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Summary of Jordan Penkower on reading Zekher or Zeikher Amalek

Summary of Jordan Penkower on reading Zekher or Zeikher Amalek

This post originally appeared here. It is a summary of Prof. Jordan Penkower’s Minhag u-Mesorah: ‘Z-kh-r Amalek’ be-hamesh o be-shesh nekudot by his student Yosef Peretz. It appears here with permission, with some additions by the Seforim Blog editor.

It is common practice in most Ashkenazi congregations to read the words z-kh-r Amalek, in Deut. 25:19, twice: once with a tzere under the zayin (zeikher) and once with a segol (zekher). Sephardic congregations, however, who do not distinguish between the pronunciation of these two vowels, read it only once, and they point it with a tzere. What is the origin of this practice, when did it begin, and is this double reading necessary to fulfill the command of reading these verses of Parshat Zakhor, the special reading on the Sabbath before Purim? These questions are discussed in several articles by R. Mordechai Breuer and Dr. J. Penkower,[1] two of the most eminent among contemporary scholars of the masorah and Biblical text. In their opinion, zeikher with a tzere is beyond a shadow of doubt the original and correct pointing of the text; and that is how the verse should be read in Parshat Zakhor. It must be stressed that the custom itself of a double reading is quite surprising and completely unique in Torah reading, for it was customary to decide in favor of one reading or another whenever there was a conflict between variant readings, pointing of vowels, or assignment of cantillation marks (as in cases of kri and ktiv, where a word is written one way but read another). R. David Kimhi, in his Sefer ha-Shorashim (in the manuscript versions), was the first to note the discrepancies regarding the pointing of these vowels in Sephardic biblical manuscripts. Under the root z-kh-r he says: “‘blot out the memory (zekher) of Amalek’ (Deut. 25:19), with six dots (i.e., segol twice), but ‘praise [in remembrance of (le-zekher)] His holy name’ (Ps. 30:5), with five dots (i.e., a tzere and a segol), and this occurs nowhere else; thus it appears in some books [i.e. manuscripts of the bible containing the Masorah]. But in others, z-kh-r is always pointed with five dots.” In other words, Radak noted that in some books he found z-kh-r pointed with segol and in others, with tzere. In printed editions of Sefer ha-Shorashim, however, beginning with the Venice edition and carrying through the 19th century, Radak’s remark concludes with the words “and this occurs nowhere else.” In other words, he found zekher in Parshat Zakhor always pointed with double segol.[2]
Here is a typical example in a manuscript (from 1481):
And here is the Venice edition:Here is the manuscript text restored in Biesenthal and Lebrecht’s Berlin 1847 edition:
Various prayer books and Pentateuchs published in the 16th, 17th and early 18th centuries were redacted according to Radak’s remark as it appears in these printed editions; for example, the siddur of R. Shabtai Sofer (in the word zekher in the Ashrei prayer and in the prayers on the eve of the New Year), and Meor Einayim, the Pentateuch published by R. Wolf Heidenheim.*
The Basel 1579 Seder Tefillot Mi-kol Ha-shanah (Ashkenaz):
The manuscript of R. Shabtai’s siddur:
In 1832, about fifteen years after publication of Heidenheim’s edition, a book by R. Issachar Baer appeared, entitled Ma`aseh Rav, containing a description of the practices of the Vilna Gaon. The author mentions that the Gaon’s disciples disagreed over the way their teacher used to read the word zekher in Parshat Zakhor. The author attested as follows: “When he would read Parshat Zakhor, he would say zekher, with a segol under the letter zayin. R. Hayyim of Volozhin, however, whose endorsement is on the book, wrote there, `As for his writing that in Parshat Zakhor one should read [z-kh-r] with six dots, I heard from the saintly person [i.e., the Gaon of Vilna] that he read with five dots (=zeikher).’ I do not know whether those hearing him were mistaken, and thought they heard segol twice, or whether he changed his practice in his later years.”
Here is the text, with the footnote referring to R. Hayyim of Volozhin’s testimony:

Here is R. Hayyim’s testimony in his approbation at the beginning of this work:

Approximately eighty years later, R. Israel Meir Ha-Cohen, otherwise known as the Hafetz Hayyim, came out with his Mishnah Berurah on the Shulhan Arukh. Since the special reading of Parshat Zakhor is a command from the Torah, and there was some doubt as to the correct reading, he ruled that the words z-kh-r Amalek should be read twice. In his own words, “Some people say it should be read as zeekher Amalek (Deut. 25:19) with a tzere, and others say that it should be read as zekher Amalek with a segol; therefore the correct practice is to read both ways, to satisfy them both” (Mishnah Berurah 685.18). Later, a variety of customs emerged in this regard. Some readers only repeat the two words, z-kh-r Amalek, while others repeat the entire phrase, timhe et z-kh-r Amalek, and still others repeat the entire verse.[3]
Here is the Mishnah Berurah:
As mentioned above, Rabbi Breuer and Dr. Penkower note that the correct pointing of z-kh-r is with a tzere and the custom of double reading is unfounded. This follows from the arguments they cite from the masorah, from the ancient and highly precise Tiberian manuscripts and teachings of the Masoretes. R. Jedidiah Solomon Norzi, a seventeenth century masoretic scholar, held to be the final arbiter on the text of the Bible,[4] wrote a work entitled Minhat Shai, in which he remarks on inaccuracies that entered all the books of the Bible in the 1547-1548 Venice edition of Mikraot Gedolot and other editions published around then.[5] He says nothing about zekher ,which is pointed with a tzere followed by segol, from which it follows that he agreed with this pointing and had no doubts about it being correct.[6]
Minhat Shai from the first edition (Mantua 1742-4):

The most conclusive proof is found in ancient manuscripts, dating to the time of the masorah, and held to be very precise in their pointing and cantillation marks: the Leningrad manuscript (known as B19),[7] the Sassoon 1053 manuscript and others. All point z-kh-r with a tzere under the zayin.[8]
Leningrad manuscript:
Today we have in our hands a famous ancient manuscript, the Keter Aram-Tzova,[9] the most ancient and best authorized text of the entire Bible. The pointing and masoretic annotation of this manuscript were done in Israel over one thousand years ago by Aharon Ben-Asher, considered the greatest Masorete of all generations. Due to Ben-Asher’s precision and reputation, Maimonides chose to base his Hilkhot Sefer Torah on Ben-Asher’s work.[10] In the 15th century, at the latest, the Keter manuscript was transferred to Aleppo, Syria, where it was stored in the Sephardic synagogue until the riots against the Jews of Aleppo (Aram Tzova) that broke out in 1948, during which the manuscript was damaged, most the entire Pentateuch being lost, including Parshat Zakhor. Because the Keter manuscript was so special, the Jews of Aleppo did not allow others to photograph the manuscript or to examine it. Whoever wished to clarify a question of variants in the text had to write down the query and the person in charge would relay the version found in the Keter. The most famous of those addressing queries was R. Jacob Saphir, who submitted over five hundred questions, seeking to find out what variant appeared in the Keter. Fortunately, one of his questions pertained to the pointing of z-kh-r in Parshat Zakhor. The question and response were as follows: “(Deuteronomy) 25:19 z-kh-r h”n [question]. Yes [response].” In other words, is the word z-kh-r pointed in the Keter with five dots [h”n = hamesh nekudot, five dots,i.e., tzere followed by segol]? The answer provided by the keeper of the manuscript, R. Menashe Sitton, was” yes”.[11]
The entry in the published version of this manuscript (Rafael Zer Meorot Natan Le-rabbi Ya’akov Saphir, Leshonenu 50:3,4 Nisan-Tamuz 5746):

Dr. Penkower examined the pointing of z-kh-r in dozens of medieval manuscripts and found that in those manuscripts reputed to be more precise (some of the Sephardic ones) it was pointed with a tzere, and in those reputed to be less precise (some of the Sephardic ones and most of the Ashkenazi ones) it was pointed with a segol. These findings led him to note, “If we were to start taking into account the pointing in manuscripts far removed from the precise Tiberian ones, and were to begin reading doubly all instances of variation between them and the precise manuscripts, the Torah reading each week would last an inordinately long time.”[12] All editions of the Bible today point z-kh-r with tzere followed by segol, leaving no vestige of the double segol variant. One cannot but agree with R. Breuer and Dr. Penkower that there is no need for Ashkenazim to read zekher, for zeikher will suffice. To sum up: * R. David Kimhi mentions two methods of pointing which he observed in Sephardic manuscripts: zekher and zeikher. * The disciples of the Vilna Gaon disagreed about how their Rabbi used to read this word in Parshat Zakhor, whether with a tzere or a segol. * Because of uncertainty as to which was correct, the Mishnah Berurah ruled that z-kh-r Amalek should be read twice, once with tzere and once with segol. * The findings presented by R. Breuer and Dr. Penkower prove conclusively that the correct and original pointing of this word is zeikher (with a tzere). Therefore, in their opinion, one should return to the ancient practice, and all Jewish communities ought to read the word only once, as zeikher. [1] M. Breuer, “Mikraot she-yesh lahem hekhre`a,” Megadim 10 (1990), pp. 97-112; J. S. Penkower, “Minhag u-Mesorah: ‘Z-kh-r Amalek’ be-hamesh o be-shes nekudot” (with appendices, in R. Kasher, M. Tzippor and Y. Tzefati, eds., Iyyunei Mikra u-Farshanut, 4, Bar Ilan University Press, Ramat Gan 1997, pp. 71-127. [2] Penkower (loc. cit., p. 80 ff.) discusses at length the differences between manuscript and printed versions of Sefer ha-Shorashim. [3] On other practices, see Penkower, loc. sit., p. 71, n. 1. [4] Y. Yevin, Mavo la-Masorah ha-Tverianit, Jerusalem 1976, p. 101 ff. [5] J. S. Penkower, Ya`akov Ben Hayyim u-Tzmihat Mahadurat ha-Mikraot ha-Gedolot I-II (Dissertation), Jerusalem 1982. [6] R. Jedidiah Solomon Norzi was preceded by another important masoretic scholar, R. Menahem de Lonzano, author of Or Torah. In his book, he remarks on the same editions of Mikraot Gedolot on the system of vowel pointing and cantillation marks, but also says nothing about z-kh-r being pointed with a tzere followed by segol. [7] The printed Bible published for the IDF, prepared by Prof. A. Dothan, is based on this manuscript.[8]For further detail, see R. Breuer’s article (cited in n. 1), p. 110, and Penkower’s article (cited in n. 2), p. 101. [9] This manuscript is also known as the Aleppo Keter, or simply the Keter for short. [10] Several printed Bibles based on the Keter are available today. The most important of these is undoubtedly the Mikraot Gedolot- ha-Keter, redacted and edited by Prof. Menahem Cohen, Bar Ilan University Press, Ramat Gan 1992 and following years. Thus far five volumes have been published, covering the following six books of the Bible: Joshua-Judges (including a general introduction to the edition), Samuel I and II, Kings I and II, Isaiah, and Genesis vol. 1. [11] The manuscript containing these questions and responsa is known as Meorot Natan. See here.
[12] At the Project on Bible and Masorah at Bar- Ilan University, headed by Prof. M. Cohen, dozens of medieval manuscripts of the Bible were examined, and the findings of these studies reinforce Penkower’s conclusions regarding variant pointings in the manuscripts.
* Seforim Blog editor note: the issue is discussed in the En Hakore commentary included by Heidenheim in Humash Meor Einayim, only in the parashah of Amalek in Exodus 17, not in Deuteronomy. En Hakore is a masoretic commentary by R. Yekutiel (or Zalman) Ha-nakdan who lived in Prague in the 13th century. Here is how it appears in Heidenheim’s Humash Meor Einayim. However, it appears to be a misstatement to say that Heidenheim was among those whose work was “redacted according to Radak’s remark,” for while there is no example of Zekher from Psalms to compare with in his Humash Meor Einayim, Zekher is also pointed with tzere , rather than segol, in the Ashrei prayer included in Humash Moda Le-vina. This would seem to indicate that he did not follow the Radak. He merely published En Hakore, which dealt with the issue raised by Radak.




?להשתכר על ידי יין בפורים, זו מצוה או עבירה

להשתכר על ידי יין בפורים, זו מצוה או עבירה?

נכתב ע”י משה צוריאל

Editor’s Note: Rabbi Moshe Zuriel’s latest book, Le-Sha’ah u-le-Dorot (two volumes) has just appeared. At over 800 pages, it deals with all sorts of Torah matters, both halakhah and hashkafah.

פסקו רבותינו: “חייב איניש לבסומי בפוריא עד דלא ידע בין ארור המן לברוך מרדכי” (שו”ע או”ח סימן תרצ”ה, סעיף ב’). העיר עליו רמ”א: “ויש אומרים דאינו צריך להשתכר כל כך, אלא ישתה יותר מלימודו [מהרגלו] ויישן. ומתוך שיישן אינו יודע בין ארור המן לברוך מרדכי”. בדורנו ישנם כמה אברכים צעירים הבוחרים להיות שיכורים ממש. אצל חלק מהם אין הפסד גדול בדבר, אבל אצל הרבה מתחילים הם לומר שטויות ויש המתחילים לצעוק ברחובות. יש המקיאים מאכל שבמעיהם לעיני הרואים, ויש הנופלים ברחובות מפני מעידת רגליהם. חילול השם בדבר הוא רב. באנו כאן לברר בעזרת ה’ אם דעת רבותינו נוחה מכך, ונביא סקירה מן גדולי הראשונים והאחרונים (ולא לפי סדרי זמניהם). [א’] ראשית יש להבחין מה פירוש מלה זו “לבסומי”. יש בארמית שתי מילים עבור מי שמושפע נפשית ושכלית מהיין. השיכור “שכרותו של לוט” עד שאיננו מבין מה נעשה איתו, נקרא “רויא” כלשון “שבקיה לרויא דמנפשיה נפיל” (שבת לב ע”א) והוא לשון מקרא “למען ספות הרוה” (דברים כ”ט, י”ח). עיין רשימה גדולה ב”ערוך השלם” (קוהוט) ערך: ר”ו. לעומתו “בסם” הוא מלשון פרסית, ענינה “משתה ושמחה” (ע”פ הערוך), אבל טרם הגיע לאיבוד החושים. אמנם בלשון הקודש יש רק מלה אחת המתארת שני המצבים והיא “שיכור”. אמנם כיצד מחלקים ביניהם? ע”י תוספת המלים “הגיע לשכרותו של לוט” או “לא הגיע לשכרותו של לוט” (עירובין סה ע”א). ולכן רש”י (על מגילה ז ע”ב ד”ה ואיבסום) לא חילק ביניהם וכתב “נשתכרו”, אבל הדיוק בגמרא הוא “לבסומי” ולא כתוב “למרוי”, כלומר התכוונו לדרגא החלשה יותר. הביאור היקר הזה למדנו מדברי “קרבן נתנאל” על הרא”ש (מסכת מגילה פרק א’, ס”ק י) הכותב: “לא קאמר כאן מחייב למרוי, דהתרגום של “וישכר בתוך אהלו” [אצל נח] הוא רוי. אבל הכוונה שמחויב להיטיב לבו ע”י שתיית יין. עד דלא ידע, זהו עד ולא עד בכלל”. עד כאן לשונו. [אמנם רש”י על מגילה ז ע”ב כתב מלה אחת “להשתכר”, כי בלשון הקודש אין לנו הבדלי ניב בין בסומי לבין רויא]. [ב’] וכן כתב ספר של”ה (“שני לוחות הברית”) בסוף פרשת תצוה (מהד’ אמשטרדם, דף שכ”ט ע”ב): “יש לדקדק דקדוק הלשון שאמר ‘חייב לבסומי’. כי השכרות הגדול אינו נקרא ‘בסומי’, רק ‘מבוסם’ נקרא מי שאינו שיכור כל כך. על כן אני אומר שאדרבה, מאמרם זה הזהירנו באזהרה שלא (נשכר) [נשתכר] כל כך, רק חייב איניש להשאר מבוסם”. עד כאן לשונו. [ג’] ובאמת אחרי שפרשנים הללו האירו את עינינו בהבנת מלת “לבסומי”, אפשר כי גם ר’ יוסף קארו הבין גם הוא כך. כי בפירושו “בית יוסף” על הטור (סימן תרצ”ה) שכידוע שימש בסיס לדברי השו”ע שהוא רק קיצור מדבריו בבית יוסף, כתב: “וכתב הר”ן בשם רבינו אפרים דמההוא עובדא דקם רבה בסעודת פורים ושחט לר’ זירא (מגילה ז ע”ב) אידחי ליה מימרא דרבא, ולא שפיר דמי למיעבד הכי. [תוספת המעתיק: ובמיוחד שהרי לשנה הבאה כאשר רבה הזמין את ר’ זירא שוב לבוא לסעודתו, ר’ זירא סירב באומרו “לא בכל שעתא ושעתא מתרחיש ניסא” ובזה הגמרא מסיימת את הנידון. כדלהלן בשם הב”ח]. [ד’] כותב על זה הב”ח שם: “והנכון מה שכתב הרב הגדול רבינו אפרים דמהך עובדא דשחטיה רבה לר’ זירא אידחייא ליה מימרא דרבא, ולאו שפיר למיעבד הכי. וכן כתב בעל המאור והר”ן משמו. ונראה דמהך טעמא סידר בעל התלמוד להך עובדא דרבה ור’ זירא בתר מימרא דרבא, למימרא דהכי הוי הלכתא ולדחויי לרבא. ומיהו דוקא לבסומי עד דלא ידע בין ארור המן לברוך מרדכי, הוא דדחינן לה. אבל מיהו צריך לשתות הרבה מלימודו שייטב לבו במשתה”]. [ה’] וכדברי הב”ח כתב “שבלי הלקט” (סי’ רא). וממשיך “בית יוסף” שם: ב”ארחות חיים” (לר’ יונתן לוניל, הל’ פורים אות לח כתב) חייב אינש לבסומי בפוריא, לא שישתכר, שהשכרות איסור גמור, ואין לך עבירה גדולה מזו, שהוא גורם לגלוי עריות ושפיכת דמים וכמה עבירות זולתן. אך שישתה יותר מלימודו [מההרגל שלו] קצת” עכ”ל “בית יוסף” וכנראה בזה סיכום דעתו כי לא הביא דיעה נגדית. ובכן בעל כרחנו כך היתה כוונתו גם במה שכתב בשולחן ערוך, “ביסומי” ולא “שכרות”. [ו’] וכדברי “ארחות חיים” כתב ג”כ בעל “המאורות” (על מגילה ז’). [ז’] וכן כתב כלשון זו ה”כל בו”. [ח’] והעתיק הדברים הנ”ל “אליהו רבה” (על אורח חיים, סימן תרצ”ה)

[ט’] וכן כתב המאירי (על מגילה ז’, ע”ב) “ומכל מקום אין אנו מצווים להשתכר ולהפחית עצמנו מתוך השמחה, שלא נצטוינו על שמחה של הוללות ושל שטות אלא בשמחה של תענוג שיגיע מתוכה לאהבת השם יתברך והודאה על הנסים שעשה לנו”. [י’] ומפורש כתב “חיי אדם” (הלכות פורים) “ואמנם היודע בעצמו שיזלזל אז במצוה מן המצוות, בנטילת ידיים וברכה וברכת המזון או שלא יתפלל מנחה או מעריב או שינהוג קלות ראש, מוטב שלא ישתכר”. [י”א] ודבריו הובאו ב”ביאור הלכה” (“משנה ברורה”, סי’ צ”ה, ד”ה עד דלא ידע). [י”ב] והעתיק הדברים “קיצור שולחן ערוך” לר’ שלמה גנצפריד (קמב ס”ק ו). [י”ג] וכן כתב תוכחות קשות על המצב המופרז בימיו “מטה משה” (ר’ משה, תלמידו של מהרש”ל, בס”ק תתריב) “עד כי נדמה לרוב המון [עם] שבימים אלו הותר לכל אדם לפרוק עול תורה ומצוות, וכל המרבה להיות משוגע הרי זה משובח. וכל זה בלי ספק רע ומר והוא עון פלילי, כי לא הותר לנו רק שמחה, לא שחוק וקלות ראש” עכ”ל. [וכל הלשון הזו הועתקה ע”י ספר של”ה (סוף ענייני פורים), גם העתיק הביטוי “נדמה לרוב המון וכו’ וכל המרבה להיות משוגע הרי זה משובח” (דף רס”א). [י”ד] דעת הרמב”ם. הזכרנו כבר שהרמ”א פסק שהמצוה היא שישתה קצת יין ויירדם, ובזמן שינתו איננו מבחין בין “ארור המן” ל”ברוך מרדכי”. מה המקור לדבריו? הרמב”ם (הל’ מגילה, פ”ב הט”ו) שכתב: “ושותה יין עד שישתכר וירדם בשכרותו”. מפני מה הרמב”ם הוסיף שתי המלים האחרונות הללו? והרי אינן כתובות בגמרא? אלא בא לבטל פרשנות מוטעית שהכוונה שיכור בשכרותו של לוט (עיין דברים נמרצים נגד השכרות במורה נבוכים, חלק ג’, פרק ח’). אלא כוונת חז”ל שילך לישון, ובמשך זמן שינתו אינו מבחין בין מרדכי להמן. זהו ביאור לשון מליצית של חז”ל “עד דלא ידע”. ומכאן העתיק רמ”א. [והגאון ר’ עובדיה יוסף בספרו “חזון עובדיה” (על הלכות פורים, עמ’ קע”ה) מביא מהספר “סנסן ליאיר”, עמ’ קכא שהמלה “פוריא” היא “מטה” (בבא מציעא כג ע”ב). כלומר “חייב לבסומי בפוריא להיות מבוסם על מיטתו, ואז יירדם]. [ט”ו] גם הגר”א סבור שאין להשתכר כפשוטו. בביאורו לשו”ע (או”ח סימן תרצ”ה) מבאר את המצוה “עד דלא ידע” רוצה לומר [שלא ידע להבחין על מה יש להודות יותר] בין נקמת המן לבין גדולת מרדכי. והוא מה שאמרו (ברכות לג ע”א) גדולה נקמה שניתנה בין שתי אותיות [שמות קודש]. ואמרו גדולה דעה [שניתנה בין ב’ שמות קודש]. וכיון שניטלה דיעה, לא ידע”. כלומר יש כאן הבחנה במחשבת ישראל אם לשמוח על החיובי או על השלילי. היהודי האמיתי שמח מאוד על ביעור הרשעות, ויש בזה כבוד שמים, כדלהלן. כך כותב הגר”א בביאורו לספרא דצניעותא (תחילת פרק ב’, עמ’ י”ז-י”ח): “וענין הכבוד [של הקב”ה] כאשר נכפין כל הדינים, והרשעים כָלים [כ’ מנוקדת קמץ], ושמו מתגדל בעולם כמ”ש ‘הראיני נא את כבודך וכו’ (שמות ל”ג, י”ח) ויעבור ה’ על פניו וכו’ הנה אנכי כורת ברית, נגד כל עמך אעשה נפלאות’ (שמות ל”ד, י’). וכן בקריעת ים סוף וכו’ ‘ואכבדה בפרעה ובכל חילו’ (שמות י”ד, ד’) וכו’. וכן לעתיד לבוא וכו’ ונאמר ‘תכבדני חיית השדה וכו’ (ישעיה מ”ג, כ’). [תוספת המעתיק: שיאכלו את הפגרים של גוג ומגוג שבאו להתגרות בישראל]. והגידו את כבודי בגוים’ (ישעיה ס”ו, י”ט). כי לי תכרע כל בֶרֶך (ישעיה מ”ה, כ”ג). ועוד ‘והתגדִלתי והתקדִשתי לעיני גוים רבים” (יחזקאל ל”ח, כ”ג). והכל שהרשעים כָלים וכו’ לאכפייא דינין”. עד כאן לשון הגר”א. וכמו כן יתרו שהיה גר חדש לא ידע לשמוח על טביעת המצרים בים סוף. כתוב “ויחד ישראל על כל הטובה אשר עשה ה’ לישראל, אשר הצילו מיד מצרים” (שמות י”ח, ט’). הלא משה סיפר לו בפסוק הקודם גם את השלילה: “את כל אשר עשה ה’ לפרעה ולמצרים” (י”ח, ח’). ולמה יתרו לא שמח גם על הרעה שהגיעה למצריים הרודפים? (עיין שם רש”י י”ח, ט’). גם בעלי דעת שלימה ידעו לשמוח על זה. וברור שהבחנה זו בחסדי ה’ עלינו בהגדלתו של מרדכי הצדיק, ומפלתו של המן הרשע, על איזה מהם יש להתפאר יותר. עיון כזה נהיה מטושטש אפילו בשתייה מועטת של יין, ולזה אמרו חז”ל כי די בבסומי ולא צריכים להגיע לשכרותו של לוט. הרי לפנינו שהגר”א שולל שכרות גמורה. אחרת לא היה צריך להביא דברי פרשנות לגמרא דווקא כאן במקום שייעודו לציין לדברי הלכה למעשה בשו”ע. [טז] גם הגאון ר’ אפרים מרגליות (“יד אפרים” על גליון השו”ע או”ח סי’ תרצ”ה) כתב “אין לו להשתכר יותר מדאי, שיתבלבל דעתו ולא יכיר בתוקף הנס כלל. “עד דלא ידע” הוא עד ולא עד בכלל. ומן הגבול הזה והלאה הוא ביטול כוונת חיוב שחייבו חכמים. וכו’ ויש לבסומי רק עד הגבול הזה, ולא יעבור”. אבל לנגדנו עומדים פשטות דברי אריז”ל, שיש להיות שיכור גמור (“שער הכוונות”, ח”ב עמ’ שלב-שלג) לברך את הניצוץ של קדושה שיש בתוך המן “אחר שהוא שיכור ויצא מדעתו”. וזאת היא תמיהה גדולה. אבל כאשר נעיין בגוף הטכסט ניווכח כי אין אלו דברי אריז”ל עצמו. דברי אריז”ל עצמו מסתיימים ארבע פסקאות לפני זה (סוף טור הימני) שם כתוב “עד כאן הגיעו דרושי הרב זלה”ה”. ובהערה בתחתית הדף כתב המעתיק הרב שמואל ויטאל כי רק עד כאן העתיק דברי אריז”ל. ובכן מי הוא המחבר של המשך הדברים, שם כתוב שיש לאדם לצאת מדעתו ממש? אין מנוס מהמסקנה כי אלו הם דברי דרשן אחד שהוסיף הדברים על דברי אריז”ל. במהדורת “שער הכוונות” הקדמון (דף קט סוף ע”ב) כתוב שהם דברי ר’ יעקב ישרוליג”א, לא של אריז”ל. נוסיף לטיעוננו שיש בדבר חילול השם נורא כאשר אברך או רב הידועים לעיני שכניהם וקרובים בציבור הישראלי כמציגים ארחות התורה, אם יהיו שיכורים אין לך בוז וקלסה לתורה יותר מזה. ובמציאות החיים מכירים אנו כי כל הרבנים הגדולים, בין בני פלג הליטאים ובין גדולי אדמורי”ם וכן מקבוצות בני המזרח, אינם משתכרים בפורים. וגם בדורות שהיו לפנינו, לא נודע על מי מהרבנים המפורסמים שהשתכר ממש. גם מה שכותב ר’ יעקב עמדין (בביאורו לסידור תפילות, מהדורת אשכול, חלק ב’, עמ’ תקנ”ח) ששמע מאחרים שאביו ה”חכם צבי” היה מקיים בצעירותו מצוה זו כפשוטה, מזה עצמו יש ראיה לשלול התנהגות זו. כי למה הפסיק אח”כ לנהוג כך כל ימיו? אלא ודאי כי ראה “חכם צבי” שיש הפסד בדבר. כיון שלכל הפחות ששה עשר מגדולי הפוסקים (כפי שפירטנו לעיל) שוללים שכרות גמורה, עלינו ללכת בעקבותיהם. יש לערוך בכל דבר חשבון של ריווח והפסד, ובמיוחד בדבר שיש בו חילול בשם. “אחד שוגג ואחד מזיד בחילול השם” (אבות, פרק ד’).




Answers to Quiz Questions and Other Comments, part 1

Answers to Quiz Questions and Other Comments, part 1
By Marc B. Shapiro
It is now time to announce the names of those who were able to answer the quiz questions I posed. The only two people to answer both questions correctly were Alex Heppenheimer and Yonason Rosman. I fortunately had two CDs so both of them received the prize.

Question no. 1 was: The word for turkey is תרנגול הדו. There is a dagesh in the dalet. Why? Bring a proof for your answer from Berakhot between page 34a and 38a.

Alex Heppenheimer emailed as follows: “The dagesh represents a missing nun in the word הדו. The Aramaic form, in Berachot 36b, is הנדואי. (There is also similarly הנדויין in Yoma 34b and ר’ יהודה הנדואה in Kiddushin 22b.)”

This is correct. The name India (and thus also Hindu) originates with the Persians and Greeks for the land beyond the Indus River. You can see in the Aramaic terms referred to by Heppenheimer that the nun is part of the word. See also the Targum to Esther 1:1 where הדו is translated as .הנדיא Bava Batra 74b, Avodah Zarah 16a, and Bekhorot 37b have other forms of the word, all including the nun.[1] Berakhot 37b refers to נהמא דהנדקא, i.e., “Indian bread.” Targum Ps. Jonathan to Gen. 2:12 translates translates חוילה as הינדקי.

(As to why turkey was referred to by those in Spain, and later the rest of Europe, as “Indian fowl”, that is because when it was first brought back to Europe it was believed to be coming from the area around India, which is where Columbus himself thought that he had ended up.)

For those who are interested in grammatical matters like how the dagesh is used, let me recommend a new book, Adir Amrutzi’s Dikdukei Aviah (Tel Aviv, 2010). In speaking of nuns that drop off, on p. 13 he calls attention to Kiddushin 70a where the word אתרונגא appears. The nun in this word shows us that the plural of etrog is not etrogim, but etrugim, with a dagesh in the gimel and a kubutz under the resh. The singular word etrog should be written as אתרג (All this follows the pattern of tof-tupim [תף-תפים], dov-dubim [דב-דבים]. When the vav holam is in the word, the holam sound remains: חול-חולות, עוף-עופות).

Returning to India, the passage in Berakhot 36b reads: “The preserved ginger which comes from India (הנדואי) is permitted.” The problem is that when you look at Rashi, for his translation of הנדואי he writes: כושיים.

Cushi’im means “Ethiopians” (Translating “Cush” as “Ethiopia” does not imply that it corresponds to the borders of modern day Ethiopia. Some even prefer “Nubia” to Ethiopia”, as Ethiopians are Semitic while Nubians are “Hamitic” [and Cush was a son of Ham]. It perhaps also can refer generally to black Africa. This can explain Pesahim 94a which states that Egypt is one sixtieth of Cush. Also, the Targum to II Chron. 21:16 translates כושים as אפריקאי.)

So where does Rashi get the idea that Cushites are Indians? Did he not know that הנדואי means India? In his commentary to Kiddushin 22b he writes as follows:


הנדואה: מארץ כושי כוש מתרגמינן הנדואה

We see the same identification by Rashi in Yoma 81b.[2] Since the book of Esther distinguishes between India (הדו) and Cush, and Rashi identifies הנדואה with Cush, one might be tempted to conclude that Rashi didn’t realize that הנדואה is the same as הדו. But is it possible that he wouldn’t know this?

And to confuse matters even more, in Avodah Zarah 16a, where הינדואה is mentioned, Rashi explains that it means ארץ הדו.

So not only do we have the problem of Rashi identifying הנדואה as Cush, but we also have the problem of consistency, because in one instance he identifies the place correctly. To add one more thing to the mix, in his commentary to Sukkah 36a Rashi states that Cush is further from the Land of Israel than it is from Babylonia. This means that Rashi thought that Cush is to the east of Babylonia. In other words, Rashi does not believe that Cush is Ethiopia.[3]

So where does Rashi get this notion? He actually gives us his source in his commentary to Yoma 34b, where he refers to the Targum to Jeremiah 13:23. This verse famously states: “Can the Cushi change his skin, or the leopard his spots?” If you look at the Targum on this verse Cushi is translates as .הנדואה In the Targum to Isaiah 11:11 Cush is also identified as India.

So again, I ask, what is going on here? How could the Targum translate Cushi as “Indian”?

P. S. Alexander writes as follows: “It was a common view in ancient geography, shared by Ptolemy and probably also the author of the book of Jubilees . . . that Ethiopia was joined to India in the east. It is this idea that lies behind the [talmudic] statement that Cush and Hodu are adjacent.”[4] He also notes that the Indians dark skin was one reason for the identification. Furthermore, Alexander tell us, there was an ancient belief that there was a land connection between Ethiopia and India south of the Indian Ocean.

Since we have been speaking of India,[5] let me share with you what I found in R. Hayyim Hirschensohn’s Nimukei Rashi on Bamidbar (a copy of which I will give out to the winner of my next quiz[6]). On p. 81b he suggests that the revolt in India against English rule was a punishment of England for splitting the Land of Israel when it created Transjordan.

Returning to the quiz, my second question was: There is a rabbinic phrase that today is used to praise a Torah scholar, but in talmudic days was used in a negative fashion. What am I referring to?

Megillah 28b speaks of a צנא דמלא סיפרי . Today this expression is used to praise scholars. Yet if you look at the talmudic passage its meaning is the exact opposite. Rashi explains:
אינו אלא כסל שמילאוהו ספרים ואין מבין מה בתוכה אף שונה הלכות ולא שימש ת”ח ללמוד שיבינוהו טעמי משנה ופעמים שדברי משנה סותרין זה את זה וצריך לתרצה כגון הכא במאי עסקינן וכגון הא מני רבי פלוני היא וכגון חסורי מיחסרא אינו יודע מה שונה.

Rashi’s explanation should remind people of a phrase used by R. Bahya Ibn Paquda in Hovot ha-Levavot 3:4. In its medieval Hebrew translation it became famous: חמור נושא ספרים. I first heard this expression in yeshiva. Only later did I realize that it came from R. Bahya, and only some time later did I learn that R. Bahya didn’t invent it. Rather, it originates in the Quran 62:5.[7]

* * *

Since this post is not up to my normal length, let me make some more comments. At least one person thinks that my criticism of Artscroll regarding Kalir is unfair. If you recall, I originally criticized them for identifying Kalir as a tanna. In my last post I mentioned that in the first edition of the Artscroll Machzor this identification is rejected, and only in subsequent editions does the Machzor state that Kalir was a tanna. I also claimed that Artscroll knows the truth but in order to mollify its critics, changed what it originally wrote.

This, incidentally, is not the only time that I assume that Artscroll knows what it is writing is incorrect, but writes so anyway. I have a good example of this in the book I am currently working on, so I don’t want to give it away now. I already noted another example in Limits, where I call attention to the introduction to the Artscroll Chumash which states: “Rambam sets forth at much greater length the unanimously held view that every letter and word was given by God to Moses” (emphasis added). This statement, that the view of the Rambam is unanimously held, is false. Furthermore, Artscroll knows it is false, and in its commentary to Deut. 34:5 it mentions the talmudic view that the last verses were given to Joshua.[8]

Here is another example along these lines that I think readers will find interesting. It comes from the new Artscroll Midrash Rabbah, and was called to my attention by R. Avrohom Lieberman (who already called my attention to the Kalir change in the Machzor).

In explaining Tikun Soferim, Artscroll’s note states that this “cannot, Heaven forbid” be taken literally. Yet the editors of Artscroll, who are learned men, know perfectly well that there are traditional sources that state precisely this (See Limits, pp. 98ff). There is no question that the intent of the words “Heaven forbid” is to make the reader think that Artscroll’s perspective is unanimously held.

Since we are now on the subject of Artscroll (the most important and influential Orthodox publishing venture of all time), and lots of people want me to post more on this topic, let me give one final example.[9] It comes from Ecclesiastes, as I dealt with this book in the last series of posts. The upshot of what I and others have already pointed out is something everyone already knew, namely, that Artscroll has a religious agenda. Much like the New York Times’ agenda can be seen not only in the editorial page, but in the news reports as well, so too Artscroll’s agenda is seen not only in the “overviews,”[10] but in the selection of commentaries also. There is enough material for a very long and detailed article spelling all this out.

Eccl. 2:8 states: .עשיתי לי שרים ושרות
What does this mean? The simple explanation is that the author, traditionally Solomon, is telling us about all the wonderful things he amassed with which to enjoy himself, and among them are “men singers and women singers.” Artscroll translates the passage as “I provided myself with various musical instruments.” Now this might be an apologetic translation, but if so, it is not Artscroll that is to be too criticized, but the Talmud, Gittin 68a, since according to Rashi this is how the Talmud explains the words.[11] Artscroll is obviously within its rights to adopt this understanding, even if one assumes that this explanation is not in accord with the simple sense of the verse.

The problem comes with the next passage in the Artscroll commentary which states: “Rav Yosef Kara, Alshich, Metzudas Zion and others translate ‘singers.’” I will get to Kara and Alshich shortly, but let’s begin with Metzudat Tziyon, since this is easiest for most people to access as it appears in the Mikraot Gedolot. He writes as follows:

שרים: משוררים זכרים. ושרות: משוררות נקבות

So now I ask my fair-minded readers: Is Artscroll’s statement that Metzudat Tziyon translates שרים ושרות as “singers” accurate? I think the answer is clearly “no”. Metzudat Tziyon translates the words in question as “male singers and female singers,” and yet—don’t tell me you are surprised—in Artscroll this morphs into “singers”. Why would Artscroll fudge the translation? The answer is obvious. They don’t want people to think that Solomon would have listened to women singing. I am not sure why this is so problematic for them. After all, if Solomon engaged in idolatry (at least according to the biblical text’s simple meaning),, hearing women sing is not so far-fetched. In fact, in his comment on some other words in the verse, R. Jacob Lorberbaum[12] writes as follows):

רמז על שעבר על לא ירבה נשים שהזהירה התורה

Lorberbaum, therefore, has no difficulty in seeing the verse as pointing to misdeeds of Solomon.

Let us now see what Kara and Alshich say on the verse, since they too were quoted by Artscroll. Kara’s commentary is printed in Otzar Tov, ed., Berliner and Hoffmann (Berlin, 1886-1887), p. 10: עשיתי לי שרים ושרות: תיקנתי לי זכרים ונקיבות לשורר לפניי

Alshich explains the verse to be referring to משוררים ומשוררות

So we see that the commentators Artscroll refers to are explicit that the meaning of the passage is “male and female singers.”

Among other sources that interpret this way are Kohelet Rabbati, ad loc:


שרים ושרות: זמרין וזמרתא

Yalkut Shimoni, Kohelet no. 968:

עשיתי לי שרים ושרות: משוררים זכרים ונקבות.

See also the Targum to Eccl. 2:8, where שרים ושרות is translated as .זמריא וזמריתא

R. Moses Almosnino, Yedei Moshe (Tel Aviv, 1986), Eccl. 2:8 (p. 58), even explains why the female singers were desirable, as they helped create a better harmony:


על כן אמר שהיו לו שרים ושרות שהם המשוררים והמשוררות, אנשים ונשים יחד, שבהתמזגם יהיו הקולות ערובות, שקול האשה דקה וקול האיש הוא קול יותר עב, ובהתמזגם יחד יצא השיר בנועם.

When the Jews returned from Babylonia to the Land of Israel in the days of Ezra and Nehemiah, the Bible (Ezra 2:65, Nehemiah 7:65) states explicitly that they came with משוררים ומשוררות, “male and female singers.”

As for how Solomon could listen to women sing, for those who feel the need to answer this question, perhaps Solomon agreed with those authorities who feel that there is no blanket prohibition on hearing a woman’s singing voice,[13] a viewpoint that has recently been resurrected by Rabbis Moshe Lichtenstein,[14] David Bigman[15] and Avraham Shammah.[16] According to this perspective, only singing that is sexually arousing is forbidden.[17] Let us not forget that the Talmud speaks of a woman’s voice. It is the post-Talmudic authorities who clarify that this refers to a singing voice, but does this mean any singing voice or only one that in the minds of normal men could be arousing?

R. Marc Angel agrees with the rabbis mentioned in the last paragraph. He writes: “When the prohibition of “kol ishah” is applied to all instances of women singing in the presence of men, this is a distortion of the intent of the halakha. . . . Men and women may sing in the presence of those of the other gender, as long as the songs are of a religious nature, or of a general cultural nature (e.g., opera, folk songs, lullabies).”[18]

R. Yonatan Rosenzweig doesn’t go so far as to permit one to attend a concert with a female singer, but he does say that since today many people are used to hearing recordings of women’s voices, that possibly it is even permissible to watch a woman singing on television.[19]

A number of years ago there were ads in New York Jewish papers for a concert by Neshama Carlebach. The ads stated that the concert was open for women, as well as for men for whom the singing was permissible. This was a very strange formulation. Knowing that R. Mordechai Tendler was Neshama’s posek, I asked him about this. He explained to me that the language originated with him and was based on the notion that the prohibition against kol ishah is not a blanket prohibition, but depends on whether the singing is sexually arousing. (This approach can be supported by the view found in some rishonim that kol ishah that is not sexually arousing is only forbidden during keriat shema. Otherwise, there is no prohibition.[20]) Therefore, men who are used to hear women sing and will not be aroused by Neshama are permitted to attend the concert, and this explains the strange language in the ads.[21] Tendler also told me that this view of kol ishah as being what we can call a “situational prohibition” rather than an absolute issur, was held by his grandfather, R. Moshe Feinstein.[22]

This opinion, that whether or not a woman’s singing voice is prohibited depends on how men will react to it, will no doubt strike some as “unorthodox.” This approach is definitely not as widely held today as in years past. Yet many people reading this post can recall a time when kol ishah, as a general prohibition, was simply not an issue for the Modern Orthodox, or even for many of the more right-wing Orthodox. This was no different than the situation in Germany, where pretty much all of the Orthodox, including members of Hirsch’s community, saw no problem in attending the opera.

If you went back to the 1960s, other than the hasidim and the tiny yeshiva world, it would be hard to find an Orthodox Jew in New York City who didn’t see the Broadway performance of “Fiddler on the Roof.” I would even assume that that there were some roshei yeshiva who saw it. Until the 1980s there was no problem with Modern Orthodox synagogues sponsoring trips to Broadway musicals. My own shul even put on a performance of “Fiddler on the Roof” in the early 1980s. That would be unimaginable today at almost all Orthodox shuls.[23] (Yet somehow YU is able to continue its long tradition of a fundraising night at the opera, and I have not heard of any attempt by the roshei yeshiva to end this practice.)

Until the 1980s, girls would also have solo singing roles in the musical productions put on by many Modern Orthodox yeshiva high schools and summer camps. (Was there a Modern Orthodox summer camp where girls did not sing?) Readers can correct me if I am wrong, but as far as I know, only Ramaz, Flatbush, and SAR still have girls singing solos.[24] The other schools that have girls sing have them do so in groups, or at least with one other girl.

To bring us back to the earlier era, where women singing was acceptable in the Modern Orthodox world, let me quote Rabbi Marc Angel:

I was raised in the Sephardic community of Seattle, Washington, and well remember our many family gatherings where romances were sung. Jews of great piety sang right along with those of lesser piety. I do not remember anyone ever objecting to the singing of love songs by men and women. In the early 1980s, Haham Dr. Solomon Gaon, himself a Judeo-Spanish-speaking rabbi, taught classes in Sephardic folklore at my Congregation Shearith Israel in New York City. I well remember him singing love songs, enthusiastically and nostalgically. Both of us participated in a program of Sephardic culture sponsored by the Hebrew College of Boston. A female soloist sang a selection of romances, after which Haham Gaon not only applauded loudly but rose to speak in praise of the singer for her beautiful rendition of the songs. Haham Gaon, who served as chief rabbi of the Spanish and Portuguese Congregations of England and as head of the Sephardic Studies Program of Yeshiva University in New York, was a very prominent Orthodox Sephardic rabbi and a man of impeccable piety.[25]

R. Eliezer Berkovits wrote:


Nowadays, the singing of a woman is not fundamentally different from what the original Halakhah termed “her regular voice.” A woman’s voice, even when she is singing, is nothing unusual today, and it is no more distracting during the Shema prayer than that of a man singing. Only in specific amorous situations as in the Song of Songs, may it have a sensual quality.[26]
In Hirsch’s famous Schiller speech, delivered at his Frankfurt school, a note states that male and female students alternatively sang songs.[27] As I pointed out in my own note to the speech, girls were permitted to sing at Hirsch’s school. Mordechai Breuer, Modernity Within Tradition, p. 411 n. 11, calls attention to a report in Jeschurun 18 (1885), p. 11, of a public function at the school at which a teenage girl sang in the presence of a crowded audience.

In Between the Yeshiva World and Modern Orthodoxy, p. 216, I quote Jacob Rosenheim who attempts to explain why Hirsch permitted girls to sing at public examinations in the higher grades (and I also note that this passage was censored in the Netzah translation). A halakhic justification of hearing unmarried girls sing was actually penned by R. Isaac Unna, the rav of Mannheim. The short responsum appears in his Shoalin ve-Dorshin no. 2.

Unna cites the Ba’er Heitev thatקול פנויה מותר . In context, what this means is exactly what it says, namely, that unlike a married woman’s (singing) voice, which is always prohibited, the singing of an unmarried woman is permitted to be heard. When he says this is permitted, he means if it doesn’t cause sexual thoughts. (Moderate sensual thoughts would be permitted according to Maimonides, as I mention below.) If it does, then of course it is forbidden. But this prohibition is a general prohibition against arousing oneself sexually and has nothing to do with the prohibition of kol ishah, which only refers to married women and is apparently based on the assumption that the voice of a married woman is always sexually arousing.[28]

In recent generations, poskim have all written that the פנויה referred to here is one who does not have the status of a Niddah, that is, a pre-pubescent girl. The first source to adopt this approach seems to be the eighteenth-century Peri Megadim, Orah Hayyim 75:3. As far as I can tell, none of the early poskim who discuss the matter even mention this point, and they all assume that פנויה mean an unmarried woman, of any age. This approach also continued among certain poskim even subsequent to the Peri Megadim.

See for example this page R. Jacob Pardo’s Apei Zutrei (Venice, 1797), Even ha-Ezer 21:8:

Pardo is very clear that פנויה means exactly what it says. He compares the halakhah of kol ishah to that of hair covering, and just like only a married woman has to cover her hair, so too it is only a married woman’s voice that is prohibited, not the voice of a single woman. (As mentioned already, this would only be prohibited if it was sexually arousing.) As for extending the prohibition to unmarried women, he sees this as an excessive stringency and applies the rabbinic phrase kol ha-mosif gorea, noting that the people will not listen to such a ruling and this will turn them into brazen sinners.

This is not to say that Pardo approves of listening to single women sing. He doesn’t, and applies to such singing the rabbinic phrase מוטב שיאכלו ישראל בשר תמותות כשרות, which comes from Kiddushin 22a and is stated with reference to something distasteful. It is distasteful, yet permitted nonetheless. Pardo’s careful distinction between what is preferred behavior and what the halakhah actually requires is seen in this comment as well, where he refers to Job. 31:1: “[I made a covenant with mine eyes;] how then should I look upon a maiden?”[29]


הן אמת דלבטל ההרהור יש להחמיר ע”ד ומה אתבונן על בתולה. אך אינו מן הראוי להשוותה לנשואה לאסור מפאת הדין.

Here is a page from R. Aaron ha-Levi, Mateh Aharon (Salonika, 1820), p. 260b, where we see some more interesting comments, including defending a rabbi who permitted listening to the voice of a single woman.

And finally, here is a page from R. Hayyim Kasar’s Shem Tov, a twentieth-century commentary on the Mishneh Torah, Hilkhot Issurei Biah 21:2. While Kasar is quite strict in forbidding a man to hear the voice of an ervah, even if he is not familiar with her, he is also clear that a penuyah means an unmarried woman and that there is no blanket prohibition on hearing her voice, just like there is no blanket prohibition on seeing the hair of an unmarried woman.

I would only add that this makes perfect sense according to Maimonides. If, as Maimonides says, one is permitted to look at an unmarried woman and enjoy her beauty,[30] it stands to reason that one can listen to the singing of an unmarried woman and also enjoy it.[31]

Returning to German Orthodoxy, Der Israelit was the newspaper of the German separatist community. Yet it seems to have had no problem highlighting an Orthodox female opera singer and stressing her commitment to Orthodoxy.[32] Mordechai Breuer called attention to this last point, and I assume that he didn’t have any knowledge of opera or he would have pointed out that the female singer referred to by the paper, Rosa Olitzka (1873-1949), was quite famous in her day. Here is a picture of her.

Right after telling us that Olitzka is the daughter of the hazan of the Berlin Adass Jisroel (i.e., R. Esriel Hildesheimer’s separatist community), Der Israelit mentions her starring as Carmen in the London Opera production. One can find a good deal of material about Olitzka online,[33] and can even purchase recordings of hers.[34] Maybe a reader knows whether she remained observant in her later years.

Breuer also refers to the JüdischePresse’s review of the opera “Samson and Delilah”.[35] While Der Israelit was the paper of the Frankfurt Orthodox, Jüdische Presse was published by the Orthodox of Berlin.[36]

The view that kol ishah is not an absolute prohibition, but depends on whether or not the singing is sensual in nature, was also held by R. Joseph B. Soloveitchik, at least according to R. Aharon Rakeffet.[37] Rakeffet has also reported on a number of occasions that the Rav attended the opera in Berlin.[38] At the Maimonides School first Hanukkah Banquet in 1939, “the program included Betty Brooks, a prominent radio personality singing a variety of Jewish and English songs, Mabel Wingert, a dancer, and Frost and Helene, society dancers.”[39]

R. Ovadiah Yosef’s viewpoint on kol ishah is also worth noting, especially as it has undergone a change. In the first volume of Yabia Omer, published in 1954, R. Ovadiah deals with the following question (Orah Hayyim no. 6):

נשאלתי בדין קול זמר של אשה בגרמפון או ברדיו, אם יש בו משום קול באשה ערוה, וצריך להזהר שלא לשמעו בעת ק”ש ותפלה.
His formulation reflects the notion we have already seen, expressed by some rishonim, that the prohibition of kol ishah is a special prohibition related to shema (and prayer), rather than a general prohibition on hearing women sing (which if sexually arousing would be forbidden on other grounds.)

Here is how he formulates the question and answer in the table of contents:

קול זמר של אשה ברדיו וגרמפון, אין צריך להזהר מלשמעו בשעת ק”ש ותפלה, כשאינו מכיר את המשוררת, ואין בזה משום קול באשה ערוה
We see from here that there is no problem of kol ishah when you are not familiar with the female singer. In other words, you can recite shema and tefillah while hearing this. Again, however, this is not related to the wider issue of sensual songs. If you are “turned on” by hearing a song even if you don’t know the singer, then it is forbidden at all times. But by the same token, since the prohibition of kol ishah is exclusive to shema and tefillah, the implication is that a woman’s voice at other times is not prohibited if it doesn’t arouse sensual feelings.

Based on this understanding of R. Ovadiah’s responsum, I don’t think there is a contradiction between this teshuvah and R. Ovadiah’s well known love for the music of the Egyptian singing sensation Umm Kulthum.[40] Here is what Umm Kulthum looked like in her younger years.

If R. Ovadiah’s responsum in Yabia Omer intended a blanket prohibition on hearing the voice of a woman you are familiar with, rather than just confining this prohibition to shema and tefillah, then we would be confronted with a tremendous contradiction between the responsum and how R. Ovadiah lived his own life. It is not like R. Ovadiah wrote something in his responsum and did something else in his private life where people couldn’t see. His love of Umm Kulthum’s music was something everyone knew about, and he listened to it in the company of others. Clearly, therefore, his responsum which prohibits listening to the singing of one you are familiar with only applies during shema and tefillah. At other times, it is only prohibited if one is sexually aroused by the music, and since R. Ovadiah was not, he was permitted to listen to Umm Kulthum. Rabbi J. David Bleich is therefore incorrect when he summarizes R. Ovadiah’s responsum as follows: “Rabbi Yosef concurs in this ruling but adds that it is forbidden to listen to a female vocalist who is known to the listener even if the woman in question is known to him only through photographs.”[41] (I hope no one attempts to argue that R. Ovadiah didn’t know what Umm Kulthum looked like. She was only the most prominent celebrity in Egypt, with her picture everywhere.)

I was also informed by R. Avraham Yosef that his father, R. Ovadiah, later retracted his ruling in this responsum that if you are familiar with the singer that you can’t hear her voice in shema and tefillah. I later saw that R. Ovadiah himself states as much in Yabia Omer, vol. 9 no. 108:43:

ומה שכתבתי שם שאם ראה אותה בתמונה ג”כ, אסור, אינו מוכרח, שיש לומר . . . “ביודעה ומכירה”, זהו רק כשראה אותה בחיים חיותה במלא קומתה

If you hear her voice while you are saying shema or reciting blessings, R. Ovadiah advises וירכז מחשבתו לכוין בברכותיוR. Ovadiah’s words בחיים חיותה במלא קומתה might be taken to imply that even if you know the woman from television, there still is no prohibition of kol ishah.

R. Avraham Yosef states that while it is permitted to hear a woman sing even if you know what she looks like, it is not permitted to attend a live performance or even watch on television. R. Avraham assumes that alllive and television performances are prohibited, not only those that could be sexually arousing.[42] It also needs to be stated that despite how I interpreted R. Ovadiah, that female singing is only prohibited if it is sensual music, the upshot of what R. Ovadiah states throughout his writings is that by definition a live female singer is sexually arousing and thus prohibited. Although I think the evidence shows that R. Ovadiah agrees that theoretically kol ishah is only forbidden if it leads to <>hirhurim >, in practice he assumes that <>alllive female singing falls into this category. (I wonder, however, if he would also forbid the live singing of a very old woman, which would in no way be sensual.)


I found another interesting passage regarding kol ishah in the Meshivat Nefesh of R. Yohanan Luria (16th century). On p. 144, after explaining how the women of the desert could sing in front of the men (Ex. 15:21), he writes:

ומזה הטעם ראוי למחות לנשים המשוררות לכלות לפני האנשים רק הבתולות שמותרים בזה כדי לחבב הבחורים לקפוץ עליהם לשם אישות.

He makes the same point on the previous page, and concludes (p. 143):

רק הבתולות ראוי להם שיחבבו עצמם על הבריות לקפוץ אחריהם

What it means is that while married women can’t sing in front of men, unmarried women are permitted to do so in order to attract the attention of the young men, similar to what they did in Temple days when they would dance before the eligible bachelors.

Some might be wondering, how was this permitted since married men will also hear the women sing, and being that they are not in the “market” for a wife, what permission is there for them to listen to and be physically attracted to the young women? I think the answer is obvious, that those men who would have had improper thoughts were not supposed to listen to the women, just as I presume they were not supposed to watch the single women dance in Temple days. Yet the Sages did not ban this dancing because of what some men might be thinking, and similarly, Luria permits the singing by single women and is not concerned that some married men might also be listening. The logic behind Luria’s position is that young men looking for brides are supposed to be attracted to young women. The latter dress up nicely so that the men look at them, they put on makeup for this purpose, and yes, they sing in front of the men, all in order to make themselves attractive.

Here is the title page of Luria’s sefer.

I already mentioned the opera, so before concluding I refer you to S.’s post here.

He points to an early eighteenth-century communal decree in Altona-Hamburg-Wandsbek forbidding attendance at the opera, except for on Hanukkah and Purim when it was permitted. The text is also found in Simhah Assaf, Ha-Onshin Aharei Hatimat ha-Talmud, p. 116.

Finally, I would like to point to a very interesting source that as far as I know has never been mentioned in any of the many halakhic articles dealing with kol ishah. I refer to R. Joseph Hayyim’s Imrei Binah, ch. 3, no. 79. Here is the page.

For those who are unclear as to what he means, he explains it himself in his book Ateret Tiferet im Pelaot Rabot. Here is the title page of the book, which for some reason is not on hebrewbooks.org or Otzar ha-Hokhmah. The text that appears in Imrei Binah also appears in this book, and R. Joseph Hayyim’s explanation is found on p. 116 (no. 202).

According to R. Joseph Hayyim, if the singing of an individual woman is accompanied by instruments, meaning that there are “many voices”, then it is permissible. This is an incredible limud zekhut, because pretty much every singer today is accompanied by music.[43]
[1] Referring to the beginning of Esther, where Ahasuerus is said to rule from Hodu to Cush, the Talmud, Megillah 11b, states:
From Hodu to Cush: Rav and Samuel gave different interpretations of this. One said that Hodu is at one end of the world and Cush at the other, and the other said that Hodu and Cush adjoin one another, and that [the meaning is that] as he ruled over Hodu and Cush, so he ruled from one end of the world to the other.
This passage should immediately raise a couple of questions in people’s minds. 1. Since there is no doubt that both amoraim knew where India and Ethiopia were located, why did one of them explain that the two countries are next to each other? How come he didn’t accept the common identification of Cush and Ethiopia? 2. According to the first opinion, that Hodu is at one end of the world and Cush at the other, are we to understand from this that he thought that the world was flat? (I realize that “end of the world” could be used the same way we use it today, but I wonder if that is the peshat.)

[2] See also his commentary to Isaiah 18:1, where he regards Cush as being in the East.

[3] In the last post I spoke a bit about what Rashi regarded as beautiful, based on his commentary to Song of Songs. We also find from other comments of his that he did not regard Cushim as beautiful. Based upon what we have already seen, I assume that for Rashi a Cushi would have an Indian complexion. (See Moed Katan 16b regarding the skin of the Cushites.) In his commentary to Gen. 12:11 he speaks of “black and repulsive people, brothers of the Cushim.” In Num. 12:1 the Torah speaks of the Cushite that Moses married. Rashi does not take this literally and writes: “Because of her beauty she is called Cushite, as one calls his handsome son ‘Cushite’ in order that the evil eye should not have power over him.” (This same passage appears in Midrash Tanhuma 96:13, and see Yitzhak Aviner, Heikhal Rashi [Tel Aviv, 1960], vol. 4, p. 234, that it was inserted from Rashi into the Tanhuma). I think it must be very hard to teach this Rashi in elementary and even high school. One can easily see that if one of the students is a “person of color” or the student’s parent is, that the assumption of this Rashi could be very hurtful to the student. Has any reader had to deal with this?

For the same approach by Rashi, and here too it appears to be his own interpretation (although obviously based on the earlier rabbinic understanding of Cushite), see Sukkah 53a, where it mentions that Solomon had two Cushite servants. Rashi writes:

תרי כושאי: על שם שהיו יפים קרי להו הכי
See Arukh la-Ner, ad loc., who questions Rashi’s explanation, since while the Sages speak of Tziporah as being called Cushite in Num. 12:1 because of her beauty, they never say that a man would be called Cushite if he was handsome. This is precisely why I noted that what Rashi writes here is apparently his own interpretation.

Incidentally, the Artscroll translation to this passage makes as unfortunate error. While the Talmud speaks of “two Cushites”, Artscroll translates תרתי כושאי as “two Cutheans.”


The Vilna Talmud’s version is תרתי כושאי, while Rashi has תרי. Rashi’s text preserves the correct version (see also Arukh ha-Shalem, s. v. כש, p. 348 n. 4) as תרי is masculine while תרתי is feminine. In R. Meir Mazuz’s new book, Darkhei ha-Iyun, p. 5, he deals with these words and calls attention to the common grammatical error when people write תרתי דסתרי. Since דסתרי(=(הסותרים is masculine, the proper formulation is ether תרי דסתרי or תרתי דסתרן.

For more on the identification of Cushite with ugliness, see Jonathan Schorsch, Jews and Blacks in the Early Modern World (Cambridge, 2004), chs. 3-4, and Abraham Melamed, The Image of the Black in Jewish Culture (London, 2003).
[4] “Toponomy of the Targumim,” (unpublished doctoral dissertation, Oxford University, 1974), p. 134.

[5] I think readers will find this document interesting: link (pdf).

It contains the Chief Rabbinate of Israel’s acknowledgment that Hinduism is monotheistic. I don’t even think that one can speak of shituf when it comes to Hinduism. What you have in Hinduism are manifestations of the one God, and this does not appear to violate any Noahide commandment. This is significant since in the Jewish imagination Hinduism has often been seen as a classic example of real idolatry. Thus, right at the beginning of many seforim it states that passages dealing with Gentiles are only referring to idolators in places like India.


Related to the latter point, there is an unbelievable error by the great R. Judah Aszod. In 1833 the Hatam Sofer responded to the following query of a Hungarian rabbi: During Christian religious ceremonies that pass through the city, are Jews permitted to put candles in their windows? The fear was that if the Jews don’t do that, their homes would be attacked on Christian thugs (Hatam Sofer, Yoreh Deah, no. 133 [end]). The Hatam Sofer concluded that while it was permissible to indirectly request a non-Jew to light the candle, it is absolutely forbidden for a Jew to do so.

הישראל אסור לעשות וצריך למסור נפש ע”ז
The same issue is dealt with by the Hatam Sofers’s son in Ketav Sofer, Yoreh Deah no. 84, and a similar issue by his grandson in Da’at Sofer, Yoreh Deah, no. 59. See also R. Eliezer Deutsch, Peri ha-Sadeh, vol. 3 no. 10.

In the Hatam Sofer’s responsum he speaks of the candle lighting that takes place in “India”.

ולענין מה שמסבבים בארץ הודו בע”ז שלהם, וכל הדרים באותו המבוי צריכים להדליק נרות, ויהודים הדרים שם אם אינם מדליקים הם בסכנה מפני ההמונים.
There is no doubt whatsoever that the word “India” is not to be taken literally and that the Hatam Sofer is referring to local Christian practices. After all, he was responding to the question of a Hungarian rabbi! The responsa by his son, grandson, and Deutsch don’t even feel that it is necessary to point this out, as it is so obvious.

It is incredible is that R. Judah Aszod, Yehudah Ya’aleh, Yoreh Deah, no. 170, takes the Hatam Sofer to really be speaking of India, even though as just mentioned, he was responding to a halakhah le-ma’aseh question from Hungary, not from a rabbi in Bombay! This misunderstanding contributes to Aszod’s lenient decision.


לענ”ד הח”ס דוקא קאי על ארץ הודו שמסבבים בע”ז שלהם . . . משא”כ במדינתינו אינו חק המדינה כ”א באיזו מקומות ולא עפ”י המושל אלא מרשעת שונאי ישראל, והדלקת הנרות אצלם נמי רק אין כוונתם להעביר על הדת כ”א שיהודים ישמחו עמהם וזה מותר משום איבה כברמ”א ביו”ד ססי’ קמח . . . וגם בזה”ז לא עובדי ע”ז הן לא מקרי אליל שלהם עכו”ם כמ”ש הש”ך סי’ קנא ס”ק יז.
In this passage he cites two sources. The second one is the Shakh, whom he cites as claiming that the Christian religious item (I assume he means the crucifix) does not have the status of an אליל. However, the Shakh actually says the exact opposite of what Aszod quotes him as saying.

ודוחק לומר דכיון דבזמן הזה לאו עובדי עבודת כוכבים הן לא מיקרי אליל שלהם עבודת כוכבים
The other source he cites is R. Moses Isserles, whose comments are indeed quite significant. I don’t understand why this source is not cited in support of celebrating Thanksgiving even by those who assume that there is some religious component to the holiday.

אם נכנס לעיר ומצאם שמחים ביום חגם ישמח עמהם משום איבה דהוי כמחניף להם ומ”מ בעל נפש ירחיק מלשמוח עמהם אם יוכל לעשות שלא יהיה לו איבה בדבר
Presumably, the opponents of Thanksgiving assume that there is no enmity in not celebrating, so the Rama’s permission doesn’t apply. I wonder though, do the people in Lakewood who require the non-Jewish bus drivers to work on Thanksgiving really think that this insistence doesn’t create enmity?
Returning to the responsum of Aszod, the problems I have pointed to were noted by R. Hayyim Eleazar Shapira, Minhat Eleazar, vol. 1 no. 53:3, and he is dumbfounded. It is precisely with regard to this sort of responsum, where the errors are obvious (misunderstanding the clear meaning of the Hatam Sofer, misquoting the Shakh), and it was published posthumously, that people are often tempted to claim that it is not authentic. I won’t go this far, but is it possible that a student wrote the responsum and Aszod just signed his name without examining it carefully?
[6] As with the other volumes of this series, one can find lots of interesting passages in vol. 4. Here are just a few. P. 56b: Moses opposed the eating of meat, but he could not forbid it because the people would regard this as heresy. P. 98b: Hirschensohn mentions the notion, already expressed by the Vilna Gaon, that sometimes the Talmud’s explanation of the Mishnah is to be understood as a form of derash. In other words, the explanation is not in accord with what the Mishnah really intended. He also refers to Berdyczewski and writes zikhrono li-verakhah after his name. P. 14a: There is no obligation in contemporary times for married women to cover their hair.

וזהוא ההיתר שנוהגים היום ברוב המדינות שהנשים מבנות ישראל הולכות בגלוי הראש, אם שהראשונות שבטלו את המנהג היו נקראות עוברות על דת משה אבל הבאים אחריהם אחרי שכבר נתבטל המנהג אין בזה איסור עוד.
This source has not been mentioned in any of the recent discussions about women’s hair covering. I hope to soon discuss Hirschensohn’s viewpoint at greater length, including his radically new understanding of שער באשה ערוה. I will do so as part of a larger discussion of the issue of women’s hair covering.
[7] See S.’s post here.

[8] R. Moshe Taub reminded me of Artscroll’s commentary to Deut. 34:5, which I neglected to mention in my book.
[9] I had been planning to offer one further example, but I was shown to be wrong. Let me explain: A little while ago R. Natan Slifkin had a post on werewolves, citing R. Efraim ben Shimshon’s strange comments in this regard. See here.

Slifkin earlier had written about this in his Sacred Monsters. None of this was a revelation to me since I had earlier seen the material from R. Efraim in R. Yosef Aryeh Lorincz’ Pelaot Edotekha, vol. 2, pp. 136-137. Not surprisingly, Lorincz takes this all very seriously. Readers might recall that I mentioned Lorincz’ book here. I called attention to his discussion of whether it is permitted to eat the flesh and drink the blood of demons. After this post I had a correspondence with someone who wanted to know what I thought about what Lorincz had written. I told him although I don’t know what the halakhah is in this matter, I nevertheless promise to eat the first demon that Lorincz is able to capture. I further told him that I would even volunteer to shecht it. My correspondent wasn’t seeing the comedy in this, as he thought that this was a very serious issue, that someone whom we are told to respect for his Torah knowledge could actually, in the twenty-first century, be discussing such a matter as a real halakhic problem. He was also adamant that if such a book was published by someone who taught at a Modern Orthodox school, the principal should immediately fire the author. Further correspondence revealed that he also didn’t think that anyone who believed in demons should be allowed to teach at Modern Orthodox schools.

My response to him was that I don’t think we need to get all out of shape about demons. To begin with, and readers can correct me if I am wrong, I don’t think that most people in the American haredi world really believe in demons. Yes, I know they study the talmudic passages that refer to demons, and will mention them as the reason for washing one’s hand three times in the morning, but based on conversations I have had with people in the haredi world (admittedly, most of them from the intellectual elite), I don’t think that they take it seriously. (When I say they don’t “believe” in demons, I mean real belief in the role of demons and how they affect humanity, as expressed in the Talmud and elsewhere.) It is almost like the emperor has no clothes, in that they don’t believe it but continue acting as if they do, afraid of what will happen if they are “outed”. (I have found a similar phenomenon with regard to Daas Torah. I have discussed this issue with many people in the haredi world, and have yet to find even one who accepts the version of Daas Torah advocated by so-called Haredi spokesmen and Yated Neeman.) But even if I am wrong in this, there are lots more important things to keep out of Modern Orthodox schools than an occasional reference to demons. How about the negative comments about non-Jews and even racist statements (sometimes under the guise of Torah) that children are exposed to in Modern Orthodox schools? How about rebbes telling the students that there is such a thing as spontaneous generation, which is akin to telling the students to sign up with Flat Earth society?

Getting back to werewolves, there is someone much better known than R. Efraim who refers to them, namely, Rashi. In his commentary to Job 5:23, Rashi explains that חית השדה means werewolf. (He offers the Old French, for which see Moshe Catane, Otzar ha-Loazim, no. 4208, and Joseph Greenberg, Otzar Loazei Rashi be-Tanakh, p. 211) He further adds that this is also the meaning of אדני השדה (See Kilayim 8:5). I have to admit that I was all set in this post to mention that Artscroll, which always cites Rashi’s interpretation, in this example chose to omit it. Without even examining the commentary, I was sure that Artscroll would choose to avoid mentioning anything about werewolves. Yet when I actually opened up the commentary, prepared by R. Moshe Eisemann, I was pleasantly surprised to see that he indeed tells the truth, and the whole truth, i.e.,, that Rashi was referring to a werewolf. I found something else in this volume that I didn’t expect. In an appendix he discusses whether the commentary attributed to Rashi was actually written by him. Unfortunately, Eisemann did not feel that he should inform the reader which academic sources he used in preparing this appendix.
[10] I don’t understand why Artscroll uses this word. The overviews found at the beginning of their books are actually not overviews. (Look up the word if you are not sure what it means). They should have been called what they are, namely, “introductions.”
[11] The Talmud explains sharim ve-sharot as מיני זמר, and Rashi, Eccl. 2:8, clearly based on the Talmud, explains sharim ve-sharot as מיני כלי זמר. Either Rashi’s text of the Talmud also included the word כלי , or this is how he understood the talmudic expression מיני זמר. (Literally, מיני זמר means “types of music”, and when the word כלי is added it means “various musical instruments.”)
[12] His commentary, Ta’alumot Hokhmah, is found in the standard Mikraot Gedolot.
[13] According to R. Jehiel Jacob Weinberg, the Rambam’s opinion is that kol ishah is only forbidden if one derives sensual pleasure from it. See Seridei Esh, vol. 2 no. 8.
[14] See here.
[15] See here.
[16] See here.
[17] R. Yuval Sherlo does not permit one to attend the opera, but if one is stuck in a situation, such as a soldier at a military event, then he rules that it is permissible to remain even though women are singing. See here.
[18] Conversations 12 (Winter 2012), pp. 43, 47; also available here. At the end of the article, Angel concludes: “Married women need not cover their hair, as long as their hair is maintained in a modest style. The wearing of wigs does not constitute a proper hair-covering for those married women who wish to cover their hair. Rather, such women should wear hats or other head coverings that actually cover their hair.” He also discusses hair covering on YouTube here.
[19] “Kol Ishah Bimeinu,” Tehumin 29 (2009), p. 143.
[20] See Seridei Esh, vol. 2 no. 8, and see also the helpful summary of positions available here.

[21] In support of this view, one can cite Hagahot Maimoniyot, Hilkhot Keriat Shema 3:16:
וקול אע”ג דאינה נראית לעינים הרהור מיהא איכא וכל אלה דוקא שאין רגילות להגלות אבל בתולה הרגילה בגלוי שער לא חיישינן דליכא הרהור וכן בקול לרגיל בו
[22] It seems to me that Tendler’s description of R. Moshe’s opinion is contradicted by Iggerot Moshe, Orah Hayyim 1, no. 26, Orah Hayyim 4, no. 15.

[23] For a contemporary example of an Orthodox synagogue allowing women to sing, see here.

[24] See e.g., here, here, here and here.
[25] Foundations of Sephardic Spirituality (Woodstock, VT, 2006), p. 186.
[26] Jewish Women in Time and Torah (Hoboken, 1990), p. 62. Berkovits also understood the matter of women’s hair covering in the same fashion, and did not regard it as an obligation in contemporary times (heard from Berkovits’ son, Prof. Avraham Berkovits).

[27] See here.
[28] Note the language of the Shulhan Arukh, Even ha-Ezer 21:1: ואסור לשמוע קול ערוה או לראות שערה

I don’t think anyone today assumes that there is a prohibition in seeing the uncovered hair of an ervah, if one is not sexually aroused, the reason being that we see it all the time and are thus used to it. By the same logic, if one is unaffected by hearing a woman sing, even if she is married, there should be no prohibition even according to how I explained the Ba’er Heitev. This is indeed the conclusion of R. Aharon de Toledo, Divrei Hefetz (Salonika, 1795), p. 113a:

עלה בידינו דהא דאמרי’ קול באשה ערוה היינו כשהיא הומיה ושוררת שירי עגבים ומתכווין ליהנות ממנה
However, the subsequent words of Toledo show that he only permits listening to a woman who is singing non-sensual songs on her own. He specifically forbids female songs directed towards men, as in a concert.

[29] The verse from Job is used in an Aggadic sense in Bava Batra 16a and Avot de-Rabbi Nathan, ch. 2, and then used by Maimonides in Hilkhot Issurei Biah 21:3.


ומותר להסתכל בפני הפנויה ולבודקה, בין בתולה בין בעולה, כדי שיראה אם היא נאה בעיניו, יישאנה; ואין בזה צד איסור. ולא עוד, אלא ראוי לעשות כן. אבל לא יסתכל דרך זנות, הרי הוא אומר “ברית, כרתי לעיני; ומה אתבונן, על בתולה”
Since he cites a verse from the book of Job, it appears that looking דרך זנות is only a rabbinic prohibition.
[30] Commentary on Sanhedrin 7:4. What this means is that one can look at a possible future wife and appreciate her beauty, for after all, one is supposed to be attracted to her. As we have seen already, in Hilkhot Issurei Biah 21:3, Maimonides adds a caveat. He states that is forbidden to look at an unmarried woman דרך זנות. What this means is that while one can look at and admire the beauty of a single woman (what I earlier referred to as “moderate sensual thought), one cannot leer at her, i.e., with lascivious intent.
[31] When Maimonides speaks of enjoying an unmarried woman’s beauty, I am certain that he is speaking of a Jewish woman, whom you can marry.
[32] Breuer, Modernity Within Tradition, p. 150. See Der Israelit, April 5, 1894, p. 503. See my post here, where I deal with the unsubstantiated rumor that Hirsch attended the opera. I quote from Prof. Breuer’s email to me where he writes: “When I went to the opera as a boy of 13-14 years my father [Isaac Breuer] did not express his dissatisfaction.”

[33] See e.g. here.
[34] See e.g. here.
[35] Modernity Within Tradition, p. 150.
[36] Since I am speaking about German Orthodoxy, let me use this opportunity to correct something I wrote. In Between the Yeshiva World and Modern Orthodoxy, p. 53, I record the recollection of Judith Grunfeld, “daughter of a learned German rabbi,” that she had never heard of a prohibition against women singing in front of men until she went to Poland (where she taught at the Beth Jacob school). Dr. Yitzchok Levine pointed out to me that Grunfeld’s father, while living in Germany, was actually Hungarian.
[37] Listen to his shiur from Feb. 8, 2010, available here, beginning at 48:20. Rakefet also quotes R. Aharon Lichtenstein that the Rav held that in modern times there is no obligation for married women to cover their hair. Listen to the shiur just mentioned beginning at 62 minutes. I will return to this point in a future post when I deal with R. Michael Broyde’s article on the topic.

[38] See, however, R. Hershel Schachter, Mi-Peninei ha-Rav, p. 269, that the Rav told YU students that due to kol ishah it was forbidden for them to sell tickets to the opera (presumably referring to the annual YU fundraising event). This is not necessarily a contradiction to Rakefet’s point. If the Rav felt that a woman’s singing voice was only prohibited if it was sexually arousing, who can say if that applies to the person you sell the ticket to? Perhaps that is why he told them it was prohibited.
[39] Seth Farber, An American Orthodox Dreamer: Rabbi Joseph B. Soloveitchik and Boston’s Maimonides School (Hanover, NH, 2004), p. 165 n. 19.
[40] See Zvi Alush and Yossi Elituv, Ben Porat Yosef (Or Yehuda, 2004), p. 37. See p. 408 that to this day he listens to her music, and see also the testimony to this in Or Torah, Tevet 5770, pp. 383-384. According to R. Avraham Shammah, cantors used her tunes for various tefillot, a practice that continues to this day. See here, p. 10.
[41] Contemporary Halakhic Problems, vol. 2 p. 151. One could be led to this summary by reading the conclusion of the responsum, which states as follows:

המורם מכל האמור דביודעה ומכירה אפי’ ע”י תמונה אסור לשמוע קולה בגרמפון או ברדיו, אבל אם אינו מכירה מותר, ואין בזה משום קול באשה ערוה.
However, this conclusion needs to be read in conjunction with the question as well as the summary of the answer in the table of contents, both of which are quoted in the text and clearly state that the issue is kol ishah in the context of shema and tefillah.

[42] See here.

[43] For another important limud zekhut by R. Joseph Hayyim, see here. In the newly translated text, we see that R. Joseph Hayyim believed that the practice of European Jewish women to go with uncovered heads can be justified, and is not to be regarded as sinful.



New work by Rabbi Stahl

New work by Rabbi Stahl
by Eliezer Brodt
ספר סגולה, ספר ראשון, ירושלים תשע”ב, ר’ יעקב ישראל סטל, 153 עמודים.

As previously mentioned on the blog a new work by Rabbi Yakov Stahl was just printed (for reviews of some of his earlier works see here and here). This work is called Segulah (Hard cover, 153 pp.) Sefer Segulah is a collection of articles on disparate topics, related to Minhag, Halacha, Piyyut, Midrash and Aggadah. It is an excellent collection of articles on topics not often written about in seforim, by others, full of interesting observations from an extremely rich and wide range of sources. There is a special emphasis of usage of Piyutim in many of these articles, which are still an almost untapped mine for sources. Amongst the topics discussed in this work is about an old minhag to have a rooster in front of the darshan at weddings. Another is about staring at Rainbows. Still another is an interesting, possibly new early source for the minhag to say Shirat Hayam every day in davening. There are two nice original articles related to Purim. One deals with an old minhag to read the Megillah during the Shabbasim before Purim and another deals with the Tefilah הרב את ריבנו.

This sefer was printed in a limited edition of 350 copies. A full table of contents and a sample of a chapter are available upon request.

Copies are available while supplies last for shipping; in Eretz Yisroel the price is $13.50, including shipping. To the US and England the price is $16.50, including shipping. Contact me at Eliezerbrodt@gmail.com

Copies of Rabbi Stahl’s other works are still available, such as:

ספר גמטריות לרבנו יהודה חהסיד
אמרות טהורות חיצוניות ופנימיות לרבנו יהודה החסיד
סודי חומש ושאר לתלמידי רבינו יהודה החסיד על התורה שיר השירים איוב ורות
ספר קושית לאחד מהראשונים

Copies of אלפא ביתא תניתא דשמואל זעירא ב’ חלקים by R. Shmuel Ashkenazi and edited by Rabbi Stahl are also still available for purchase. Email me for the table of contents.




?האם אמנם קבר רחל אמנו נמצא בבת לחם

?האם אמנם קבר רחל אמנו נמצא בבת לחם

נכתב ע”י משה צוריאל

Rabbi Moshe Zuriel has published numerous works in virtually all areas of Torah scholarship. The Seforim Blog is grateful that he has chosen to publish his latest essay here.

מפורסם באומה כי קברה של רחל נמצא בבית לחם. יש שם גם מבנה ומצבה המציין כך. וכך כתוב בתורה “ויהי עוד כברת הארץ לבוא אפרתה ותלד רחל ותקש בלדתה וכו’. ותמת רחל ותקבר [נפעל] בדרך אפרתה היא בית לחם. ויצב יעקב מצבה על קבורתה, היא מצבת קבורת רחל עד היום, (בראשית לה, טז-כ). שוב חזרה התורה לבאר את המיקום, בדברי יעקב ליוסף: “ואני בבואי מפדן מתה עלי רחל בארץ כנען בעוד כברת ארץ לבוא אפרתה, ואקברה שם בדרך אפרת היא בית לחם” (בראשית מח, ז). אמנם יש סתירה לכך מדברי שמואל הנביא אל שאול: “בלכתך מעימדי ומצאת שני אנשים עם קבורת רחל בגבול בנימין בצלצח” (שמואל-א י, ב). כידוע, בית לחם היא בחלקת שבט יהודה, ולא שייכת לשבט בנימין? חז”ל היו ערים לסתירה זו, ובארבעה מקומות מצאנו שיישבו הסתירה בדרך דרש [בכל המקומות חזרו על אותו פתרון], כך: בעת שדיבר שמואל עם שאול היו שני האנשים בגבול בנימין בצלצח, והם יוצאים ממקומם כמו ששאול יוצא מהמקום שנמצא בו בעת הדיבור, ויפגוש אותם בקבר רחל שביהודה (תוספתא, סוטה פי”א ה”ט; בראשית רבה פרשה פב, פסקא ט; מדרש שמואל פרק יד; ילקוט שמעוני ח”ב רמז קח-קט). והדוחק מבואר. נוסף על כך, יש סתירה גם בדבר חז”ל. בספרי (פרשת וזאת הברכה, פסקא שנב) “ר’ מאיר אומר בחלקו של בנה מתה” [כלומר בנימין] ועיין שם שהדברים עמומים. נוסף על כך, שלשה מגדולי הראשונים כותבים כי מתה רחל ונקברה בחלקו של בנה בנימין. [א] רלב”ג על התורה (בראשית לה, כ. מהד’ מוסד הרב קוק, עמ’ ריג; וכן בסוף פרשת ויחי, עמ’ רסה) קובע שהיא קבורה בחלק בנימין “לפי שכבר ידע בנבואה שהיה המקום ההוא לבניה”. ומה שהכתוב מעיד “היא מצבת קבורת רחל עד היום”, “עד היום” פרושו עד זמן נתינת התורה (שם, עמ’ ריג). [ב] גם החזקוני (שהיה בדורו של רמב”ן) על בראשית (מח, ז) סבור כי היא קבורה בחלקו של בנימין “כי ידעתי כי אותו גבול יעלה לחלק בניה, וכבודה להיות נקברת בחלק בניה” והוא מצטט מהפסוק בשמואל-א (י, ב) “ומצאת שני אנשים עם קבורת רחל בגבול בנימין”. [ג] בדברי רמב”ן מצאנו שסותר את עצמו. בביאורו לבראשית (מח, ז, מהד’ מוסד הרב קוק, עמ’ רסא) הוא כותב “ואקברה שם בדרך, כלומר בדרך אשר יעברו בה בניה (בעת שגלו מארצם בימי נבוכדנצר) ושם קברתיה לטובתה, כי היא לא מתה בדרך רק ברמה, שהיא עיר בארץ בנימין, ושם נקברה”. אבל רמב”ן סותר את עצמו, כי בביאורו לפרשת וישלח (לה, טז) מוסיף על דבריו שהעתיק דברי רש”י וחלק עליו: “זה כתבתי תחילה, ועכשיו שזכיתי ובאתי אני לירושלם, שבח לאל הטוב והמטיב, ראיתי בעיני שאין מן קבורת רחל לבית לחם אפילו מיל והנה הוכחש הפירוש הזה וכו’ וכו’. וכן ראיתי שאין קבורה ברמה ולא קרוב לה, אבל הרמה אשר לבנימין רחוק ממנה כארבע פרסאות, והרמה אשר בהר אפרים (שמואל-א א, א) רחוק ממנה יותר משני ימים. על כן אני אומר שהכתוב ש’אומר קול ברמה נשמע’ (ירמיה לא, יד) מליצה כדרך משל, לאמר כי היתה רחל צועקת בקול גדול ומספד מר עד שנשמע הקול למרחוק ברמה שהיא בראש ההר לבנה בנימין, כי איננו שם, והיא חרבה מהם לא נאמר בכתוב ‘ברמה רחל מבכה על בניה’, אבל אמר כי שם נשמע הקול. ונראה בעיני כי קברה יעקב בדרך ולא הכניסה לעיר בית לחם יהודה הקרובה שם, לפי שצפה ברוח הקודש שבית לחם אפרתה יהיה ליהודה ולא רצה לקברה רק בגבול בנה בנימין, והדרך אשר המצבה בה קרובה לבית אל בגבול בנימין וכך אמרו בספרי (זאת הברכה לג, יא) בחלקו של בנימין מתה, כדאיתא בפרשת וזאת הברכה”. עכ”ל רמב”ן. ואפשר בקלות לבאר כיצד רמב”ן שינה בדבריו. כי המאמר על בראשית (מח, ז) כתב רמב”ן בהיותו בספרד. וכאשר הגיע לארץ הקודש וראה בעיניו את מצבת קבורת רחל, החליט שהיא קרובה לבית לחם (מיל, כאלפיים פסיעות בלבד) והוסיף קטע לפירושו על התורה, בפרשת וישלח. וכדבריו “זה כתבתי תחילה, ועכשיו שזכיתי ובאתי אני לירושלים”. ונדחק רמב”ן לבאר כי חלקו של בנימין הגיע עד שם. ויש בזה קושי, כי בבית המקדש עצמו, חלקו של בנימין הגיע רק עד המזבח וצפונה. ומן המזבח דרומה הוא שייך לשבט יהודה. ומה שסבור רמב”ן שהגיעה נחלת בנימין עד קרוב למיל של בית לחם, וכמו מובלעת, היא אוקימתא. בדקנו במפה גיאוגרפית, “רמה” של בנימין היא כתשעה ק”מ צפונה לירושלים (דעת מקרא, ירמיה מ, א, עמ’ תצא) ובית לחם היא תשעה קילומטר דרומה לירושלים. ומה שהרמב”ן סבור היה שהמצבה הזו שראה בעיניו היא האמתית אין בזה שום הוכחה. כי דברי התורה “עד היום הזה” פירושו עד עת מתן תורה (כדברי רלב”ג לעיל). אותה מצבה שראה רמב”ן מי שהוא אחר הקים, ואין אנו יודעים אם ראוי לסמוך עליו. קושיא גדולה יש על הסבורים שנבוכדנצר וחייליו העבירו את היהודים הגולים לבבל בדרך בית לחם. הרי בבל היא לצפונה של ירושלים. בית לחם היא דרומה. כיצד יעלה על הדעת שהשובים האכזרים והמנצחים יסכימו להעביר את היהודים שהיו באזיקים ושלשלאות, והולכי רגל, בדרך עקומה עד לדרום, תשעה קילומטר? ומי שיציע שמדובר ביהודים תושבי חברון ובאר שבע, והם בדרכם צפונה עברו את בית לחם, עליו לענות על המקרא. מבואר בירמיה (נב, טו) שהגלה רק מתושבי ירושלים. אבל שאר האוכלוסיה בשבט יהודה בערי השדה השאיר בארץ ישראל, למען יהיו כורמים ויוגבים (שם. ועיין מלכים-ב כה, כב). נראה לומר שהפשטנים (רלב”ג, חזקוני, רמב”ן בהיותו בספרד) ידעו היטב דברי חז”ל בתוספתא, במדרש רבה ומדרש שמואל. והתעלמו מדברי דרש של חז”ל כדי לבאר פשוטו של מקרא. בכל זאת, כיצד נסביר את הפסוק המזהה, המופיע פעמיים בתורה, שיעקב קבר את רחל “ותקבר בדרך אפרתה, היא בית לחם”? אלא המלים “היא בית לחם” אינן מוסבות על מעשה הקבורה, אלא הם תואר של הדרך המובילה לאפרת, אשר בית לחם נמצא סמוך לאפרת. זאת אומרת, ודאי יעקב קבר את רחל בדרך, וסמוך לרמה, שבחלק בנימין, וכדעת ר’ מאיר בספרי. אבל הדרך ההיא מובילה לאפרת, אשר שם באפרת יש בית לחם, ולא שרחל קבורה שם. יעקב היה יכול לכאורה להביא אותה העירה (בית לחם) אבל נמנע מכך מהטעם שכתב רלב”ג (סוף פרשת ויחי, עמ’ ריג) או מהטעם שכתב רמב”ן (בראשית מח, ז, עמ’ רסב). ודאי נכון כי השבאים הוליכו את בני ישראל הגולים ליד קבר רחל, בדרכם לבבל, וכדברי רש”י (על בראשית מח, ז) המביא מדרש חז”ל על כך. אבל זה היה אי-שם מצפון לירושלים, בחלקו של בנימין, ולא ליד בית לחם דרומה לירושלים. רחל נקברה בדרך, ולא בבית לחם. ולכן אין אנו יודעים היום היכן מקום קבורתה של רחל, וכדברי רמב”ן שאין קבר מפורסם ברמה לייחס שם את מקום הקבר שלה. * מה שנוגע למלת “בעוד כברת ארץ לבוא אפרתה” (בראשית מח, ז) אמנם רש”י הביא בשם ר’ משה הדרשן כי מדובר במרחק מיל בלבד. אבל בקונקורדנציה של דר. שלמה מנדלקורן (ח”א עמ’ 530) ייחס מלת “כברת” לאחות-תאומה באשורית וענינה “גדול או הרבה”. ויש לסייע דבריו גם מדברי המקרא בשאר מקומות “ורוח כביר אמרי פיך”, (איוב ח, ב) “כביר מאביך ימים” (שם טו, י) “כשאון מים כבירים” (ישעיה יז, יב) “כזרם מים כבירים” (ישעיה כח, ב) ועוד. ופרשנות ר”מ הדרשן תמוה, שהרי יעקב אבינו בא לסלק תלונת יוסף בנו מעליו, והרי הוא מקשה על עצמו. אם המרחק הוא רק מיל, הליכה של שמונה עשרה דקות, משום מה לא התאמץ עוד קצת? אלא ודאי להיפך, בא להתנצל שהמרחק הוא רב מלהכניס אותה לאפרת.
כעת מצאתי עוד אחד מגדולי המפרשים האחרונים, הרב יעקב צבי מקלנברג (הכתב והקבלה, על בראשית מח, ז) המחלק שיש מקום הנקרא “בית לחם” והוא הנמצא בגבול בנימין, ויש מקום הנקרא “בית לחם יהודה” והוא נמצא בגבול שבט יהודה. ובחמשה מקומות הוא מתואר כך (שופטים יז, ח; פרק יט, פסוקים א, ב, יח ופעמיים באותו הפסוק). אין מלה מיותרת במקרא. משום מה להוסיף מלת “יהודה” אם לא להבחין שאין זאת “בית לחם” שבנחלת בנימין? ונ”ל סיוע לדעתו, כי מצאנו עוד מקומות בשם “בית לחם”, כמו בנחלת זבולון (יהושע יט, טו). ואפשר להביא קצת סיוע לדעת “הכתב והקבלה” מהנאמר בנחמיה (ז, כה-כז) על העולים בין שבי ציון “בני גבעון, אנשי בית לחם ונטופה, אנשי ענתות”. גבעון וענתות היו ערי בנימין (יהושע יח, כה; יהושע כא, יח). ושמא כך היא גם בית לחם המוזכרת? והיא אינה “בית לחם יהודה”. [אמנם “נטופה” היא לשבט יהודה, אבל כיון שהעולים משם היו מתי מספר, סונפו לאנשי בית לחם].




New Seforim, books, random comments and Benny Brown’s Work on the Chazon Ish

New Seforim, books, random comments and Benny Brown’s Work on the Chazon Ish.
By Eliezer Brodt

As a courtesy to our readers, below I provide a list of some new seforim and books that I recently have purchased or become aware of. Some are brand-new, others have been out already for a few months. Some of these books, will be reviewed at great length at a later date, B”n. As I note, I have copies of the TOC of some of the works mentioned here, feel free to e mail me if you want a copy of the TOC.

ספרים
1. המעשים לבני ארץ ישראל, יד בן צבי, מהדיר: הלל ניומן.
2. פסקי הרי”ד, מסכת חולין, מכון תלמוד הישראלי
3. תשובות מהר”ם מרוטנבורג וחבירו, על ידי שמחה עמנואל, שני חלקים, 1251 עמודים, איגוד העולמי למדעי היהדות, כולל מבוא של 180 עמודים. ניתן לקבל תוכן הענינים.

This beautiful new work contains 501 teshuvot of Maharam Mi-rotenburg and his colleagues. Over 300 of these teshuvot were never printed before. Many of the others were only printed once before in a rare, little-known work of Y. Kahana.

4. פתחי שערים, ר’ יצחק אייזק חבר, עם הערות.
5. ר’ צבי פסח פרנק, הר צבי על התורה השלם, שס”ו עמודים.
6. ר’ דוב וואלף ליבשיץ, [אביו היה תלמיד של ר’ חיים מוואלז’ין] פרי חיים- כולל בתוכו באר חיים באור על סידור התפילה, רוח חיים באור על קהלת, מעין חיים חלק א חידוש תורה עם תולדות המחבר ומשפחתו, 260 עמודים בערך.
7. ר’ מנחם די לונזנו, דרך חיים, אהבת שלום, כולל מבוא חשוב, מפתחות והערות, שצ”ב עמודים. I will hopefully be dealing with this work at greater length in a future post shortly.
8. ר’ ישכר טייכטאל הי”ד, משנת שכיר, מועדים, ב’ חלקים.
9. ר’ שמואל אויערבאך, אהל רחל, חנוכה פורים, קצ עמודים.
10. חידוש הגר”מ הלוי סולוביצ’יק, מהדורא תנינא.
11. פתח הדביר, ה’ חלקים על שולח ערוך אורח חיים.
12. ר’ שלמה אלפאנדארי, יקהל שלמה, מערכת וזכרונות בהלכה ואגדה, חלק א, אהבת שלום, רס עמודים.
13. ר’ אברהם בן שמואל הלוי אבן חסדאי, בן המלך והנזיר, סידרה שירת תור הזהב, עם הערות ומבוא מאת אילת עטינגר, 242 עמודים. ראה כאן
14. פירוש ר’ יצחק ב”ר יוסף על התורה, מגדולי הראשונים שבספרד, תלמיד חבר של הרשב”א, בראשית, שנט עמודים, י”ל ע”י ר’ דוד וזכריה הולצר.
15. ר’ איתם הנקין, לכם יהיה לאכלה, בירור להלכה בסוגיית חרקים במזון, 167 עמודים, ראה כאן
16. ר’ חיים הלפרין, חמדה טובה, על י”ג עיקרים, לייקוואוד, שצ”ה עמודים. ראה כאן
17. ראש יוסף על מסכת שבת, פרקים ה-ז, עם הערות מר’ אפרים בנימין שפירא, כולל הפתיחה כוללת להלכות שבת ומפתח ענינים, תקע”ח עמודים.
18. ר’ חיים לפידות, עשות פרי, במעלת חידושי תורה, כתיבתם, והוצאתם לאור עולם, תתקנד עמודים.
19. ר’ אהרן בריסק, אוצר הזמנים, בין השמשות השיטות ובירורים, תקצג עמודים.
20. ר’ עובדיה יוסף, חזון עבודה שבת חלק ד.
21. ר’ משה היילפרין, זכרון משה על פירוש רש”י ורא”ם, עם מבוא והערות על ידי, ר’ פינחס קריגער, 249 עמודים, כולל הרבה חומר שלא נדפס במהדורת פייליפ.
22. ר’ יעקב גרייזמאן, ברוך ומקודש, דיני ברכת כהנים הנוגעים לישראל המתברך, דיני מצות וקדשתו ואיסור השתמשות בכהן, רסה עמודים.
23. רבנו חיים כסאר, דרך החיים, מצות תלמוד תורה ודרכי קניינה, מכון מרא”ה, קפ עמודים.
24. ר’ מרדכי הלפרן, רפואה מציאות והלכה, ולשון חכמים מרפא,546 עמודים, [מלא חומר חשוב], ניתן לקבל תוכן הענינים.
25. מציאות ורפואה בסדר נשים, עורך ר’ מרדכי הלפרין מהדורה שניה מורחבת, 462 עמודים, ניתן לקבל תוכן הענינים.
26. ר’ משה לייטער, צום העשרי על צום עשרת בטבת, רפז עמודים.
27. ר’ יצחק טסלר, פניני מנהג, ימי חנוכה ג’ חלקים. כריכה רכה מהדורת כיס.
28. ר’ מנחם גיאת, תורת חכם, אוצר דיני תלמיד חכם, שני חלקים, 1034 עמודים.

מחקר –היסטוריה

29. בן איש חי’ תולדותיו קורתיו ומורשתו לדורות, ניתן לקבל דוגמא מהספר אצלי.
This is a beautifully album size work on the Ben Ish Hai, including many rare documents and pictures.
30. ר’ יעקב ישראל סטל, סגולה, ספר ראשון, 153 עמודים, עיונים וברורים במנהג והלכה, פיוט מדרש ואגדה, נדפס במהדורה מצומצמת של 350 עותקים בלבד. ניתן לקבל תוכן הענינים וחלק מפרק לדוגמא.
This work is a excellent collection of articles on topics not usually written about, by others, full of interesting observations from an extremely rich and wide range of sources.
31. השלשלת מאיש לספר, אבישי יורב, ב’ חלקים, ראה כאן.
32. צורה ועריכה בספרות חז”ל, אברהם גולדברג ראה כאן.
33. כרמי שלי, מחקרים באגדה ובפרשנותה מושגים לפרופ’ כרמי הורוביץ, מכון לנדר. ניתן לקבל תוכן הענינים.
34. דוד סורוצקין, אורתודוקסיה ומשטר המודרניות, קיבוץ המאוחד 443 עמודים. ראה כאן
Some of the topics, dealt with in the book, are about the Maharal, R’. Yehudah Aryeh Modena, R’. Yaakov Emden and the Satmar Rebbe.
35. חנה כשר, על המינים האפיקורסים והכופרים במשנת הרמב”ם, קיבוץ המאוחד, 212 עמודים. ראה כאן.
36. ראשית חכמה, חיבור פולמוסי כנגד חסידים, 120 עמודים, מהדירים: יונתן מאיר ושמואל ורסס י”ל פעם ראשונה מכ”י. This is a critical edition of another very early work from an anonymous author attacking Chasidim. It is unclear if it’s from a maskil or a traditionalist talmid chacham. Much of it deals with attacking the Shivchei Habesht.
37. דניאל בוארין, מדרש תנאים, אינטרטסטואליות וקריאת מכילתא, הרטמן, 319 עמודים.
38. ר’ דוב בער שווארץ, משיב דברים, רעג עמודים, מאמרים ומכתבים בעניני היסטוריה.
39. ר’ חנניה ברוין, דרכי משה החדש, תולדות המהר”ם שיק, ש”ל עמודים.
40. ר’ דב אליאך, אבי הישיבות, תולדות חייו ומשנתו של ר’ חיים חיים מוולאז’ין וסיפורה של ישיבות וולאזי’ן מהדורה מורחבת, 719 עמודים.
41. עמנואל אטקס, בעל התניא, רבי שניאור זלמן מלאדי וראשיתה של חסידות חב”ד, מרכז זלמן שזר, 495 עמודים.
42. יונתן מאיר, רחובות הנהר, קבלה ואקזוטריות בירושלים (תרנ”ו-תשח) יד בן צבי, ניתן לקבל תוכן הענינים.
43. טוב עלם: זיכרון קהילה ומגדר בחברות יהודיות בימי הביניים ובראשית העת החדשה,ספר היובל לכבוד ראובן בונפיל, ביאליק, ניתן לקבל תוכן ענינים.
44. יוסף דן, תולדות תרות הסוד העברית ימי הביניים, חלק ז, מרכז זלמן שזר,480 עמודים
45. ספר תא שמע שני חלקים, מחקרים במדעי היהדות לזכרו של ישראל תא-שמע, הוצאת תבונות, 910 עמודים, ניתן לקבל תוכן הענינים. This collection is simply incredible, full of great articles on a wide range of topics.
46. שירת רבנו תם, מהדיר יצחק מיזליש, 185 עמודים.
47. חוה קליין, מתיר העגונות, 160 עמודים חיבור על אביה, ר’ שלמה זלמן קליין
48. רוח המשפט, מיכאל אברהם.
49. תלמידי הגר”א בארץ ישראל, היסטוריה, הגות, ריאליה, עורכים: ישראל רוזנסון ויוסף ריבלין, ניתן לקבל תוכן הענינים.
50. אפרים חמיאל,הדרך הממוצעת ראשית צמיחת הדתיות המודרנית, על שד”ל רב שמשון רפאל הירש, מהר”ץ חיות, הוצאת כרמל.
51. קובץ עץ חיים גליון טז, ניתן לקבל תוכן העינים.
52. עלי ספר חלק כב אפשר לראות תוכן ענינים כאן
53. קובץ המעין, גליון 200, ניתן לראות כל קובץ כאן.
54. ספר זכרון דגל מחנה ראובן, לזכרו של רבי ראובן אליצור,תקמג עמודים.
This work is composed of a few parts. One part is a biography of R. Reuven Elitzur. There are many interesting tidbits about life Eretz a seventy years ago. R. Elitzur was the long-serving librarian in Sifrat HaRambam in Tel Aviv, and was very knowledgeable about seforim. When asked about the story of the Maharal and the Golem, he said its baloney and was made up much later (p. 312). The second part of the work is a collection of historical articles that R. Elitzur wrote in various newspapers, especially against works written by maskilim (or people whom he claimed were maskilim). Among the topics he wrote about were R. Moshe Kunitz, the Cheshbon Hanefesh and Benjamin Franklin, R. Wolf Heidenheim, R. Zalman Hanau and much more. As R. Elitzur was R. Nissim Karelitz’s chavrusa for many years, some of his articles have the approval of R. Karelitz, such as his attack on publishers for printing Kunitz’s work Beis Rabbi in the introduction of Mishnayos Zeraim. R. Elitzur also used to provide rare seforim for R Chaim Kanievsky, such as the critical edition of the Sheva Massechtos published by Michael Higger which R. Kanievsky mentions in the introduction of his work on Geirim without mentioning Higger’s name.

One last issue related to the last two items mentioned on this list; a few months back Dr. Benny Brown’s magnum opus on the Chazon Ish was printed by Magnes Press, as mentioned here on the Seforim Blog. The book sold out in two weeks – one thousand copies! It was reprinted shortly afterward and copies are still available. Shortly after the book appeared, with much surprise, various attacks began on different forums on the Web (see, e.g., here, here, here, here, here and here). One attack was written under a pen name in the Yated Neeman. Shortly afterward, a more restrained and respectful attack was published by the same author – under his real name, Yehoshua Levine, in the journal Ha-Maayan available for reading here. In the most recent edition of the Ha-Maayan Benny Brown responded, and it is available here. One issue not really dealt with in Levine’s review is that the bulk of Brown’s huge book (951 pages) is about the Halacha of the Chazon Ish, not his history, and whether Brown get that right or not. Levine claims he has an article on that part too, which has yet to be printed. If one is interested in this unpublished part of Levine’s attack e-mail me. In my opinion this part of the article needs a lot of work. As for the other parts, I will let the readers decide for themselves, but I am not at all convinced that Levine is correct in the overall picture.

One of the issues raised by Levine, and many others, was about Brown’s claim that the Chazon Ish had a religious crisis in his youth. They do not find Brown’s proof for this convincing. However, it seems that Brown is most likely correct, although one can never know to what extent this crisis was. In the above mentioned work, Sefer Zichron Degel Machaneh Reuven, they print a hesped given in Bnei Brak by R. Yakov Edelstein, a close friend of R. Elitzur. R. Edelstein also knew the Chazon Ish, and his brother is one of the Roshei Yehsiva of Ponevezh today. R. Edlestein said at this hesped, after quoting the famous Rav Hutner on stories of gedolim in their youth:

ואנשים שהתפרסמו לא נולדו ככה, הם עברו הרבה נסיונות והרבה קשיים, על החזון איש לא מספרים על הילדות שלו, על המלחמות שהיה לו בילדותו והצליח לנצח בהם. החפץ חיים סיפר על עצמו שכשהיה בחור צעיר אולי בגיל בר מצווה, כמעט שנפל במלכודת של המשכלים, שהיו תופסים ילדים בעלי כשרונות, ומתחברים אליהם ומקלקלים אותם, ואמר על עצמו שהו’ עזר לו ונתן לו שכל להיות גיבור ולעמוד בניסונות ולהינצל (ספר זכרון דגל מחנה ראובן עמ’ כג).

Another issue that Levine and others raise is that Brown did not interview any family members or close talmidim of the Chazon Ish. I wonder why there is no mention of R. Gedalyah Nadel in the book. However, a very strong defense for Brown in my eyes is found in a short article written by Prof. Saul Leiberman in the journal Bitzaron printed in 1981, which I was shocked to not see it mentioned in Brown’s book or bibliography. One of Brown’s sources throughout the book is Chaim Grade masterpiece Tzemach Atlas and Milchemes Hayetzer (printed as The Yeshiva in English, trans. by Curt Leviant). Although this book is a novelization of the people and period, almost all the details are true, including all the parts about the Chazon Ish, whom Grade knew very well as he learned and lived with him for many years. I have heard from various people that Chaim Grade had an amazing knack to really penetratingly see into people (see here for one great example). Others told me Grade was 100% on the mark regarding the Chazon Ish. One great person told me that it’s a shame that Grade was not good in learning, than he would have been able to give us a similar write up in that area too. Thus it should be seen as a fairly reliable source (with appropriate caution). Now, Saul Leiberman was a relative of the Chazon Ish, who was very close to him in both Europe and in Eretz a (see Lieberman’s small article about this in Mechkarim Betorat Eretz Yisrael pp.608-611). So he is a good person to see what he would say about Grade’s portrayal of the Chazon Ish. Lieberman writes that in 1946 his brother Meir Lieberman – as an aside this brother was much more Orthodox than Lieberman – gave him a work that he said he must read- it was from Grade. Leiberman writes:

כיצד אפשר לחסוף טובה מאדם מישראל בפרט מאחי ובשרי התחלתי על כן לקרוא בקונטרסן בחיוך, אולם מיד חשתי כי נעלם החיוך מפני ואני לובש רצינות יותר ויותר עד שהרגשתי בענן הכבד שנחת עלי הוספתי לקראו מהחל עד כלה…

Lieberman goes onto describe how he met Grade in New York and how he loved to read his articles in the paper weekly.

התחלתי לקרוא את הפרוזה בעתון ללא דילוג אף שבוע אחד, רציתי לנחש כיצד יתפתח הסיפור ומה יהיה בסופה של המעשיה. עלי להודות שלא הצלחתי בניחושי דבר שלא הייתי רגיל לו בעבודתי המדעית וחקר טכסטים…

Then Lieberman writes about Grade’s description of the Chazon Ish as follows:

כאשר קראתי את צמח אטלס נתמלאתי השתוממות לדיוק התיאורים מלבד הגיבור הראשי צמח אטלס, שהנהו דמות חזונית מרכבת מאידיאות מאליפות, הכרתתי כמעט כל הנפשות הפועולת ברומן הישיבה של גראדה…בעל המחזה אברהם [א.ב. החזון איש]… אף אחד לא היה יכול לתארם ביתר נאמנות…

For me it puts to rest the issue if Brown’s work is based on sources of people who knew the Chazon Ish. Many thanks, to Chanan Gafni for informing me about this small article of Lieberman’s.

I would like to conclude with three comments regarding Brown’s book.

One, throughout the work Brown refers the reader to the appendix of his doctorate which contains an interview that he conducted with Dr. Tzvi Yehudah. This interview is full of great material, and in my opinion should have printed as an appendix in the back of the Magnes book.

Two, in Brown’s discussion of the famous controversy on how to write the letter Tzadi, an important source not mentioned can be found in Prof. Shlomo Zalman Havlin’s article in Alei Sefer (12:13-20).

Three, Brown claims that the Chazon Ish’s writings and language shows he was familiar with haskalah literature. I have no problem with such a claim I just wanted a few actual samples.

There was another review written about Dr. Brown book by Sholomo Tikochinski printed in the latest issue of Akdamus. See also this post.

Small announcement- sale.

There is a special sale on the 11 volume set of Chaim Chamiel’s work on Targum, 100 Shekel for the complete set. Contact Reuven Mass at rmass@barak.net.il.