין בבית בלבד, ואפשר שהמחבר נדרש לתופעה הכללית. אין גם להוציא מכלל אפשרות שדבריו נכתבו על רקע היכרותו עם ה”חות יאיר”. השקפה דומה מובעת בחיבור נוסף פרי עטו של הרב שמעון פרנקפורט, ספר יתנו, שרובו ספון בכתב יד. אם כן, הידרשותו של בעל “ספר החיים” היא חוליה חשובה בשלשלת המקורות הקדומים בדבר אמירת קדיש בידי הבת. אין מקומה בהערת שוליים, אלא ראוי היה לכוללה בין המקורות הראשיים ולא לדוחקה לקרן זווית, גם אם הפסיקה אינה עֲרֵבָה.
לאחר הדיון הראשי בשו”ת חות יאיר, ברקוביץ מסתייעת במקורות מוקדמים אחדים נוספים. המקור הבא הנדון בגוף החיבור הוא שו”ת שבות יעקב לרב יעקב ריישר (ת”ך-תצ”ג; 1660-1733), שנדפס בשנת תע”ט (1719). המחבר התיר, במקרה המתייחס לקהילת גריינזך, לבת קטנה בת ארבע לומר קדיש במניין שנערך בבית. לאחר מכן דנה המחברת בשו”ת כנסת יחזקאל לרב יחזקאל קצנלבויגן (תכ”ח או תכ”ט–תק”ט; 1667 או 1668–1749), שראה אור בשנת תצ”ב (1732), ובו מגלה המחבר התנגדות לאמירת קדיש בידי בת קטנה אפילו במניין הנערך בבית. מקור זה הובא משום שהוא מסתמך על דעתו האוסרת של ה”חות יאיר”. במהלך דיונה המחברת מעלה את ההשערה שהמחבר לא ראה את ה”חות יאיר” עצמו, וזאת כדי לומר כי היה פוסק אחרת לו הטיעונים להיתר היו מונחים לנגד עיניו. אולם אין הדברים מוכרחים כלל.
והנה, חיוני להזכיר כי נעדר מחיבורה של ברקוביץ מקור המהווה חוליה חשובה בשלשלת המקורות המוקדמים והמכוננים. הכוונה לקטע ב”נוהג כצאן יוסף” לר’ יוסף יוזפא קאשמן, שיצא לאור בדפוס בשנת תע”ח (1717), המופיע בהלכות אבלות. ר’ יוסף יוזפא פותח את הידרשותו לעניין בכותבו כי בספרו “דבר שמואל” לרב שמואל אבוהב (ש”ע-תנ”ד; 1610-1694) מציין המחבר שאין דעתו נוחה מכך שיתומים קטנים אומרים קדיש וברכו. בהקשר זה מתייחס ר’ יוסף יוזפא לנוהג שהיה מצוי בקהילות אחדות, “באיזו מקומות” כלשונו, לפיו מי שמת בלא בנים, בנותיו הקטנות הולכות לבית הכנסת לומר קדיש. יוער שהמחבר אינו כותב אם הן שהו בעזרת הנשים או הגברים. המחבר מציין בְּקוֹרַת רוח כי מנהג זה לא היה קיים בפרנקפורט דמיין. החשיבות הטמונה בדברי “נוהג כצאן יוסף” היא גם בעובדה שאנו שומעים כי במקומות שונים אמרו בנות קטנות קדיש בבית הכנסת גופו.
ברקוביץ מתייחסת במהלך דבריה לשלושת המקורות הקדומים בנושא אמירת קדיש בידי נשים כשו”ת חות יאיר, שבות יעקב וכנסת יחזקאל (עמ’ 84). אולם קביעה זו אינה למעשה נכונה. לפי שיטתנו יש למנות חמישה מקורות מוקדמים: חות יאיר, שיצא לאור בדפוס בשנת 1699; ספר החיים, שהתפרסם בשנת 1703, וספר יתנו; נוהג כצאן יוסף, שנדפס בשנת 1717; שבות יעקב, שנדפס בשנת 1719; וכנסת יחזקאל, שראה אור בשנת 1732. חשוב גם לאזכר בנוגע למקורות המוקדמים שאין לנו ידיעות בדבר מועדי כתיבתם או התרחשות המאורעות המתוארים בהם, ועלינו להסתמך על תאריכי פרסום החיבורים.
נקודה הראויה לציון קשורה לדבריו של הרב אליעזר זלמן גרייבסקי בחיבורו “קדיש לעלם”, שבו הוא מגלה דעה המתירה לבנות לומר קדיש. המקור הזה זוכה למקום של כבוד בגוף חיבורה של ברקוביץ. אולם נפרסת כאן תמונה חלקית בלבד שכן הרב גרייבסקי עצמו מוסר שהוא הראה את דבריו לרב שלמה אהרן וורטהיימר, רב נודע וחוקר יהדות דגול. הרב וורטהיימר חלק בנקודות מסוימות על הרב גרייבסקי, והלה פרסם את דבריו ב”קדיש לעלם” עצמו. עוד ראוי להעיר כי ברקוביץ מזכירה את המעשה ברבי עקיבא ששימש יסוד לאמירת קדיש יתום ומביאה אחדות מהמקבילות. המעשה הזה זכה למחקרים חשובים, אולם בשנים האחרונים זכה למחקרה החשוב ביותר של פרופ’ רלה קושלבסקי, “התנא והמת הנודד”, ב”אינציקלופדיה של הסיפור החסידי”, מחקר שאינו זוכה להתייחסות. מבין הטעויות הטכניות בספר אפשר להזכיר עוד כי ישנה טעות כתיב בשמה של הרבנית ציפורה הוטנר, שאמרה קדיש על אביה בשעה שאחיה לא היו בביתם, וכן שמו של החוקר טוביה פרשל נכתב באנגלית בצורה שגויה לגמרי.
רבני ארה”ב
כאמור, ברקוביץ מקדישה יחידה להעלאת דעותיהם של רבני ארה”ב כלפי סוגיית אמירת קדיש בידי נשים, דעות המשקפות עמדה מתירה. הרבנים שדעותיהם מוזכרות הם בעיקרם הרב יוסף אליהו הנקין, הרב יהודה הרצל הנקין, הרב יוסף דב סולובייצ’יק, הרב אהרן סולובייצ’יק והרב משה פיינשטיין. בדורנו זוכות הדעות המתירות להבלטה בקרב הציבור האורתודוקסי. גם אם יש מקום לסבור שיש ממש בטיעוני המתירים, המקורות הללו אינם משקפים את התמונה כולה, לא בארה”ב ולא בארץ. הפסיקה המתירה אינה נחלת כלל הרבנים האורתודוקסיים, וכן הציבור החרדי מוסיף בעיקרו לדבוק בגישה האוסרת, אולם פסיקה זו כמעט ולא הובאה אצל ברקוביץ והיא גם זכתה להמעטת ערכה. וכך נוצר הרושם השגוי שהדעות המתירות לנשים לומר קדיש – הן כיום העמדה ההלכתית השלטת.
בהקשר לדעתם של רבני ארה”ב חיוני להעיר נקודות אחדות. הרב יוסף אליהו הנקין כתב תשובה פרטית בנושא הנדון בשנת תש”ז, תשובה שנדפסה בכתביו לראשונה בשנת תשמ”ט. לתשובה זו לא נודעו מהלכים רבים בפועל; היא לא פורסמה בשעתה, והעדות היחידה כמעט לגביה – אפשר שנשתמרה באזכור קצר בשו”ת משנת בנימין. הרב הנקין פרסם בשנת תשכ”ג בכתב העת הפרדס תשובה מנומקת בנושא. היא נדפסה אף היא מחדש בשנת תשמ”ט, אם כי אוזכרה במקורות משניים, בין היתר ב”ספר הקדיש” לרב דוד אסף, שיצא לאור בשנת תשכ”ו. תשובה זו לא הביאה בזמן אמת להתחוללות של שינוי המוני שבעקבותיו נהרו נשים לומר קדיש, אף לא בציבור האורתודוקסי.
המקורות הקשורים לרב יוסף דב סולובייצ’יק הם עדויות שבעל פה משנות השישים ואילך, בעקבות מקרים ספציפיים שעליהם נשאל. הרב התיר לנשים לומר קדיש, בין היתר בעקבות מקרה שראה בווילנה של אמירת קדיש בידי בת, נוהג שהתברר לרב שהיה מנהג המקום. הרב לא ערך בפסיקתו הבחנה בין בת לבין אישה. בתשובה מאת הרב משה פיינשטיין משנת תשמ”ב, שהתפרסמה בשנת תשנ”ו, מוזכרת אגב אורחא העובדה כי באירופה אירע לפרקים שאישה אבלה נכנסה לבית המדרש לומר קדיש. הרב פיינשטיין מתעד נוהג זה, ואינו מגלה כלפיה התנגדות. פרופ’ יהודה אייזנברג ציין שישנן עדויות אחדות בדבר נשים שאמרו קדיש בבית הכנסת של הרב, אם כי לא פֵּרֵט. והנה, אפשר להביא מקור כתוב שאינו כה מוכר, שהתפרסם בשנת תשס”ז בספר “רָחַשׁ לִבִּי” לרב שמואל מנחם סרלואי. המחבר מציין שהרב פרופ’ זאב לב אמר לו שבהזדמנות אחת “הגאון רבי משה פיינשטיין זצ”ל השתיק את הקהל ואמר להם להקשיב ולענות על אמירת קדיש שאמרה בת בעזרת הנשים”. מועד התרחשות המעשה לא נזכר, ולא נאמר אם מדובר בבת קטנה או גדולה.
הנקודה המשמעותית הקשורה לדיוננו היא שגם אם החלו נשמעות דעות מתירות אחדות בקרב רבני ארה”ב, עד אמצע שנות השבעים של המאה העשרים לא הייתה נהירה מצד נשים אורתודוקסיות גופן לומר קדיש, והתופעה היתה מצומצמת בהיקפה. רק עם התגברות גלי הפמיניזם בשנות השבעים, החלו הדעות הללו לצבור תנופה והן מצאו לעצמן עדנה. לחלופין, הן הביאו בעקבותיהן להידרשויות נוספות לנושא; אלה של הרב יהודה הרצל הנקין ושל הרב אהרן סולובייצ’יק, שדעתו המתירה נובעת מפורשות מהחשש להרחקתן של נשים אורתודוקסיות אל עבר הזרמים האחרים. הפמיניזם האורתודוקסי בראשיתו הוא שניכס לעצמו מקורות המתירים לנשים לומר קדיש, ובכלל זה דעותיהם של הרב יוסף אליהו הנקין ושל הרב יוסף דב סולובייצ’יק, שהשפעתן בפועל עד לאותה עת היתה קטנה.
החיבור מאת רחל ברקוביץ על אמירת קדיש בידי נשים לא היה ראוי להתפרסם במצבו הנוכחי, מצב שאינו ראוי אפילו לעיונן של נשים. אולם משפורסם באופן שטעויות יכולות להכות שורשים בציבור המעיין בו, מוטב לגונזו עד שאפשר להוציא מוצר שיהיה קב ונקי. הבעייתיות שהצבעתי עליה מעמידה בסימן שאלה את האפשרות להסתייע בו כמקור אמין ומהימן. גם לנשים יש זכות לפרסם דברי תורה, אולם דברי תורה שאין בהם רבב.
© כל הזכויות שמורות למחברת



Answers to Quiz Questions and Other Comments, part 2

Answers to Quiz Questions and Other Comments, part 2
 
by Marc B. Shapiro
1. In my previous post, in discussing the words in Ecclesiastes 2:8 עשיתי לי שרים ושרות, I referred to the interpretation in Kohelet Rabbati. This very section of Kohelet Rabbati has an amazing comment, which as far as I know was never referred to in the dispute over Sara Hurwitz’ rabbinical ordination. Commenting on the words שדה ושדות, which appear in the same sentence as שרים ושרות, the Midrash states:

שדה ושדות: דיינים זכרים ודיינות נקבות
In other words, Solomon is portrayed as appointing female dayanim! (See also Ruth Rabbah 1:1 where Deborah and Yael are described as judges.[1]) The standard commentaries find this passage very difficult and offer alternative explanations, sometimes in opposition to the plain sense of the words. Etz Yosef suggests that the job of the women was to judge other women. R. David Luria adopts the lav davka approach, and assumes that דיינות must mean policewomen of sorts.
ודיינות נקבות: לאו דווקא דיינות דאשה פסולה לדון. אלא שופטת להשגיח שלא ישלטו [ישלחו?] הנשים בעולתה איש לרעותה את ידה
His position is rejected by R. Abraham Horowitz, Kinyan Torah ba-Halakhah, vol 1, no. 8:3. Rabbi Horowitz, who was a member of the Edah Haredit beit din, assumed that when the Midrash referred to female dayanim, it didn’t mean that they actually took part in beit din proceedings, but it did mean that they decided halakhic matters, and in that sense they are דיינות. Here are his words, which everyone should examine closely.
ובאמת ל”י [לא ידעתי] מה החרדה הזאת דהא הפת”ש בחו”מ סי’ ז’ סק”ה הביא מספר החינוך מצוה קנ”ח דאשה חכמה ראוי’ להורות . . . אפש”ל דיינות שנתמנו [ע”י שלמה] רק לפסוק הוראה ולא לדון. ועימנ”ח סו”מ ע”ח דפשיטא לי’ דנשים מצטרפות לרוב חכמי הדור אם חולקין באיזו דין . . . מכ”ז נראה דאין לזלזל בסמכות אשה כשירה
I requested that readers examine his words, because in the backlash over Hurwitz’ ordination a number of statements were made the upshot of which was that halakhic decision-making is reserved for men. Ironically, this position is given support by at least some of the women serving as yoatzot, for they are careful to stress that while they provide guidance, they don’t, Heaven forbid, actually decide halakhah. When there is a real halakhic question they turn to the experts, that is, the male rabbis. The message of this is, of course, that women, no matter how learned, are disqualified from deciding halakhah.[2]
Returning to Kohelet Rabbati, R. Yisrael Be’eri accepts that the Midrash means what it says when it refers to dayanim, but suggests that Solomon not only had female courts, but also “co-ed” batei din. See Ha-Midrash ka-Halakhah (Nes Tziyonah, 1960), p. 317:
ולולי מסתפינא אמינא שזה היה הרכב זוגי ז”א אותו דין היה מתברר בפני בי”ד רגיל וכן הוסיף שיתברר בפני דיינות נקבות שאולי יש בהן בינה יתירה וגישה מיוחדת ואחר כך שוקלין זה מול זה ואז היה מתברר הדין בדקדוק ושיקול מיוחד וצ”ע.
It is noteworthy that he sees value in having the female dayanim examine the matter, since they can bring a feminine perspective to bear. If I just presented the text without telling you who the author was and when it was written, I am sure people would assume that only a modern feminist type could have penned these words. Yet we see that this is not the case.
R. Hayyim David Halevi also deals with this Midrash (Aseh Lekha Rav, vol. 8, pp. 247-248). He suggests that the Midrash is indeed operating under the assumption that there is no problem with women dayanim. Alternatively, he suggests that Solomon and his council accepted the authority of the women, and therefore this was permissible. In other words, there is only a halakhic problem when a woman is made a dayan against the will of the community, but if she is accepted by them, then she can serve. And how do we determine if the community accepts her as a dayan? Halevi explains:
וקבלה ודאי שמועילה, והכל כשרים לדון בקבלה, וקבלת גדולי הקהל מספיקה ואין צורך שכל העומדים לדין יקבלו עליהם. וכן מצאנו “דיינות נקבות” כלשון המדרש, ואין סתירה להלכה
What this means is that if the leaders of the community accept women dayanim, then this is sufficient. (I am speaking about in matters of Hoshen Mishpat, not dayanim for Even ha-Ezer.) Therefore, if leaders of the OU or the RCA declare that they accept women, that would open the door to appointing a woman as a dayan on the RCA beit din. Halevi refers to acceptance by גדולי הקהל. In the context of the United States, where there are lots of different kehilot, I would assume that this means that if the leaders of any one community, or even of one synagogue, agree to accept a woman as dayan, then this is sufficient.
R. Ben Zion Uziel also claimed that women can serve as dayanim, and the means of achieving this would be through a takanah. He cites meta-halakhic reasons to explain why this is not a good idea, but from a pure halakhic standpoint, he sees it as entirely acceptable.[3]
Leaving aside the issue of serving as a dayan, it is obvious to me that women rabbis are coming to Modern Orthodoxy, even if the powers that be are standing firmly against it. Yet they have already let the genie out of the bottle. By sanctioning advanced Torah study for women, there is no question that the time will come when there will be women scholars of halakhah who are able to decide issues of Jewish law. The notion that a woman who has the knowledge can “poskin” is not really controversial, and has been acknowledged by many haredi writers as well.[4] Very few rabbis are poskim, but every posek is by definition a “rabbi”, whether he, or she, has received ordination or not.[5] So when we have women who are answering difficult questions of Jewish law, they will be “rabbis”,[6] and no declarations by the RCA or the Agudah will be able to change matters. I am not talking about pulpit rabbis, as this position has its own dynamic and for practical reasons may indeed not be suitable for a woman. Yet as we all know, very few rabbis function in a pulpit setting, and much fewer will ever serve as a dayan on a beit din.
The reason why the issue of ordaining women has been so problematic is because the Orthodox community is simply not ready for it. Yet when women will achieve the level of scholarship that I refer to, and are already deciding matters of halakhah, then their “ordination” will not be regarded as at all controversial in the Modern Orthodox world, and will be seen as a natural progression. People will respond to this no differently than how they responded to the creation of advanced Torah institutes for women. [7] Since women were already being taught Talmud, the creation of these institutes was a natural step.
There is one more thing that needs to be added, and that is that we have not reached the point where there are women halakhic authorities.[8] I hope I won’t be accused of bashing women by pointing out the following fact, that as of 2012 not one traditional sefer, in Hebrew, written by a woman has been published. By traditional sefer I mean a halakhic work or a commentary on a talmudic tractate. I am waiting for this day, which I hope won’t be too long in the future. I also hope that a learned woman is currently working on a commentary to a tractate, even if it is one of the easier tractates such as Megillah. The point is that for women to be recognized as talmudic and halakhic authorities they will have to do exactly what the men do, and that is show the world that they are serious talmidot hakhamim. The major way to do this is through publishing. (Publishing has its own significance, even if no one actually reads the book. Let’s be honest, of the many volumes of commentary on talmudic tractates that are published by people in yeshiva and kollel every year, does anyone read them? With so many great works of rishonim and aharonim on the tractates, as well as the writings of contemporary gedolim, the modern commentaries by unknown talmidei hakhamim are understandably not anyone’s focus. Yet they are of great benefit to the author, in developing his ideas and advancing his learning, and that is reason enough for the works to appear.)
I agree that it isn’t “fair” that while men can be given the title “rabbi” simply by learning sections of Yoreh Deah, the women must do a lot more to be accepted. But that is required any time new developments come into place. I have been assured by people in the know that the day is coming when we will have first-rate women halakhists and talmudists. It will be fascinating to see what insights they bring to matters, and if a woman’s perspective affects how halakhah is decided. But we haven’t reached that day yet, and just as importantly, the Orthodox world as a whole is not yet ready for that day, as they have not yet become comfortable with the idea of a woman poseket.
In note 7 I refer to the recent article by Broyde and Brody in Hakirah 11. While they leave open the possibility of a future with women rabbis, R. Hershel Schachter also has a very short article in that issue, and he is completely opposed. What I think is interesting is that the only recent authority he cites in support of his rejection of women rabbis is “Rabbi Shaul Lieberman.” I guess R. Schachter regards Lieberman as one of the gedolei Yisrael.[9]
Regarding R. Schachter’s opposition to women rabbis, there is one other point worth noting. In an earlier post, available here, I wrote as follows:
R. Hayyim Joseph David Azulai has an entry for “rabbanit” in his Shem ha-Gedolim. He lists there a few learned women. When Azulai uses the term rabbanit, it does not mean “rebbetzin” but “female rabbi”. I am sure that there are those who would object to the Hida that these women were never “ordained”. Yet the Hida also includes many others who were not ordained, but I don’t think anyone would take the title of “rabbi” away from them. One such figure is Moses ben Maimon.
My point in this was to show that women have already been given the title approximating that of rabbi by no less than the Hida (obviously in a pre-feminist context).[10] As far as I know, I was the only one to make this point during the hullabaloo a couple of years ago about the ordination of Sara Hurwitz. I was surprised that no one else picked up on this as I happen to think it would give the pro-ordination side a strong piece of ammunition.
My post went up on June 25, 2010, and someone must have mentioned this to R. Schachter because on July 7, 2010 he responded. You can listen to what he says here (beginning at minute 6). He mentions that the Hida’s use of rabbanit was cited in support of women’s ordination, and concludes that nevertheless this proof is “not so conclusive.” [11]
Flora Sassoon (1859-1936) was an extremely learned woman who lived too late to be included by the Hida.[12] In 2007 the Sassoon family published Nahalat Avot, which is a large collection of letters sent to the Sassoons by great Torah figures. Many of the Torah letters in this book were sent to Flora, and she is addressed in a number of them as “rabbanit”. Her husband held no rabbinic office and I think we can therefore conclude that the term “rabbanit” is being used as a title of respect for her knowledge.[13] Another example of this is seen in how she is introduced by R. Joel Herzog, who published a derashah she delivered in his Imrei Yoel, vol. 3, pp. 204-206. (Are there any other examples of a traditional sefer including something written by a woman?) Herzog too uses the term rabbanit as a title of respect.
Finally, with regard to women’s roles, let me call attention to what I think is a little known fact. Liberal Orthodoxy is very interested in finding ways to expand the opportunities for women to be involved in Jewish rituals. This encompasses everything from reading the Torah and leading Kabbalat Shabbat, to reciting sheva berakhot and reading the ketubah at a wedding. I haven’t yet seen any proposals to have a woman serve as a sandak. This would not be a new practice. R. Meir of Rothenburg writes that in his day in “most places” a woman sat in the synagogue and held the baby during circumcision.[14] In other words, this was the mainstream Ashkenazic minhag. R. Meir opposed this practice and made efforts to uproot it. This opposition was successful and is the background of R. Moses Isserles, Shulhan Arukh, Yoreh Deah 265:11, declaring that a woman cannot be a sandak, because it is peritzut.[15] Yet despite Rama’s comment, my experience is that this is the sort of judgment that the liberal Orthodox are quick to revise. Certainly, the Rama would assume that there is more peritzut in having a woman serve as a hazzan than in holding the baby during a circumcision. Yet for some reason, while the latter has become accepted on the left of Orthodoxy, I haven’t heard anyone speak about instituting female sandakot. (If there are places where women are indeed serving as sandakot, please leave a comment.)
2. In an earlier post I discussed how R. Moses Kunitz’s biography of R. Judah the Prince was censored from a recent printing of the classic Vilna Mishnah. I also included a picture of Kunitz. Here is another, completely unknown, picture of Kunitz.
I found it in the Yeshiva University Archives, call no. 1992.008, and I thank the Archives for permission to publish it here.
In the earlier post dealing with Kunitz, I wrote:
Immediately following Kunitz’ essay, there is another article on the grammar of Mishnaic Hebrew by Solomon Loewisohn.[16] In the very first note he refers to the book of Ecclesiastes, and concludes his comment with והטעם ידוע למשכילי עם. What he is alluding to in this note is that Ecclesiastes is a late biblical book, and thus could not have been written by Solomon. To show this he points to the word חוץ, which in its usage in Ecclesiastes 2:25 is an Aramaism, and thus post-dates the biblical Hebrew of Solomon’s day. To use an expression of the Sages, we live in an olam hafukh. Kunitz’ essay was thought worthy of censorship, and at the same time this note remains in every printing of the Vilna edition of the Mishnah. Yet as I mentioned above, let’s see how long it is before this note, or even the complete essay, is also removed.
What I didn’t realize, and I thank an anonymous commenter for pointing out, is that this note has already been tampered with, and in such an ingenious fashion that there is now no need for it to be deleted. Here is how it appears in the Vilna Mishnah.[17]
And here is the page in the 1999 Zekher Hanokh edition of the Mishnah, published by Wagshal (an edition which also deletes Kunitz’ introduction).
Now, instead of והטעם ידוע למשכילי עם, we have והדבר ידוע למשכילי עם. In the original, Loewisohn is telling the reader that the reason why there is an Aramaism in Ecclesiastes is known to the wise (i.e., the book is post-Solomonic), In the Zekher Hanokh edition all he is saying is that the existence of Aramaisms in Ecclesiastes is known to the wise, with no daring implication as to dating.
I also found something else of interest. Here is the last page of Kunitz’ essay on R. Judah the Prince.
Notice how he mentions Mendelssohn, Rabe’s German translation of the Mishnah, and how in his opinion R. Judah would be happy with such a translation.
This all sounds a little too “maskilish,” and here is what same page looks like as it appears on Otzar ha-Hokhmah.
Look at what has been removed. Is there really such an edition with the removed lines, or did Otzar ha-Hokhmah censor the material itself? (I will return to the censorship of Kunitz in the next post, as new information regarding this has recently come to light.)
There are other examples where I think it is Otzar ha-Hokhmah that is responsible for the censorship. Here is the title page of the book Va-Yakem Edut be-Yaakov (Prague, 1594) as it appears on Otzar ha-Hokhmah
Here is the uncensored page, as is found on hebrewbooks.org
Incidentally, the title page of R. Yitzhak Chajes’ Derashah (Prague, 1589) used the exact same model.
Dan already discussed the Chajes title page here and called attention to how an auction catalog ridiculously suggested, without any evidence whatsoever, that the non-Jewish workers of the Jewish publisher put this immodest picture in.
How were the workers able to get away with this? The catalog has the “religiously correct” answer: it was hol ha-moed and the owner was not around! Since a pious Jew would never have anything to do with such a picture, the non-Jewish workers must have used their own money to buy the plates for this engraving. And why would the non-Jewish workers have spent their own money doing something that would anger the owner and get them fired? It must be that they wanted to cause Jews trouble, which is what non-Jews are always interested in. Knowing that when the owner saw what they did he would never agree to sell a book with such a title page, the non-Jewish workers must have taken all the books from the printing press and, at their own expense, sent them out to all the book sellers. All this could happen without the owner being aware because it was hol ha-moed and during this time the owner of the press wouldn’t dream of dropping by his shop (so much did he trust his workers), just like today none of us know any religious Jews who would ever consider going to work on hol ha-moed.
The title page of Va-Yakem Edut be-Yaakov, published in Prague five years after Chajes’ Derashah appeared, shows us that the non-Jewish workers must have once more, on hol ha-moed of course, surreptitiously inserted the same picture as a title page for a different book. I think everyone has to wonder, why didn’t the publisher learn anything from the first time these non-Jewish trouble makers played around with a Jewish printing press?
Another example of censorship on Otzar ha-Hokhmah is seen with the Venice 1574 edition of the Mishneh Torah. Here is the title page.
Here is how the second page looks, from volume 2 (as seen on hebrewbooks.org). The verse along the edges is from Psalm 45:12: “The king shall desire your beauty.”.
This edition was published in four volumes. In the copy on Otzar ha-Hokhmah, three of the four volumes contain the second page. Two of the pictures are significantly whited out, and in the second picture below you can see that they have whited out enough so that the reader will think he is looking at a man.
There are, to be sure, plenty of examples where the pictures appear without any censorship on Otzar ha-Hokhmah (and even with the examples I have given, it is not clear if Otzar ha-Hokhmah is responsible for the censorship or the book came to them this way). Here, for example, is the famous family crest of R. Abraham Menahem Rapa of Porto, which appears at the end of his Minhah Belulah.
S. has already pointed out that this picture was altered in a recent printing of the sefer.[18] Here is what the altered version looks like.
Michael Silber has noted that in Binyamin Shlomo Hamburger’s recent book Ha-Yeshiva be-Fiorda, the women have been turned into men, complete with beards![19]
Here is what the Encyclopaedia Judaica, s.v. Rapoport, writes:
The name Rapa originated in the German Rabe (Rappe in Middle High German), i.e., a raven. In order to distinguish themselves from other members of the Rapa family, the members of this family added the name of the town of Porto, and thus the name Rapoport was formed . . . The family escutcheon of Abraham Rapa of Porto shows a raven surmounted by two hands raised in blessing (indicating the family’s priestly descent).
Regarding the sefer Minhah Belulah, at the beginning of each book of the Pentateuch the following “immodest” picture also appears.
As far as I know, hebrewbooks.org has not censored any of the books that appear on the site. (We have previously discussed books that it refuses to put up.) A few years ago the Reich collection of reprints was added to hebrewbooks.org and these have all sorts of interesting title pages. Here is the title page of R. Samuel ben David Ha-Levi’s Nahalat Shivah.
The year is expressed as משיח בן דוד בא. This adds up to 427 (i.e., 5427), and is an allusion towards Shabbetai Zvi. The year 5427 corresponded to 1666-1667, and the convention normally would be to write 1667 (and this is the date given in the Harvard catalog). However, in this case I assume it is more accurate to give the date as 1666. We know that Shabbetai Zvi converted on September 15, 1666. By 1667 this information would have reached Amsterdam and the title page would no longer refer to him as the Messiah. Therefore, I think we can conclude that the book appeared after Rosh ha-Shanah of 1666, but before January 1, 1667. Nevertheless, it is noteworthy that if you look at the end of the book there is a comment by the typesetter from which we see that, despite the date on the title page, the book was not actually ready for publication until the beginning of 1668. In other words, the title page was not changed in the interim, despite Shabbetai Zvi’s apostasy.
Among the Reich reprints, here is another fascinating title page (actually the first of two title pages in this book). It is from R. Abraham ben Shabbetai’s Kehunat Avraham (Venice 1719).
Here is the author’s picture, that appears on the second page. He clearly is wearing a wig.
3. In the previous post I mentioned something I was told by R. Avraham Yosef, the son of R. Ovadiah. He is the chief rabbi of Holon and while a great talmid hakham, unlike his brothers R. Yitzhak and R. David he has not published very much. Here is his picture.
Like his father, R. Avraham is known for some controversial statements. He has also surprised people with his viewpoints. See here, for example, where he expressed his support for Livni becoming prime minister. I have found that he is very accessible and will answer any letter written to him. Since we are approaching Passover, let me share with readers the following.
From reading the works of R. Ovadiah Yosef,[20] I have always assumed that in his opinion even Ashkenazim living in Israel are obligated to follow R. Joseph Karo. Despite what R. Yitzhak states in his letter published below, I haven’t seen any convincing explanation as to why the Moroccans and the Yemenites should be obligated in this according to R. Ovadiah, but not the Ashkenazim. And yet R. Ovadiah does not say so openly, perhaps to avoid involving himself in controversy. He also doesn’t say that Ashkenazim should keep their practices in the Land of Israel, except for one issue, namely, kitniyot, where he is explicit that Ashkenazim are obligated to follow their tradition.[21] However, based on my assumptions from reading R. Ovadiah, I assumed that the obligation of kitniyot in the Land of Israel only applied to those who identified as Ashkenazim. If, on the other hand, someone wanted to “convert,” as it were, to Sephardi practice, he would no longer be obligated in kitniyot.
To test my theory, I wrote to three of R. Ovadiah’s sons, R. David, R. Yitzhak, and R. Avraham, asking if it was permissible for an Ashkenazi to adopt Sephardi practices in all areas, meaning that he would no longer have to avoid kitniyot. R. David never replied, but I did receive replies from R. Yitzhak and R. Avraham. Readers might recall how R. David and R. Yitzhak differed about what blessing should be recited over Bamba, and each claimed to have the support of their father. In the kitniyot case as well there is a dispute. R. Yitzhak wrote to me that an Ashkenazi, even in Israel, is bound to his communal practices. The only exception is if he is a baal teshuvah., In this case, he hasn’t yet adopted the Ashkenazic practices, and he can therefore “become Sephardi”. Here is R. Yitzhak’s letter (it was one letter, with two signatures).
However, R. Avraham has a different perspective, believing that he too is properly representing his father’s outlook (and what he writes is what I also assumed based on my own reading of R. Ovadiah). According to R. Avraham, an Ashkenazi in Israel (and only in Israel) is permitted to become Sephardi, בין לטוב ובין למוטב. Here is R. Avraham’s letter.
4. Rabbi Moshe Shamah’s commentary on the Torah has recently appeared. At over one thousand pages, it is titled Recalling the Covenant: A Contemporary Commentary on the Five Books of the Torah. In a future post I hope to deal in more detail with one of Shamah’s essays, but in the meantime I wanted to let readers know about the book’s appearance. Many volumes of Torah commentary appear each year, usually written in the same style. Shamah’s book is different. The sources used and the questions asked will be eye-opening for many. It is not derush and does not psychoanalyze biblical figures. Rather, Shamah’s book is high level Torah scholarship in the tradition of the great peshat commentators, both medieval and modern,. I also found it interesting that the book contains a blurb from the noted biblical scholar Gary Anderson (as well from Yaakov Elman, Barry Eichler, and Jack Sasson).
Just as I was about to send in this post I also received Rabbi Nathaniel Helfgot’s just published Mikra and Meaning: Studies in Bible and Its Interpretation. This is a collection of essays on different themes in Tanakh and is a good example of the Modern Orthodox revolution in the study of Bible. Just as the Rav commented that that it would be impossible today to (successfully) teach Talmud to students who are secularly educated if not for R. Chaim’s approach, something similar can be said regarding Tanakh. For those with a secular education, who have read great books, it is very difficult to connect to Tanakh without the new approach that has been developed in the last forty years or so. As R. Yoel Bin Nun puts in his preface to Helfgot’s book: “It is impossible to study Tanakh in the land of Israel as if we are still residing in Eastern Europe prior to the Holocaust.”[22]
[1] There are, to be sure, opposing passages. See e.g., Bamidbar Rabbah 10:17, where it records that Manoah stated: והנשים אינם בנות הוראה. This text is cited by a number of halakhists to show that women are not to issue halakhic rulings. Both R. Hayyim Hirschensohn, Malki ba-Kodesh, vol. 4 p. 104 and R. Yissachar Tamar, Alei Tamar, Zeraim, p. 151, reject drawing any conclusions from the passage. Both of them claim that one can’t rely on what Manoah said, as he was an am ha-aretz (see Berakhot 61a: מנוח עם הארץ היה). This is an interesting point, but I wonder if it has any validity. It obviously depends on how one is supposed to read Midrash. On the one hand, Manoah may have been an am ha-aretz, but the sage who put this expression in his mouth was not, and neither was the redactor of the text, so perhaps Manoah’s statement should indeed be seen as a rabbinic position. On the other hand, since it was put in the mouth of an am ha’aretz, perhaps it should be regarded as simply that, namely, an uninformed opinion.
It is interesting that the well-known author, R. Aaron Hyman, responded to Hirschensohn in Malki ba-Kodesh, vol. 6, p. 204. He criticized Hirschensohn for writing as if he believed that because the Midrash quoted a statement of Manoah, that the historical Manoah actually said this:
ומה שמביא חתנו הלשון מבמ”ר נשים אינן בנות הוראה, ורוצה אדוני לתלות יען שמנוח ע”ה הי’ אומר דבר זה, חס מלהזכיר שיאמין כבודו שבאמת מנוח אמר דבר זה, האם אמרו חז”ל מדברי נביאות או בקבלה, הלא אך בדרך דרש אמר הדרשן כן וכן והוא דברי הדרשן הי’ מי שהי’ אבל מדרש הוא ואדם גדול קבצם, וכן ידוע כל השקלא וטריא שהיה בין קרח ומשה בענין טלית שכלה תכלת והאלמנה והכבשה, זהו אך מליצה נשגבה אבל לא שבאמת היה כן.
See Hirschensohn’s reply, ibid., p. 209, that his intent was only that the Midrash, בדרך דרש, attributed words to Manoah.
[2] Another irony is that the halakhic textbook written by the most distinguished of these yoatzot turns out to be more stringent, and requires consultation with rabbis more often, than halakhic texts written by men. See Aviad Stollman’s review of Deena R. Zimmerman’s A Lifetime Companion to the Laws of Jewish Family Life in Meorot 6 (2007), p. 5. I can’t imagine that women think that there is an advantage in having halakhic works written by other women if these works actually reduce female autonomy in intimate hilkhot niddah matters and require more consultation with male rabbis.
With regard to calling the women yoatzot and not poskot, Stollman, p. 8, n. 20, believes that “this is merely a tribute to Orthodox political correctness.” Maybe someone who knows the situation better than I can comment on Stollman’s point. That is, are these women really giving halakhic decisions and merely “covering” themselves by using the politically correct term yoatzot?
Regarding Stollman, I should point out that he is an academic scholar, and in addition to articles has published a critical edition and commentary of Eruvin, ch. 10, Ha-Motze Tefillin (Jerusalem, 2008). He has also published a volume of responsa, Pele Yoetz (Jerusalem, 2011). Responsum no. 45 is, I think, unique in responsa literature. Stollman was asked if it is permitted to create Santa Claus dolls that sing Jingle Bells. He rules that it is permissible. If I’m not mistaken, Stollman is the first one since R. Jehiel Jacob Weinberg to combine academic Talmud study with the writing of halakhic responsa.
Returning to yoatzot, I think many will find interesting that in Yemen and in some of the Sephardic world there was never a concept of asking a rabbi intimate niddah questions. This was because the women were embarrassed to do so, seeing it as “untzniusdik”. I mention this only because I have heard rabbis say that in truth there are no tzeniut issues with this, and women shouldn’t be embarrassed. They make it seem that it is only due to modern values that all of a sudden this sort of thing is uncomfortable for women. This is clearly not the case, as we see from what happened in the Yemenite and some of Sephardic worlds, hardly centers of modernity. (I am only speaking of the historical reality, not the wisdom of the Yemenite and Sephardic approaches, which usually meant that any doubt would be assumed to render the woman impure.) R. Yitzhak Shehebar, the Sephardic rav of Buenos Aires, writes as follows in his Yitzhak Yeranen, no. 95 (quoted in Beit Hillel, Tamuz 5769), p. 120:
ואשר לעניין מראות הדמים לא נהגנו בזה כלל, כי מעולם לא ראיתי להרבנים באר”צ [ארם צובה] שטפלו בזה, אך הנהיגו את הנשים שכל מראה הדומה למראית אדמומית שהוא טמא, זולתי אם יהיה כמראה לבן או ירוק שהוא טוהר.
Regarding Yemen, R. Yitzhak Ratsaby writes (Piskei Maharitz, vol. 3, section Be’erot Yitzhak, pp. 339-340):
אצלנו בק”ק תימן יע”א אין שואלין כלל לחכמים בעניין הכרת מראות הדמים, ובכל ספק הנשים מחזיקות עצמן טמאות ויושבות ז’ נקיים [ואפי’ לבעליהן נמנעות מלהראות כדי שלא יתגנו בעיניהן . . .] וכ”ה גם ברב ק”ק ספרדים יע”א . . . האידנא דהשאלה בדרך כלל היא רק לעיתים רחוקות, עי”ז נשתלשל הדבר שנמנעו מלשאול לגמרי מחמת בושתן היתירה וצניעותן המרובה כנודע
Ratsaby points out that this practice developed even though talmudic literature provides plenty of examples showing that in the days of the tannaim and amoraim the Sages did examine ketamim.
Regarding Yemen, see also R. Nachum Eliezer Rabinovitch, Siah Nahum, no. 60. In this responsum, Rabinovitch supports the institution of yoatzot and suggests that this practice, of turning to women in niddah matters, even existed in tannaitic times: כי לפנות לאשה חכמה אין חשש שמא תתגנה
In a note to this responsum, the editor provides further testimony about Yemen.
שמעתי עדות מחכם נאמן, שהיו מקומות בתימן בהם היו זקנות שהיו מוחזקות כבקיאות בעניני מראות, והנשים היו פונות אליהן, ומעולם לא ערער אדם על כך.
R. Moshe Maimon called my attention to the Meam Loez’s discussion of the laws of niddah, addressed to both men and women, and there is no mention there of bringing anything to the rabbi. This omission was rectified by R. Aryeh Kaplan, who in his translation (vol. 1, p. 136) adds: “When in doubt, a competent rabbi should be consulted.”
[3] Mishpetei Uziel, Hoshen Mishpat, no. 5.
[4] For sources on women deciding halakhic questions, see the three responsa in support of Sara Hurwitz’ being ordained as a “Maharat,” authored by Rabbis Yoel Bin-Nun, Daniel Sperber, and Joshua Maroof, available here.
[5] The Hafetz Hayyim, who was a “rabbi” if there ever was one, only received semikhah when he was 85 years old, and that was to satisfy a bureaucratic requirement. See Moshe Meir Yashar, He-Hafetz Hayyim (Tel Aviv, 1958), vol. 1, p. 19. According to R. Isaac Abarbanel, rabbinic ordination as currently practiced arose due to Christian influence. See Nahalat Avot, beginning of ch. 6:
אחרי בואי באיטאליאה מצאתי שנתפשט המנהג לסמוך אלו לאלו. וראיתי התחלתו בין האשכנזים כלם סומכים ונסמכים ורבנים. לא ידעתי מאין בא להם ההתר הזה אם לא שקנאו מדרכי הגוים העושים דוקטורי ויעשו גם הם.
[6] The title “rabbi” is indeed significant. This can be seen by the fact that when Sara Hurwitz was called Maharat there wasn’t any outcry, but when she was given the title “rabba” that is when the controversy really broke out, even though her job description didn’t change in the slightest. Does this mean that there was no objection to a woman functioning as a rabbi as long as she didn’t have the title? Only after she was renamed “rabba” did the RCA adopt a resolution rejecting the “recognition of women as members of the Orthodox rabbinate, regardless of the title.” Yet despite that resolution, there are synagogues where women are still serving, for all intents and purposes, as members of the rabbinate minus the title.
[7] Similar, though not identical, perspectives have recently been offered by Rabbis Norman Lamm, Michael Broyde and Shlomo Brody. See Broyde and Brody, “Orthodox Women Rabbis? Tentative Thoughts that Distinguish Between the Timely and the Timeless,” Hakirah 11 (Spring 2011), pp. 25-58. None of them reject the notion of Orthodox women rabbis at some time in the future. From speaking to many people, my own sense is that a majority of the Modern Orthodox community supports women rabbis (although not necessarily pulpit rabbis). When I say “support,” I mean if asked the question, the reply will be yes. But at the same time, the overwhelming majority of the Modern Orthodox world doesn’t care about this issue at all, and this includes women also. However, I believe that the minority will continue to push this issue, and when women rabbis become a reality, the Modern Orthodox will not reject these women or the congregations that employ them, as we can already see at present with Rabba Hurwitz and other female synagogue rabbis (in everything but name). I think this will happen before the natural development of female poskot who, as already indicated, will by definition be rabbis even without a formal ordination.
One more point that needs to be mentioned with regard to women rabbis is the issue of economic fairness. There are significant tax savings, due to parsonage, that an ordained clergyman receives from the government. While it is true that R. Michael Broyde has written that even women teaching Torah are eligible for this even under current tax laws (see here) and a prominent New York law has firm also expressed this opinion, many yeshiva day schools, acting under the advice of their accountants, have refused to adopt this policy. Some sort of formal ordination for women would settle the parsonage question, and give a financial boost to many of our underpaid teachers.
[8] There are, however, a number of very good articles on halakhah written by women. See e.g., Devorah Koren’s article in the recently published Milin Havivin 5 (2011), available here.
[9] Regarding Lieberman, I would like to call readers’ attention to what appears in the latest Yeshurun, vol. 25. On p. 21 the following footnote appears:
“How Much Greek in Jewish Palestine לגרסאות ופירוש תיבות אלה, ראה דברי הגר”ש ליברמן “
Here Lieberman is given the title due a gadol be-Yisrael. Perhaps this can be seen as making up for the censorship of references to Lieberman (and Louis Ginzberg) in an article by R. Mordechai Gifter that appeared in an earlier Yeshurun. See Saul Lieberman and the Orthodox, p. 32 n. 117. After my book appeared, I was informed by one of the editors of Yeshurun that the censorship of R. Gifter’s piece was carried out by the one who prepared the article for print, and the editors knew nothing about this and were upset when they learnt what had occurred.
On p. 632 of the new Yeshurun there is a letter from R. David Zvi Hillman to Prof. Shlomo Zalman Havlin in which he states the following: In the early volumes of the Encylopedia Talmudit Lieberman was referred to as ר”ש ליברמן, a point I noted in Saul Lieberman and the Orthodox. Yet American rabbis protested and insisted that he not be mentioned. These rabbis are identified with the Rabbinical Council of America: מהסתדרות הרבנים ר”ל המזרחניקים. In response to this, R. Zevin from that point on only mentioned the name of Lieberman’s books but not Lieberman himself. A Bar Ilan search reveals that vol. 13 is the last volume where ר”ש ליברמן is mentioned. (Vol. 15 was the last volume to appear in R. Zevin’s lifetime. See Zevin, Ishim ve-Shitot [Jerusalem, 2007], p. 40 [first pagination]).
Why would R. Zevin agree to this? The answer is obvious: money. The Mizrachi in America was an important source of funds for the Encyclopedia Talmudit.
[10] The term “rabbanit” was primarily used for the wife of a rabbi. See Robert Bonfil, Rabbis and Jewish Communities in Renaissance Italy, p. 77 n. 186. My point is only that it was also used for scholarly women.
[11] The continuation of the shiur is also of great interest, as he explains that if one ends up in a hotel on Shabbat and sees that the lights in the hall go one every time one leaves one’s room, it is still permissible to walk in the hallway and it is not even regarded as a pesik reisha.
[12] See the biography and picture of her here. For pictures of Flora and her family, see also here.
[13] Rivka bat Meir of Prague (died 1605) was another learned woman who was called “rabbanit”, see Frauke von Rohden, ed. Meneket Rivkah (Philadelphia, 2009), pp. 6-7. Rivka authored the Yiddish mussar work Meineket Rivka, published in Prague, 1609. On the title page she is referred to as הרבנית הדרשנית . (In the Altneuschul memorial book it also says that she preached. See Von Rohden, p. 6) Here is the first page of the book, where she is again referred to as “rabbanit”.
Lest anyone misunderstand, I must stress that Rivka only served as a rabbi and preacher for other women, and was therefore not a prototype for twenty-first century women rabbis. My point in referring to her is to highlight the use of the term “rabbanit” as designating a learned woman.
[14] Teshuvot Pesakim u-Minhagim, vol. 2, ed. Kahana, nos. 155-156.
[15] See Daniel Sperber, Minhagei Yisrael, vol. 1, pp. 65-66.
[16] I originally wrote Levinsohn, and thank a helpful reader for the correction. Loewisohn’s essay originally appeared in his posthumously published Mehkerei Lashon (Vilna, 1849).
[17] Incidentally, the note as it appears in the Vilna Mishnah has also been altered from what appears in the original work. In the original it states אשר אינם על טהרת לשון עבר, and in order that people understand what Loewisohn was saying, these words were altered to read: אשר המה כפי תכונת לשון הארמי
[18] See here.
[19] See here. As one of the commenters pointed out to this post, the women appear to be mermaids. He helpfully provided this link.
[20] For my essay on R. Ovadiah, see here.
[21] See Yabia Omer, vol. 5, Orah Hayyim no. 37, Yehaveh Da’at, vol. 1, no. 9, vol. 5 no. 32.
[22] R. Aharon Lichtenstein also has a preface to the book, where his ambivalence about the new approach comes through very clearly. This short essay deserves its own analysis.