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Book Review: Rav Aharon Lichtenstein’s Minchat Aviv

RAV AHARON LICHTENSTEIN’S Minchat Aviv: A REVIEW
Aviad Hacohen
Minchat Aviv: Studies in Talmudic Topics (Hebrew) HaRav Aharon Lichtenstein Editor: Rav Elyakim Krumbein Jerusalem: Maggid Books and Yeshivat Har Etzion, 2014 xvi + 659 pages; source and subject indexes Available here.
A person must exert considerable effort before producing words of Torah and wisdom. Toiling in Torah can be compared to toil in working the land: one must plow and sow, irrigate and fertilize, hoe and aerate, develop and cultivate, harvest and gather. Only after one completes all these tasks and receives God’s blessing does one merit to bring the fruits of one’s labors into one’s home and fulfill with them the mitzva of ingathering. Is it any wonder, then, that of all the Torah’s commandments, and of all the holidays on the Jewish calendar, it is Sukkot, the Festival of Ingathering, that merited the designation of chag – “holiday” par excellence – and the special mitzva of “And you shall rejoice in your holiday”?
Ingathering of the Sheaves
The publication of Minchat Aviv, a collection of “lomdish” and halakhic essays authored by HaRav Aharon Lichtenstein, Rosh Yeshiva of Yeshivat Har Etzion and 2014 Israel Prize laureate for Torah literature, is cause for celebration for all lovers of Torah. For over half a century, HaRav Lichtenstein has been disseminating Torah both in Israel and abroad. Though some of his lectures have been adapted for print by students and are enjoyed by readers across the world, his written work has been relatively limited.
The eight volumes of lectures that have appeared to date under the title Shi’urei HaRav Aharon Lichtenstein testify to HaRav Lichtenstein’s breadth of knowledge and profundity in analysis. But, as is often the case when works of Torah scholarship are recorded not by the master himself, but rather by his disciples, sometimes the author’s particular “spark” is missing, both in substance and in formulation. While the lectures are unquestionably brilliant, and serve to showcase HaRav Lichtenstein’s unique style effectively, the personal electricity that one feels when learning HaRav Lichtenstein’s Torah directly from the source cannot be replicated. It is only natural that the lectures in the 8-volume series are largely limited to the Talmudic tractates that constitute the standard fare of yeshiva study, though here too HaRav Lichtenstein has left his mark. Thus, for example, one of the volumes deals with Taharot (ritual purity), while another deals with Dina De-garmi – an extraordinary phenomenon in itself in the yeshiva world.
Due to his very heavy teaching schedule, HaRav Lichtenstein has never been free to commit his teachings to writing in a systematic and consistent manner. Nevertheless, in free moments, and during the breaks between his classes, he has written on various topics. Over the years, these writings have increased in number and scope. The original articles appeared in a variety of journals, both in Israel and in the US. Only now, when HaRav Lichtenstein has reached his eighties, have these articles been gathered together and published in a single volume.
In their attempt to define the category of work known as immur, gathering, both with regard to the laws of Shabbat and with regard to the commandments relating to the Land of Israel, the halakhic authorities, both medieval and modern, took note of the nature of the labor of gathering. They understood that a sheaf is greater than the sum of its parts. A sheaf is not merely one ear of corn joined to another, but rather a new entity, of a different quality and with a different essence.
This is true in the field and equally true in the house – the house of study. Like the sheaf and like ingathering, so too the teachings of HaRav Lichtenstein. Collecting his articles in a single volume is not merely a technical act of gathering scattered items into one place, but rather a new creation. Studying the volume reveals a profound interplay of Torah and Jewish thought, of Halakha and Aggada, its various parts interconnected in different ways.
Alongside the standard issues found in the Talmudic orders of Mo’ed, Nashim and Nezikin, we find in-depth studies concerning the laws of Zera’im and the commandments relating to the Land of Israel, essays regarding matters discussed in the orders of Kodashim and Taharot and even several practical halakhic analyses. This is a book for experienced travelers in the world of Torah, but anyone who is ready to commit to reading it with the necessary concentration will profit from doing so, both with respect to the reader’s learning skills and through the expansion of the reader’s knowledge.

Cancellation of debts in the shemita Year

            An examination of the various issues dealt with in this volume shows one common characteristic: the attempt to clarify the fundamental principles from which and through which the particulars arise. For this purpose, HaRav Lichtenstein makes use of all the expanses of Halakha, from top to bottom. For example, in discussing the mitzva to cancel debts in the shemita (Sabbatical) year, HaRav Lichtenstein starts with the explicit verse in the Torah, formulated in both positive and negative terms, the meaning of which is rather obscure: “Every lender who lends anything to his neighbor shall release it; he shall not exact of it of his neighbor, or of his brother” (Devarim 15:2). What is the meaning of this mitzva and how is it fulfilled? HaRav Lichtenstein cites a disagreement among the medieval authorities. According to the Yere’im, it is not the date in itself that nullifies the debt, but rather the lender’s declaration: “I release it.” Once the shemita year ends, the lender acquires an obligation to cancel the debt. In contrast, the Or Zaru’a maintains that the passage of time, i.e., the end of the shemita year, is what cancels the debt. This also follows from the words of the Rambam: “When the sun sets on the night of Rosh Ha-shana of the eighth year, the debt is nullified” (Hilkhot Shemita Ve-yovel 9:4). Of course, the practical difference between the two positions expresses itself in a case where the lender, contrary to Torah law, fails to declare: “I release the debt.” The Ittur combines both positions and asserts that the cancellation of debts in the shemita year is governed by two parallel laws: a personal obligation upon the lender and a “Royal cancellation” by heavenly decree.
HaRav Lichtenstein does not stop here after setting each of the various opinions in its place. In light of the Rambam’s opinion, he raises a difficult question: If indeed the cancellation of debts in the shemita year is a “Royal cancellation,” what exactly is the mitzva imposed on the lender?
In typical fashion, HaRav Lichtenstein examines the Tosafot, who try to explain the matter based on the law of a firstborn animal. There is a mitzva to sanctify the animal, even though it is automatically sanctified from birth. HaRav Lichtenstein concludes that the two cases are not similar. In the case of a firstborn, the mitzva to sanctify the animal does not merely dictate a “declaration,” a confirmation of the existing situation, but rather it “necessitates a novel act of sanctification that bestows additional sanctity upon the firstborn.” As for the cancellation of debts, however, if the debt is already cancelled, the lender’s release adds nothing at all. Thus, the question remains: What is the nature of the positive commandment obligating the lender to cancel his debts in the shemita year?
Even according to the opinion that the cancellation of debts is a “Royal cancellation,” this release does not nullify the debt; it merely “freezes” it. This explains the need for the active cancellation of the debt on the part of the lender, which adds force to the borrower’s exemption from repaying his debt, and utterly severs the connection between the lender and the borrower, not just temporarily, but absolutely and forever.
Using his characteristic method of tying together seemingly unconnected areas of Halakha, HaRav Lichtenstein links the laws of a firstborn to the laws of usury, and the laws of repaying a debt to the laws of a gift, and through them and with them he builds his edifice, a tower of scholarship, perfect precision and spectacular analysis. His subtle analysis, which penetrates the very foundations of the law, uproots the common assumption. According to HaRav Lichtenstein, in contrast to the common understanding, the “Royal cancellation” does not absolutely cancel the debt, but merely weakens its force. Thus, we understand why a borrower can repay a loan after the shemita year has passed, and why the Sages are pleased when he does so: The debt was never wiped out, but merely frozen. Based on this understanding, it is clear why the cancellation must be completed by way of an active step on the part of the lender.

Intimacy in prayer

While the book is principally a volume of advanced halakhic analysis, between the lines it allows us a glimpse of HaRav Lichtenstein’s spiritual world. For example, in the chapter discussing the issue of sounding one’s voice in prayer, here and there HaRav Lichtenstein uses characteristic formulations that reflect the “man of prayer” in him: “There is an internal balance between two factors that shape the character and content of prayer, greater concentration on the one hand and a soft voice on the other.”
Although HaRav Lichtenstein generally avoids kabbalistic matters, he cites the Zohar, which states: “If a prayer is overheard by another person, it will not be accepted above,” and emphasizes, on the basis of this passage, “the intimacy and privacy of prayer, in the absence of which prayer is impaired and not accepted above.” While the analysis is strictly halakhic, the spirit of HaRav Lichtenstein’s thought, rife with emotion, penetrates the dry and meticulous preoccupation with Halakha, instilling it with flavor and endowing it with sweet fragrance.
Another example, one of many, appears in the book’s concluding essay, which concerns itself with a “routine question,” as it were, sent to HaRav Lichtenstein by his students serving in the army. The students wanted to know whether an army tent requires a mezuza.
In his usual manner, HaRav Lichtenstein does not content himself with the bottom line, with a halakhic ruling issued, as it were, by way of divine inspiration. He opens with a comprehensive clarification of the plain meaning of the verse that speaks of “the doorposts of your house,” and attempts to define the term “house,” both regarding the prohibition of leavened bread on Pesach and regarding the prohibition, “You shall not bring an abomination into your house” (Devarim 7:26). From here he moves on to the distinction between “house” on the proprietary level and “house” on the geographic and functional level – a “residence,” the place where a person establishes his principal dwelling in actual practice. HaRav Lichtenstein considers the essential distinction between the different halakhic realms: Regarding leavened bread, the “house” is not part of the fulfillment of the mitzva, but merely a circumstantial detail, the place in which the prohibition of leavened bread happens to apply. Regarding a mezuza, on the other hand, the “house” is the cheftza, the object of the mitzva, and that which obligates the mezuza’s very installation.
A practical difference, one that is mentioned already in the Talmud, and afterwards in the words of the later authorities, relates to a renter’s obligation in mezuza. If we are dealing with an obligation of the inhabitant of the house, the question of ownership is irrelevant. But even if the obligation depends on ownership, there is room to consider whether or not renting creates proprietary rights in the property, if only temporarily (see Bava Metzi’a 56b). Characteristically, HaRav Lichtenstein also discusses the different levels of obligation. Even if a
renter is not obligated to affix a mezuza to his doorpost by Torah law, it may be that he is bound to do so by Rabbinic decree.

Restoring Former glory

Here, as usual, HaRav Lichtenstein asks: What precisely was the Rabbis’ innovation? Did they expand the mitzva in such a way that even when there is no “possession,” but only “residence,” there is still an obligation to install a mezuza? Or perhaps they expanded the law of renting and established that even “temporary possession” is considered possession with respect to the Rabbinic obligation of mezuzah? From the words of Tosafot in another passage (Avoda Zara 21a), he determines that it suffices that the house “appear to be his” for one to be obligated in the mitzva of mezuza. That is to say, according to the Tosafot, we are dealing with an expansion of the idea of possession, and that even a residence that only appears to belong to the person in question suffices to obligate him in the mitzva of mezuza on
a Rabbinic level.
Still not satisfied, HaRav Lichtenstein moves on to an analysis of the concept of “residence,” examining the question whether or not a forced dwelling, e.g., a jail, or, in stark contrast, the chamber in which the High Priest resides during the week before Yom Kippur, is considered a “residence” for the purpose of obligation in the mitzva of mezuza. From here, HaRav Lichtenstein shifts gears, taking time to clarify the term “temporary residence,” e.g., living on a boat during an extended journey or in a hotel. In addition to all these considerations, it may be that the obligation to affix a mezuza to the tent does not apply to the soldiers themselves, as they are “temporary guests” in the tent, and certainly not to its owners, but rather to the community or to the army, which owns the tent/house.
In a world where people are especially meticulous about the mitzva of “making many books” (Kohelet 12:12), out of the abundance of books that inundates us, HaRav Lichtenstein’s volume stands out, as its words of Torah are built on the most solid of foundations. Amidst the cacophony of “SMS responsa,” lacking sources and reasoning and presenting their conclusions as a sort of divine fiat, Rav Lichtenstein’s essay sing out with a unique melody, one that is clear and profound, systematic and logical. HaRav Lichtenstein’s work restores the crown
of Torah study to its former glory. Between the lines, it reveals something of the author’s personality, in its moral and emotional dimensions – a personality in which Torah and wisdom, Halakha and Aggada, join together and become one.
(Translated by David Strauss)
Prof. Aviad Hacohen is Dean of Shaarei Mishpat College and author of The Tears of the Oppressed – An Examination of the Agunah Problem: Background and Halakhic Sources (New York, 2004) and Parashiot u-Mishpatim: Mishpat Ivri be-Parashat ha-Shavua (Tel Aviv, 2011).



Chapter from Y. S. Spiegel’s Amudim be-Toldot ha-Sefer ha-Ivri (Volume Three)

Yaakov Shmuel Spiegel’s
new book has just appeared, as announced here. It is titled Amudim be-Toldot ha-Sefer
ha-Ivri: Be-Sha’arei ha-Defus. The Seforim Blog is happy to present this selection from pages 84-90.
Those interested in purchasing a copy of the book should contact Eliezer Brodt
at eliezerbrodt@gmail.com
י. חכמים מעודדים כתיבה ופרסום דברי
תורה של צעירים
מן
הראוי לדעת כי היו חכמים שעודדו כתיבה תורנית של תלמידי חכמים צעירים, וראו בכך מנוף
להכשרתם לעתיד. ר’ יונה נבון רבו של החיד”א נהג כן ביחס לתלמידו, ומן הסתם כך
נהגו חכמי ירושלים באותה העת, אף שאין לנו ידיעה מפורטת על כך.[1]
מאוחר
יותר שמענו על נוהג מעין זה גם בג’רבה. ר’ כלפון משה הכהן כתב באחת מתשובותיו את
סדר הלימוד הרצוי כדי לגדל דור של תלמידי חכמים. הוא עמד גם על הדרך שבה ילמד
המורה את תלמידו לכתוב תשובות להלכה, וכך כתב:[2]
ויזרזם
לעיין בדבר ולערוך עלי גליון בכתב ידם נוסח תשובה על זה כפי מה שתקיף ידיעתם מאותם
המקורות, ולהביא איש איש מה שכתב בזה לפניו, ויקח בידו את כל הכתוב מהם, וישאל לכל
אחד מסקנתו בזה טעמו ונימוקו. וכל אחד ישיב לפניו הנראה לו בעל פה. ואח”כ
יראה אם מה שכתוב ממנו מתאים אל מה שאמר בעל פה…
גם
ממקורות נוספים אנו למדים כי בתוניס[3]
ובין חכמי הספרדים בירושלים, היה נהוג שיש ללמד את התלמידים כיצד יש לכתוב תשובות
הלכתיות. אמנם כתיבות אלו היו כתיבות פנימיות, שעברו את הביקורת של הרב. אם הרב
עבר עליהן ומצאן שהן כהלכה, יש להניח שיש אפשרות לפרסמן ברבים.[4]
דברים
בזכות הדפסת חדושי תורה של חכם צעיר שמענו מפי ר’ חיים אלעזר שפירא:[5]
שמעתי בשם גאון מובהק
וצדיק אחד ז”ל, שהיה כמה פעמים נותן הסכמות לתלמיד חכם חריף ובקי צעירי ימים
על חיבוריהם ואמר, אם כי אין החיבור נחוץ להעולם להדפיסו, אך עכ”פ ע”י
זה מלהיב ומרהיב לבבם לשבת ולעסוק בתורה בעיון לחבר החיבורים, כי בדבר שרוצים
לפרסם ולהדפיס לעיני העולם מדקדקים הרבה למצוא דרך סלולה, שלא ישיגו עליו על
חידושיו, וע”י זה מיגעים ומתמידים בתורה ביותר.
נמצא
שההסכמה אינה מאשרת בהכרח שהחידושים ראויים להדפסה. מטרתה העיקרית היא לעודד את התלמידים
שיעסקו בתורה, והמסכים סומך על התלמיד שדבריו ראויים.
על
ר’ אליהו בומבך מסופר כי דרשת הבר מצוה שלו הפליאה מאוד את השומעים, ולכן:[6]
הבחור
אליהו העלה את דרשתו על ספר, ולבקשת רבים חפץ להדפיסו ולהפיצו בישראל להנות בהם בני
אדם, ואסכים מריה על ידיה הוא אביו הגדול שהתייעץ בדבר עם אביו הה”ג[7]
מיאברוב, ונמנו וגמרו להדפיסו כליל בהדרו, למען הלהיב לבבו להוסיף אומץ בשקידה על
דלתי התורה, וגם משום קנאת סופרים תרבה חכמה, להרבות התמדה אצל בני גילו.
יא. יסוד ההיתר לפירסום ספר בגיל צעיר
ראינו אפוא שהיו חכמים שהתנגדו לפרסום ספר בגיל צעיר.
אבל יש הסבורים אחרת, והתירו לעשות זאת כפי שיבואר עתה.
במסכת עבודה זרה דף יט ע”ב נאמר:
אמר
רבי אבא אמר רב הונא אמר רב, מאי דכתיב כי רבים חללים הפילה (משלי ז, כו), זה
תלמיד שלא הגיע להוראה ומורה. ועצומים כל הרוגיה (שם), זה תלמיד שהגיע להוראה
ואינו מורה. ועד כמה, עד מ’ שנין. והא רבא אורי, התם בשוין.
האמור
בסוגיה זו שימש יסוד לקביעת גיל התמנות תלמידים לדיינים, נושא שהיה בו ויכוח גדול
בין מרן ר’ יוסף קארו לבין ר’ משה מטראני (מבי”ט), ונזקקו לו גם חכמי הדור
בתשובותיהם.[8] עמדתו של
ר”י קארו היא:[9]
וכתב
הר”ש בר צמח בסי’ קנ”ח[10]
וכן מנהג פשוט בכל קהלות תוגרמא להעמיד ת”ח בחורים שהגיעו להוראה לדין
ולהורות במקום שיש גדולים מהם בחכמה והם זקנים יותר מארבעים שנה ולא נשמע מעולם
פוצה פה ומצפצף, וכן ראיתי מורי הר”י בירב היה ממנה במקומו פה צפת תוב”ב
דיינים שלא הגיעו למ’ שנה… למדנו כי כל מי שהגיע להוראה בחכמתו אעפ”י שאינו
אלא בן י”ח שנים יורה יורה ידין ידין, וכל המעכב על ידו מעכב אותו מלעשות
מצות עשה מן התורה לדון את חבירו דכתיב בצדק תשפוט עמיתך (ויקרא יט, טו).
לאמור,
ניתן למנות דיינים גם לפני שהגיעו לגיל ארבעים.
הרדב”ז
היה בין אלה שנזקקו לויכוח, ובין שאר דבריו כתב:[11]
אבל
האידנא שכבר יש כמה הלכות פסוקות וכמה ספרים וכמה שאלות לגאונים ז”ל אם הגיע
להוראה יכול שפיר להורות מתוך הספרים אפילו בפחות ממ’, שהרי יכול לעמוד על מה
שכתוב בספרים. וגדולה [מזו] כתוב בהגהה [הגהות מיימוניות הל’ תלמוד תורה פ”ה ה”ב]
שכל פסק שאדם רואה בפירוש בספר מספרי הגאונים יכול להורות אפילו בימי רבו ואפילו
תלמיד גמור, רק לא יורה דבר מלבו ולא יסמוך על ראיותיו ולא ידמה מילתא למילתא
מדברי עצמו ע”כ… ומעשים בכל יום שהבחורים מורים הוראות ואין פוצה פה ומצפצף.
ומיום בואי פה באו אלי כמה קונדרסים מצפת תוב”ב מורים והם בחורים, ומהטעם
שכתבתי.
לאמור,
יש הבדל בין זמן התלמוד שבו הלימוד היה בעל פה, לבין זמן הגאונים ואילך שבו הדברים
נכתבים בספר. כדבריו כתב גם הרשד”ם, שאף הוא נזקק לויכוח. אלו דבריו:[12]
אמנם נראה בעיני דבר ברור, דבזמננו הרשות נתונה על כל פנים
לכל תלמיד חכם שהגיע להוראה אפילו שלא הגיע לשנים, כל עוד שלא יהיה בפני רבו מובהק,
דבזה איני רוצה לסמוך על הטעם הנזכר, כיון דחמיר כל כך דיש בו מיתה, אבל אשארא
סמכינן להורות, כיון שהחבורים הם המורים. וכל זה בתנאי שזה התלמיד בדוק ומנוסה
למעיין ומבין בתלמוד ובספרי הפוסקים והמחברים ז”ל. זה אני אומר כפי האמת ממה
שהורוני מן השמים כפי הדין החתוך, אבל אין ספק שראוי לגדור גדר בזמננו זה כי רבו
בקיעי הזמן, השועלים קטנים מחבלים כרם ה’ צבאות, היו עבדים ליצרם כל ימיהם, ובלא
דעת ותבונה ביד רמה יושבים על כסא ההוראה, ושרים לפי ערכם בחכמת התורה, ושלא היה
להם עסק אחר כל ימיהם הולכים לרגליהם כעבדים. על זאת ישתומם כל חסיד, כי אין ספק
כי בזה יצא משפט מעוקל, ושופט כל הארץ מלכנו יושיענו ויקיים מקרא שכתוב ואשיבה
שופטיך כבראשונה (ישעיהו א, כו) גו’.
לאמור,
רדב”ז ורשד”ם הסכימו אף הם שמותר להורות גם לפני גיל ארבעים אבל נימוקם
שונה מנימוקו של ר’ יוסף קארו, ויש בו חידוש. לאמור, כיום אין האדם מורה הוראה,
אלא הספרים הנמצאים בינינו הם הם המורים. לאמור, המורה מגלה לציבור את הכתוב בספר,
ותו לא. זאת כמובן בתנאי שהוא מבין את הכתוב בספר, וכמו שהדגיש זאת רשד”ם.
ר’
עובדיה הדאיה דן בנושא זה באורך רב, וכדי שלא להאריך אביא מדבריו רק מה שנוגע
לענייני ספרים:[13]
ודע
דמכל האמור תשובה מוצאת למה ששמעתי… ומעיד בגודלו שראה לכמה גאונים שקדמוהו,
שהיו מדקדקים שלא ליתן הסכמתם על ספר שו”ת אם מחברו פחות מארבעים שנה.
באופן
דהנך רואה דאין מקום לכל דברי המפקפקים הנ”ל, והוא הדבר גם על המפקפקים בענין
ההסכמות[14]
ומכל שכן לדברי מהרשד”ם והרדב”ז ודעמייהו דבזה הזמן דרבו ספרי הפוסקים והתשובות
אין התלמיד חכם המורה אלא הספר, דודאי דאין מקום חשש פקפוק בזה. דהרי כל מה שהעלה
על ספר הוא ממה ששאב מדברי הפוסקים ראשונים ואחרונים. וא”כ לא הוא המורה, אלא
הספרים שמהם שאב. וא”כ כל שניכר מספרו שהוא מעיין ומבין בתלמוד ובספרי הפוסקים
והמחברים ובעל סברה, ודאי דיכולים להסכים על ספרו בלי שום פקפוק.
מדבריו
עולה כי מותר להסכים על ספר שו”ת, שמחברו לא הגיע לגיל ארבעים. ההסבר לכך הוא
כפי שכבר ראינו לעיל. לאמור, לא החכם הוא המורה, אלא הספרים הם המורים. כמובן כל
זאת בתנאי שאנו רואים כי המחבר אכן מבין את אשר לפניו.
אלא
שבהמשך התשובה (אות כד) הרב הדאיה מסתייג קצת:
הן
אמת דכבר ראיתי להרב פנים במשפט (למר בריה דהרב פתח הדביר) בסי’ יו”ד שכתב
פקפוק זה בענין ההסכמות מגאוני אשכנז שהביא דברי הגאון מרדכי בכהמר”ר צבי
הירש ז”ל שכתב בהקדמתו לספר עמודי עולם…[15]
האמנם נראה ברור כי כל הגאונים הנ”ל תפסו במושלם להלכה כדעת מור”ם
ז”ל ביו”ד סי’ רמ”ב סל”א שפסק להדיא דאין לאדם להורות עד מ’
שנה אם יש גדול ממנו בעיר אף על פי שאינו רבו, יעו”ש. אמנם אנן בדידן שקבלנו
הוראות מרן ז”ל, ועינינו הרואות דהשמיט דין זה בשלחנו הטהור כאשר עשה
הרמז”ל בחיבורו. וגם ראינו לכל גדולי הפוסקים הנ”ל, ששתו בחלקות בין זמן
התלמוד לזמן הזה, ודאי דאין לנו לחוש לזה. ומכל שכן דיש לומר בשופי, דגם
מור”ם לא דיבר אלא בהוראה שבע”פ ומשום כבוד רב העיר דקשיש מיניה. אך אם
ההוראה היתה בכתב בדרך שו”ת ועינינו הרואות דהיא הוראה נכונה, מה מקום לחשוש
שלא להסכים עליה, ובפרט דספר שו”ת נמסר לרבנים והם כבר יכולים להכריע בדעתם
הרחבה ובבינתם אם לקרב אם לרחק, ואין שום חשש תקלה ח”ו. וכן אתה תחזה להרב
פנים במשפט שם שסיים וז”ל, מיהו חזינן לגאוני רבני ספרד דלא חשו לכך ולא
נמנעו לתת הסכמה לספר פסקים שחיבר אחד שהוא פחות ממ’ שנה. ונראה טעמם שהמרביץ תורה
לא יסמוך לגמרי על ספר אותו הפוסק, אם לא ישא ויתן בענין בכל ספרי הפוסקים והמוסכם
לדעתו מפי סופרים ומפי ספרים יורה ידין עכ”ל. ומכל שכן לפי מה שבא בנותן טעם
הרב ריח שדה ז”ל, שיש מקום לחוש לזה לרפיון התורה, בראותם כי אינם מתחשבים
הרבנים הגדולים לדבריהם, דבודאי דאדרבא דחיובא רמיא על רב העיר לחזק את ידיהם ביתר
שאת, להוסיף אומץ וחוזק בלימודם להגדיל תורה ולהאדירה, ואיתיה בזכייה, שעל ידו
מלאה הארץ דיעה, והתורה רבה בישראל, ומה’ יפיק רצון, ועליו תבא ברכת טוב, אמן.
שומע
אתה מדבריו, כי נכון הוא שהיו רבנים אשכנזיים שמיאנו לתת הסכמה על ספר שמחברו לא
הגיע לגיל ארבעים, וזאת בהסתמך על דברי הרמ”א. אבל חכמי הספרדים אינם פוסקים
כמותו, אלא כמרן בשולחן ערוך שלא הזכיר את המגבלה של גיל ארבעים, ולכן חכמי
הספרדים הסכימו על ספרים שמחברם צעיר.
ברם,
הרב הדאיה מחדש שאפשר שגם הרמ”א יסכים לכך, כיון שהאיסור של גיל ארבעים חל רק על הוראה בעל פה. מה עוד שיש חשיבות לעודד
מחברים צעירים, כדי להגדיל תורה.
בדומה
לכך כתב גם ר’ עובדיה יוסף:[16]
ולפ”ז
כיון שאין לנו הגבלה של ארבעים שנה לענין הוראה, כל שהגיע להוראה, וכדתנן אל תסתכל
בקנקן אלא במה שיש בו [אבות ד, כ]. מעתה גם בחיבורים ופסקים אין לנו להגביל הזמן
שלא להדפיס עד מ’ שנה. ואף על פי שיש לחלק בין הוראה לשעתה ובמקומה, לחיבורים
המתפרסמים בכל תפוצות ישראל להבין ולהורות לשעה ולדורות, מ”מ אין לנו שום
יסוד מוסד לאסור בזה, מאחר שהמחבר הגיע להוראה ע”פ עדות גדולי הדור אשר יתנו
עדיהם ויצדקו. ואף על פי שהרמ”א ביו”ד (סי’ רמב סל”א) כ’ שאין לאדם
להורות עד ארבעים שנה. ע”ש. [וע”ע בתשובת המבי”ט סי’ רפ[17]].
אנן בדידן בתר הוראות מרן אזלינן. ובפרט שהעיד בגדלו שכן המנהג פשוט וברור, ומעשה
רב של רבו הגאון מהר”י בי רב. וכנ”ל. ואף להרמ”א י”ל דשאני
דין מחבר ספר בהלכה להפיצו ברבים, דיהיב דעתיה טפי לעיין היטב בספרי הפוסקים לבל
ימצא שם בדק, ואינו דומה למורה הוראה ומשיב לשואלו דבר בדרך הוראת שעה, שיש מקום
לחוש פן לא יעיין היטב בהלכה וידמה מילתא למילתא, בעוד שרב המרחק ביניהם, ויהי בכזיב
בלדתה אותו.[18]
לאמור,
לדעת חכמי הספרדים, אם ניתן למנות דיין שלא הגיע לגיל ארבעים ודאי שניתן גם לחבר
ספר לפני גיל ארבעים.[19]
אמנם לדעת חכמי האשכנזים, שיש הגבלה של גיל ארבעים למינוי דיינים, יש מקום לטעון
שאולי אין לחבר ספר לפי גיל ארבעים. ברם לדעת ר”ע יוסף, אדם המחבר ספר הרי
חזקה עליו שהוא בודק בעומק את דבריו טרם שיפרסמם. בזה הוא עדיף ממורה הוראה, שצריך
להשיב כמעט באופן מיידי. עדיפות זו של מחבר ספר היא הנותנת לו היתר לפרסם ספר גם
לפני גיל ארבעים.
אלא
שבהמשך הדברים סייג ר”ע יוסף מעט את דבריו:
וא”כ
גם לענין חיבורים ופסקים יש להקל להדפיסם ולהגדיל תורה ולהאדירה, ועל צד היותר טוב
יודיע המחבר בהקדמתו שלא יסמכו על חיבורו לפסוק ממנו למעשה כי אם אחר העיון היטב.
אבל להמנע מלהדפיס מכל וכל, היא חומרא המביאה לידי קולא, שכמה הפליגו חז”ל
בעונש מי שמונע בר (סנהדרין צא סע”ב).
ר”ע
יוסף לא הדגיש בדבריו עד עתה באיזה ספר מדובר, והדעת נותנת שכוונתו היתה לכל ספר
תורני. אכן ביחס לספר הלכתי נוספה עתה הסתייגות מסויימת. לעומתו, ר”ע הדאיה
ציין בדבריו במפורש שהוא מדבר על ספר שו”ת, ואפשר שרק לגביו התיר פרסום בגיל
צעיר. מכל מקום הצעתו של ר”ע יוסף שיש להודיע כי אין לסמוך על החיבור לפסק
הלכה, דומה שהשפיעה על מחברים רבים כפי שנראה בהמשך.
גם
ביחס לאשכנזים הביע ר”ע יוסף בהמשך תשובתו הסתייגות מסויימת:
ומעתה
נראה דעכ”פ לחבר ולהדפיס חיבורים בהלכה בדיני ממונות אף להרמ”א ודעימיה
יש להקל גם בפחות מארבעים שנה. ואף על פי שעדיין יד הדוחה נטויה לומר שבהדפס
חיבורים בהלכה גרע טפי, כי הדבר נשאר לדורות עולם, ויורו המורים שאינם בקיאים
לעמוד על שרש הדברים ועיקרם, ועי”ז רבה המכשלה, מכל מקום כיון שלא כל חכם
מצוי לפסוק דיני ממונות רק הבקיאים בש”ס ופוסקים, וברוח מבינתם יעמדו על דברי
המחבר היכונו דבריו אם לא, ומה גם שכל זה לאחר קבלת ההסכמות מגדולי הדור שיודעים
ומכירים המחבר בחכמתו ויראתו, לכן אין לחוש לזה כלל. ומצוה קעביד להגדיל תורה
ולהאדירה.
בין
חכמי האשכנזים[20] מצאתי
התייחסות לנושא בדברי ר’ יוסף ליברמן, ואביא את מסקנתו:[21]
להדפיס
דברים הנוגעים להלכה יש להמנע עד היותו בגיל מ’ שנה, ואם כתב לפני כן ורוצה
להדפיסם אחרי כן בהיותו כבר בן מ’, צריך לעבור עליהם עוד פעם, דאם לא כן מאי אהני
שמדפיס אח”כ, אדרבא עוד גרע דמטעה הבריות שאינם יודעים שמשנות ילדותו הם. וצעיר
הרוצה להדפיס צריך ת”ח מבוגר בן מ’ לעבור עליהם בעיון. אבל כל זה רק במי
שמעצמו מברר ופוסק הלכה מראיות וסברות שלו, ואין בכלל זה מחברי ליקוטי הלכות מדברי
פוסקים קודמים, כגון ספרי “כהלכתו” של דורינו שאינם אלא מאספים דברי
קודמיהם, באלה אם רבני גאוני הזמן יסכימו שהמחבר הולך ישר וראוי לכך הרי הם מזכי
הרבים.
ר’
נתן גשטטנר סבור אחרת. אלו דבריו:[22]
הרי
חזינן עד כמה חרדו גדולי עולם אלו זכר צדיקים לברכה שלא לפרסם פירות בוסר הנוגעים
להלכה, ומכל שכן ספרי לקוטים של הלכות פסוקות אשר יד הכל ממשמשים בהם ואינם
מיועדים דוקא לתלמידי תכמים היודעים להבחין בין תכלת לקלא אילן, הרי ודאי שאינו
ראוי לעסוק בכאלה אלא לתלמיד חכם מופלג שהורגל לעיון והתעמקות שנים רבות, ואף
שתקנת גאוני פראג[23] נראה שלא
נתפשטה, דהא עינינו הרואות שהרבה גדולים הבאים אחריהם הדפיסו ספריהם בהלכה טרם
שמלאו להם ארבעים לבינה, ואף הגאונים הללו לא תקנו זאת אלא בקהלתם וכמבואר בלשון
הכרוז “ראינו לתקן תיקון בקהלתינו”. אבל עכ”פ ניתן ללמוד מדבריהם
הקדושים כי לאו כל הרוצה ליטול את השם יבוא ויטול, ואין ראוי לעסוק בפרסום הלכות
הנוגעות למעשה אלא לתלמידי חכמים בעלי עיון שדעתם נתיישבה עליהם.
גם
נראה דעיקר הקפידא היתה שלא להדפיס קודם שנת הארבעים בירורים הלכה למעשה, אבל
לענין הדפסת ספר של ביאורי סוגיות ופלפולא דאורייתא, שאינו בא להסיק ולפסוק הלכה,
הנה בזמן הזה של עוקבתא דמשיחא שנתקיים בנו אמרם (סוטה מט:) חכמת סופרים תסרח
ויראי חטא ימאסו והאמת תהא נעדרת… ודאי שחיוב גמור על השרידים אשר ה’ קורא,
תלמידי חכמים צעירים העוסקים בתורת ה’, להפיץ מעייני חכמתם חוצה, ויש בכל ספר
שמחברו הוא ירא שמים ישר הולך משום קידוש שם שמים ברבים, להראות לעיני עם הארץ כי
לא פסקה אהבת התורה מישראל… ואדרבה חשיבות גדולה היא לעורר ולעודד את צעירי הצאן
לחדש חידושין דאורייתא ולכתבם עלי גליון וגם לפרסמם בדפוס, אבל בתנאי שהדברים הם
פרי עיון והעמקה ויגיעה בגופי תורה.
העתקתי
חלק ניכר מדבריו, כדי שהמעיין יראה מה בינו לבין ר”י ליברמן.

[1]       ראה על
כך מ’ בניהו, רבי חיים (לעיל הערה 35), עמ’ יא-יב.
[2]       שו”ת
שואל ונשאל, ח”ה, יו”ד סי’ קיט. הוא חזר על כך במקומות נוספים. ראה
בספרו ברית כהונה, ג’רבה, תש”א, או”ח מערכת ל, אותיות טו (שם גם ציין
למקומות נוספים שבהם חזר על דבריו), טז.
[3]       ראה ר’
מאיר מאזוז (נאמ”ן), דרכי העיון, בני ברק, תשע”ב2, דפים
קנח-קס, ואף שמדובר שם בג’רבא, שלא היה לה כל כך קשר לתוניס, בכל זאת המחבר כתב
בראשית דבריו כי הוא מדגים את דרך “העיון התוניסאי”, וראה גם דבריו בדף
קנח ע”ב ד”ה נעבור.
[4]       הנה
החיד”א בשו”ת חיים שאל ח”א סי’ סג הדפיס תשובה של רבו, ואחריה סי’
סד הדפיס את תשובתו שבה דן בדברי רבו, ולפי מ’ בניהו, רבי חיים (לעיל הערה 35),
עמ’ יא, הערה 24, החיד”א היה אז בן חמש עשרה-עשרים שנה.
[5]       דברי
תורה, ירושלים, תש”מ, ח”ו, אות מה.
[6]       ראה
לעיל הערה 118, בתולדות המחבר (אין ציוני דפים).
[7]       הרב
הגאון, הרב הגדול.
[8]       על
הויכוח ראה מ’ בניהו, ‘האסכולות של המבי”ט ושל מרן רבי יוסף קארו וההתכתשות
ביניהן’, אסופות, ג (תשמ”ט), עמ’ טז-כד, ובספרות שם, וחזר על כך בספרו יוסף
בחירי, ירושלים, תשנ”א, עמ’ מח-נג. באור ישראל סד (תשע”ב), עמ’ לד-לו,
נדפסה תשובתו של ר’ מרדכי הענא מכתב יד בעניין זה.
[9]       שו”ת
אבקת רוכל סי’ רא. תשובה זו אנונימית, אבל כבר קבעו כי היא של ר”י קארו, שהרי
הוא מזכיר בה את ספרו בית יוסף.
[10]     לפנינו
נמצא כן בתשב”ץ, ח”א, סי’ קנט.
[11]     שו”ת
רדב”ז, ח”ו, סי’ ב אלפים קמז.
[12]     שו”ת
רשד”ם, חו”מ, סי’ א, מהד’ ר”ד אביטן, ירושלים, תשס”ח, דף ח
ע”א.
[13]     שו”ת
ישכיל עבדי, ח”ב, חו”מ, סי’ א, אותיות כב, כג.
[14]     כדאי
לציין: הרב הדאיה סבור שההסכמות בדורנו אין להן כל תוקף, כיון שברור שהמסכים לא
עבר על כל הספר אלא המסכימים “סומכים על חזקה על חבר שלא יוציא מתחת ידו דבר
שאינו מתוקן, וגם סומכים על המעיין שבדעתו הרחבה יכול להכריע אם לצדק אם לשבט ולכן
אין שום צורך בהסכמות, ולא נצרכה אלא לברכה”. כך כתב בהסכמתו לספרו של
ר”מ מימון, הלכה למשה, ירושלים, תשי”ח.
[15]     הבאנו את
הדברים לעיל, ראש סעיף ו.
[16]     שו”ת
יביע אומר, ח”ד, חו”מ, סי’ א.
[17]     שורה זו
במקור.
[18]     מליצה על
פי בראשית לח, ה: והיה בכזיב בלדתה אותו. כלומר, המורה הוראה יכול לטעות.
[19]     ר’ אברהם
יקותיאל אוהב ציון, שו”ת יעלת חן, ח”א, ירושלים, תשס”ט, בהקדמה
שערי ח”ן, דף א ע”ב, כתב שאם חיבר את התשובות בהתיעצות עם חבריו, ניתן
לפרסם אותן לפני שהמחבר הגיע לגיל ארבעים.
[20]     על פי מה
שכתב ר’ צבי יברוב, מעשה איש, בני ברק, תשנ”ט, ח”ב, עמ’ ע-עא, עולה כי
החזון איש תמך בהדפסת ספר בגיל צעיר ואילו רז”ר בענגיס התנגד לכך.
[21]     משנת
יוסף, שבעים דרשות ומאמרים, ח”א, ירושלים, תשנ”ח, מאמר ז, עמ’ פז.
[22]     שו”ת
להורות נתן, חי”א, סי’ צג, אותיות ז-ח.
[23]     על תקנה
זו נעמוד לקמן בסעיף יב.



New Book Announcement: Amudim be-Toldot ha-Sefer ha-Ivri (Volume Three)

New Book
Announcement: Amudim be-Toldot ha-Sefer ha-Ivri (Volume Three)
By Eliezer
Brodt
I am very
happy to announce the recent publication of an important work, which will be of
great interest to readers of the Seforim blog. The third volume of, Amudim
be-Toldot ha-Sefer ha-Ivri
by Professor Yaakov Shmuel Spiegel, of Bar-Ilan
University’s Talmud department.
As I have
written in the past, Professor Spiegel is one of the most prolific writers in
the Jewish academic scene, authoring of over 160 articles and 18 books (16 of
those are publications for the first time of works which remained in
manuscript).  Many suspect he possesses Hashbot
Hakulmos
(automatic writing).
His
articles cover an incredibly wide range of subjects related to many areas of
Jewish Studies, including history of Rishonim, piyutim authored by
Rishonim, bibliography and minhaghim, to name but a few. His uniqueness
lies not only in the topics but also that his work has appeared in all types of
publications running the gamut from academic journals such as Kiryat Sefer,
Tarbiz, Sidra, Alei Sefer, Assufot, Teudah, Kovetz
Al Yad
and also in many prominent Charedi rabbinic journals such a Yeshurun,
Yerushasenu, Moriah, Sinai and Or Yisroel. It is
hard to define his area of expertise, as in every area he writes about he
appears to be an expert!
He has
edited and printed from manuscript many works of Rishonim and Achronim on Massekhes
Avos and the Haggadah Shel Pesach. He is of the opinion, contrary
to that of some other academics, that there is nothing non-academic about
printing critical editions of important manuscript texts. Although there is a
known “belief” in the academic world, “publish or perish,” which some claim is
the cause of weak articles and books, at times, Spiegel’s prolific output does
nothing to damper the quality of his works. Another point unique to Speigel’s
writings, besides his familiarity with all the academic sources, he shows great
familiarity with all the classic sources from Chazal, Geonim, Rishonim and
Achronim, to even the most recent discussions in Charedi literature – this bekius
(breadth) was apparent well before the advent of search engines of Hebrew books
and Otzar Ha-hochmah. Alongside all this is his penetrating analysis and
ability to raise interesting points.
Some of
these articles were collected into a volume called Pischei Tefilah u-Mo’ad,
which was reviewed a few years back here
on the seforim blog. This volume is currently out of print.
One of
Professor Spiegel’s main areas of interest has been the History of the Jewish
Book. He has written numerous articles on the subject and even published
two books on this topic in a series called Amudim be-Toldot ha-Sefer ha-Ivri.  Volume one was first printed in 1996 and is
called Amudim be-Toldot ha-Sefer ha-Ivri: Haghot u-Maghim. It was
reprinted with numerous additions in 2005 (copies are still available). It was
reviewed by Dan Rabinowitz and me, a few years back here
on the Seforim Blog.
The second
volume is called Amudim be-Toldot ha-Sefer ha-Ivri; Kesivah Vehatakah.
This volume is currently out of print and will hopeful be the subject of a book
review by Dan Rabinowitz and myself in the next few months.
I think
that anyone who has an interest in the Jewish Book will enjoy this work
immensely.
In the near
future I hope to review this work in depth. Next week the blog will feature
some sample pages of this new work.
For a short
time I will be selling copies of this work for $32. The price includes airmail
shipping (to the US UK or Canada). Copies are also available at Biegeleisen.
For more information about purchasing this work, feel free to contact me at
Eliezerbrodtatgmail.com
To get a
sense of what exactly this new book is about, I am posting the Table of Contents
here:




The Creative Craftsman: Adorning The Torah, One Crown At A Time

The
Creative Craftsman: Adorning The Torah, One Crown At A Time
By Olivia
Friedman
Olivia Friedman received
her M.A. in Bible from the Bernard Revel Graduate School of Jewish Studies.
Based in Chicago, she is a Judaic Studies teacher, tutor, writer, and lecturer
and can be reached at oliviafried-at-gmail-dot-com.
It’s not surprising that
there are many overlooked biblical commentators. However, R’ Zalman Sorotzkin’s is one who ought to be rescued from relative obscurity. Sorotzkin’s biography and
tumultuous history helped shape his unique outlook upon Tanakh. His vision and
appreciation for cultural context allows readers access to the text via the
road of personal relevance. His biblical commentary’s contemporary resonance
will recommend him to modern day Jews in particular.
Biography
Born in 1881 in
Zachrina, Lithuania (Sofer), he was influenced by his father, R’ Benzion, a man
who spent much of his time learning Torah and bringing others closer to God
(Anonymous 4). A brilliant orator, R’ Benzion had the ability to move people to
tears. This last extended even to his son, whom he always cautioned, warning
him that if he did not shed tears when he prayed the words ‘And light up our
eyes with Your Torah’ he would not be successful in his studies that day
(Anonymous 4). R’ Benzion’s wife, Chienah, was the daughter of the sage and
kabbalist R’ Chaim who wrote the work Divrei
Chaim
on the Torah (Anonymous 4). Born to two such illustrious people, it
was hardly surprising that Zalman, a young prodigy, applied himself to his
studies. He learned in his father’s house and then in the famous Slobodka
yeshiva alongside the esteemed R’ Moshe Danishevsky, choosing later to study in
Volozhin under R’ Raphael Shapiro (Anonymous 4).
            Zalman
created a name for himself due to his diligence and success in his studies; his
reputation spread throughout the land and even reached Telz. Rabbi Eliezer Gordon,
Dean of Telz, gave R’ Zalman Sorotzkin his daughter’s hand in marriage. Her
name was Sarah Miriam. Once married, Sorotzkin chose to learn in seclusion for
many years in Volozhin, after which he returned to Telz because the yeshiva had
burned down. He accepted the position of principal in order to rebuild the
yeshiva, a mission he successfully completed (Anonymous 5). Upon the death of
his father-in-law, he was invited to Voronova, which is situated between Lidda
and Vilna, to be the spiritual leader and Rav. R’ Zalman accepted the offer and
immediately set his sights upon recreating the city. At this time he also
became good friends with R’ Chaim Ozer Grodzinski, who lived nearby in Vilna
(Sofer). As soon as R’ Zalman came to Voronova, he made a yeshiva for young
students and did his utmost to forge strong relationships with the community
members, who saw him as a mentor, teacher and spiritual guide (Anonymous 5).
            When
he had completed his task in Voronova, R’ Zalman determined to move to Zhetel,
where he focused on important work such as constructing its Talmud Torah
(Sofer) and offering support in the areas of financial upkeep of the home.
Sorotzkin was never divorced from the reality of everyday living or hardships
within the Jewish communities. Indeed, such hardship and misfortune struck him
as well. Upon the arrival of World War I, he and his family were forced to flee
and escape to Minsk (Sofer).[1]
His name having preceded him, upon his arrival he immediately utilized his time
and energy in serving the people of the community, specifically working to
ensure that as many rabbis and Torah students as possible could be spared from
conscription to the Russian army (Anonymous 5).[2]
Sorotzkin traveled to St. Petersburg and due to his connections with General
Stasowitz, “managed to procure ‘temporary deferments’ for hundreds of rabbis
who were not recognized by the Polish government” (Sofer). Due to a mistake on
General Stasowitz’s part, these deferments remained in effect throughout the
entire period of the war. R’ Sorotzkin also spoke and offered words of
encouragement and praise to the Jews of the community; he was known to possess
a golden tongue (Anonymous 5).
            After
the war was over, Sorotzkin returned to Zhetel briefly. Due to his fame and
abilities, he was courted as potential Rav by many different communities; in
1930, he finally determined to head the community of Lutsk. He transformed the
community, working to ensure that the schools and yeshivot were of top quality
(Sofer) while also focusing on national matters. He was appointed by R’ Chaim
Ozer Grodzinski to head the Committee for the Defense of Ritual Slaughter, as
Poland had determined that halakhic ritual slaughter was cruel. When the law
against ritual slaughter was passed, R’ Sorotzkin countered by “placing a ban
on meat consumption” (Sofer). Three million Polish Jews no longer purchasing
meat was enough to cause cattle-owners to place pressure upon the government, who
then cancelled the decree. When the Polish government decided to establish an
elite rabbinate, one of those chosen was R’ Zalman Sorotzkin (Anonymous 6).
            Upon
the outbreak of World War II, the Soviet authorities planned to arrest R’
Zalman Sorotzkin (Anonymous 6). Thus, he and his family were forced to flee to
Vilna, where R’ Chaim Ozer Grodzinski “instructed him to immediately attend to
the needs of the yeshivas” (Sofer). It was only once Vilna was taken over by
the Bolsheviks that Sorotzkin and other escapees began a long, arduous journey
to Israel (Anonymous 6). They were helped by the sages and rabbis in America.[3]
            Despite
the many tragedies that had occurred in his family (the loss of his only
daughter, his son, his father-in-law and grandchildren during World War II), R’
Zalman Sorotzkin remained undeterred and threw himself into communal
obligations once more. He created a Vaad HaYeshivos in Israel similar to the
one that had existed in Vilna. Its first task was to “provide a financial base
for the yeshivas” (Sofer). When Agudas Israel was organized in Israel and the
Moetzes Gedolei HaTorah [Council of Torah Sages] was formed, the Gaon R’ Isser
Zalman Meltzer was appointed and R’ Sorotzkin was chosen to assist him. After
R’ Isser Zalman Meltzer passed away, R’ Sorotzkin took over the position as
head of the Moetzes Gedolei HaTorah himself (Anonymous 7).
            When
the Israeli government decided to start government-structured education and do
away with certain aspects of Judaic education that had existed until then, the
Moetzes Gedolei HaTorah banded together in order to create a chain of schools
that would accord with their views on education (Anonymous 7). The plan by the
Israeli government was to create three different streams of education- “one for
general Zionism, one for Labor-oriented Zionism, and one for the Mizrachi”
(Sofer). Later, the government wished to reduce these streams to two- “a
secular state system and a religious state system” (Sofer). This was not
something the Moetzes Gedolei HaTorah could support; they had very particular views
regarding Jewish education and having their curriculum approved or managed by
the government was unacceptable. They therefore created the Chinuch Atzmai
initiative.[4] R’ Zalman
Sorotzkin took over leadership for this project and put much effort into it. He
started many schools while simultaneously recording his novel insights into
Torah, publishing several works, including Aznayim
L’Torah,
his commentary on the Torah, Moznayim
L’Torah
, his commentary on the festivals, and HaDeiah v’HaDibur, which focuses both on Torah and the festivals.
Having dedicated his life to the betterment of circumstances for the Jewish
people, he passed away on the 9th of Tamuz 5726 (1966).
Masterwork
            One
of R’ Zalman Sorotzkin’s seminal works – perhaps the seminal work – was his Aznayim
L’Torah
[Ears for the Torah]. His introduction to the work, printed in
front of his commentary to Genesis, contains his personal outlook on life and
an explanation of what inspired him to write this commentary. He begins by
noting the distinction between simple praise and the higher level of praise and
thanks. Praise is offered when someone does a positive action in a normal or
traditional manner. But the higher level of praise and thanks occurs when
someone does something in an unusual way, where they are coming from a place of
love and compassion. Sorotzkin argues that all of the Jews who were blessed and
gifted with survival after the horrors of World War II need to thank God for
their salvation. All the more so does this apply to those who were lucky
enough, like himself, to make their way to the land of Israel.
            Sorotzkin’s
humility is demonstrated by his passionate belief that he, his wife and his
family are so insignificant in relation to the many other people who perished
in the Holocaust. “Who am I and who is my household that You saved us?” he
questions God. He explains that he feels truly blessed that he was able to see
his books in print and come to Israel where he could serve God. Then,
shockingly, he also blesses and praises God with regard to all the horrors that
had been visited upon him. Despite the fact that many of his family members
perished in the Holocaust, he chooses to see this as the will of God and thinks
that he too has a portion in their blood of atonement. He wholeheartedly
believes that God will be good and avenge their blood and that because of this
physical death they have all earned eternal life.
            At
this point in the introduction, R’ Sorotzkin begins to delineate the sources
and motivations for his commentary. There are four of them. First, he credits
his rebbe, who taught him Chumash [Bible] and accustomed him to review it
diligently. There were times that R’ Sorotzkin reviewed an entire book of the
Five Books in a day, and completed all five within the week. Due to this wide
exposure to Tanakh, R’ Sorotzkin was given a wonderful background off of which
to compose speeches and to find answers to the problems of life within the
Torah.
            Second,
he credits his son. He desired to fulfill the commandment of V’shinantam l’vanecha [and you shall
teach/ make it sharp for your son] for at least one day a week without making
use of a shliach [agent]. Thus, he
accustomed himself to learn the portion of the week on the Sabbath with his
son, doing his utmost to plant the seeds for love of Torah and fear of God. His
son had many excellent questions and R’ Sorotzkin explains that he learned a
lot from his son, who would offer
lots of novel insights to him.
            Third,
R’ Sorotzkin was not limited to learning with his son but also learned with
many other people. He explains that throughout his career in Lutsk, Zhetel and
Voronova and continuing to Jerusalem, he would give over short speeches and
lectures themed as pertaining to Torah. In this way he created flowers and
adornments for the section of the week, beautifying it and making it holy. He
tried to find connections between the Written Law and the Oral Law in order to
truly connect with and reach other people.
            Fourth,
R’ Sorotzkin was bothered by all the troubles that beset the Jews- decrees,
wars, a time of destruction, leaving religion, breaking educational boundaries
and exile. He therefore decided to write a commentary that would speak to the
times and address the issues of the generation, trying to show his beleaguered
people that the light of God that comes from understanding the Bible and
Prophets may illuminate their lives as well.
            R’
Sorotzkin writes that he looked over his lifework a number of times before
publishing it, adding sections and subtracting others until he felt that he had
truly created his masterwork. He specifically chose the name Aznayim L’Torah because it reflected the
essence of the work- this demonstrates his own experience in listening to the
messages the Torah conveys as well as the way in which the book was formed,
through listening to the ideas and insights of others (such as his students).
Perhaps the most important aspect of Sorotzkin’s work was his clear desire to
enable it to be accessible to all. He offers a guide as to what many different
members of society will be able to discover within its covers. Rabbis and
scholars will appreciate finding the words of our sages and other interwoven
concepts in clear and concise language. Teachers will find explanations and
clarifications in accordance with the simple understanding of the text and
ideas that will enter into the minds of their students. Learned people will
find new insights and explanations, specifically words that are accepted into
the heart. In this way, his commentary aims to be useful to and appreciated by
all.
            Sorotzkin
explains a stylistic choice he made regarding his utilization of the words
‘Maybe’ or ‘Perhaps’ throughout his commentary. He explains that he wrote his
commentary keeping the adage of the Tosfos Yom Tov in mind (Brachot 85: 44)
that it is permissible to offer explanation and commentary on the Torah only
via the method of explicating the simple understanding or a more complicated
understanding so long as one does not claim this is the final and inarguable
mode of comprehending the text. Sorotzkin explains that his commentary reflects
his thoughts and the reader is welcome to take them or leave them; he
understands that there are seventy facets to the Torah and the reader should
feel free to choose whichever snippets of his commentary speak most to him.
            Sorotzkin
concludes by dedicating his work to the memory of his father and mother, whom
he praises and admires, and thus begins the reader’s journey into the mind and
methods of a nobly intentioned man.
Examples of Sorotzkin’s Unique Approach Via Deuteronomy
What Sets Deuteronomy Apart
            Sorotzkin
begins his commentary to the Book of Deuteronomy by noting the distinct
differences between this book and the other four books of the Torah. The other
four books are linked to Genesis and appear to be one Torah, but this work
begins with the words ‘These are the words’, making it stand alone. It even has
its own title, he explains- that of Mishnah Torah. The second distinction
appears in the way the narrative is told over. Throughout the rest of the
Torah, lashon nistar – secretive or
hidden language- is utilized. Events are told over in the third person: ‘And
God spoke to Moses.’ In contrast, here much of the book is recorded in the
first person. Third, the content of Deuteronomy is quite different: it seems to
be review of precepts formerly discussed in the other works alongside rebuke
and chastisement. Fourth, aside from the title Mishnah Torah, the work has
another name, Sefer HaYashar [The Book of the Righteous] which also requires
explanation.
            Sorotzkin
argues that the entire Torah is from God and anyone who suggests that even one
verse was written by Moses of his own initiative is incorrect. If so, however,
why are there all the aforementioned distinctions between this work and other
works? R’ Zalman explains that it would have been difficult for a generation
steeped in idolatry to serve God appropriately, which was part of the reason
that God decreed that the generation had to stay in the desert for forty years,
during which time its children could grow up knowing only God and unfamiliar
with idols and other forms of impurity. Moses wished to ensure that this second
generation would not sin and thus wanted to paint a vivid picture of all that
had transpired in order to warn and guide them so that when they crossed the
Jordan they would not be lost. Sorotzkin cites the Abarbanel who explains that
first Moses spoke these words and afterwards God gave him leave to include them
within the Torah. Thus, the fact that they were written within the
authoritative text was not of his own initiative. Due to this work’s emphasis
on reviewing the commandments and offering rebuke, it was entitled Mishnah
Torah.
            Yet
why was it entitled Sefer HaYashar? This is due to the verse in Deuteronomy 6:
18, ‘And thou shalt do that which is right and good in the sight of the Lord
that it may be well with thee.’ Yet doesn’t it also mention the word ‘yashar’
in Exodus? Yes, explains R’ Sorotzkin, but the word is mentioned far more
frequently in Deuteronomy than Exodus and the title of a book follows the
frequency of the topic/ theme mentioned therein. He cites the Maharsha, who
explains the verse in 6:18 as referring to the need to operate lifnei m’shuras ha’din [above and beyond
the letter of the law]. Moses is thus instructing the Jews to follow God’s law
but not just the letter of the law; rather, the spirit of the law as well.
            R’
Sorotzkin then offers a beautiful understanding of the Midrash Rabbah which
suggests that this particular work was found in Joshua’s hands and that it is
thus understood that the King of the Jews must carry it with him at all times.
Since all of the Torah is meant for all Jews, why is Deuteronomy specifically
offered to/ meant to be found upon the person of a king? R’ Sorotzkin explains
that it is because the king has special powers to put people to death simply
due to his law (outside of the typical workings of a Jewish court). Thus, the
king might be tempted or fall prey to acting in a cruel manner. It is
specifically this book which focuses upon the need to operate in a way which is
above and beyond the letter of the law that will remind him that he is
accountable for his actions and it is better to be merciful and charitable, as
King David was, than to be too quick to punish. This is the reason that
throughout Tanakh the words yashar [righteous]
and tov [good] are associated with
David and those who follow in his footsteps. This explains the reason that this
work specifically should not be forgotten and should not ever be absent from a
leader’s lips; he must know and understand and remember the need to act in a
just and righteous manner so as not to betray God and the mission God offered
him.
Various Orientations to Text- Literary,
Realistic, Personal, Psychological
            R’
Zalman Sorotzkin’s commentary is both beautiful and peculiar in that it does
not seem to follow simply one methodological method or attempt to reach one
goal. Since the main themes that motivated him in the writing of it were
accessibility to the populace and speaking to the times, it is perhaps not
surprising that his analysis, ideas and thoughts are so varied. He particularly
focuses upon literary and psychological problems within the text, but also
appeals to modern readings of the verses in addition to consistently comparing
verses that appear within one text to those found in a different place. By dint
of these comparisons he desires to draw out a point, sometimes an important and
overarching message that helps demonstrate the particular significance of the
passage he is currently explicating. The varied and sporadic nature of his
commentary typifies its genius. There is something here for everyone, from the
child to the scholar. It is almost like attending a banquet where many
sumptuous foods and delicacies are served. One person may prefer the chocolate
mousse while another may enjoy tenderloin steak, and both are lovingly
presented upon the table.
            Sorotzkin’s
careful reading of verses translates to a fascinating analysis ranging from the
more obvious understanding that Deuteronomy begins without use of the
conjunctive vav to his more subtle reading of Deuteronomy 1:5. There, R’
Sorotzkin questions how it would help to ‘explain’ the Torah in foreign
languages seeing as the Jews would not have understood these languages. He then
offers a reading where the Hebrew word lashon
means ‘idiom’ and thus Rashi is referring to the fact that Moses in fact
explained the seventy facets of the Torah as opposed to writing them down in
different tongues. Sorotzkin is concerned with reality and with events making
sense on a logical plane; thus his worry over an ‘explanation’ that wouldn’t
actually help explain anything!
            Similarly,
in keeping with his desire to link the Written Torah and Oral Torah,
Sorotzkin’s careful literary analysis allows him to demonstrate that there are
places where this must be so. In Deuteronomy 1:11, he comments on the words
‘May God add to you…a thousand times yourselves.’ In keeping with Maimonides’
understanding regarding cities of refuge, where an additional three cities were
not yet added and thus it means that they will be added in the time of Messiah,
Sorotzkin notes that there has not yet been a time in history where there have
been six hundred million Jews. Since the Torah does not offer false promises,
he argues, this blessing too must refer to a future time (that of the Messiah).
            Yet
his literary awareness also leads him to shed light upon deceptively simple
texts. For instance, in Deuteronomy 2:6, he comments to the verse ‘You shall
purchase food…so that you may eat, also water…so that you may drink.’ After
citing other commentaries’ explanations of this verse, the question being why
it was necessary to explain that the people would eat or drink the food (isn’t
that evident?) he offers his own, elegantly linking it back to the complaints
registered against the manna in Numbers 21:5. There, the Hebrews had declared
that they were ‘disgusted with the insubstantial food.’ There were also those
who found fault with the water from the miraculous well, as stated by the
Netziv. Here, notes R’ Sorotzkin, the people will have a chance to purchase
food and water as opposed to the manna and miraculous well upon which they had
previously been subsisting. God knew, however, that as soon as they did so they
would realize that they had in fact lacked nothing for the forty years in which
they had traipsed through the desert, and that God’s food was superior to
anything they could purchase. Thus, the simple explanation of the verse is that
the Hebrews purchased food as opposed to eating their own because they longed
for something to eat which was not miraculous in origin.
            R’
Sorotzkin’s appreciation for stylistic literary choices is further demonstrated
in his understanding of Deuteronomy 1:44. He elaborates upon the verse ‘As the
bees would do,’ creating an extended metaphor that explains how precisely the
actions of these men who desired to possess the land of Israel were akin to
those of bees. He explains that “[b]ees make honey, but also sting” (Lavon 24)
which is why, when a beekeeper desires to harvest his honey, he must first
light a fire with green wood, which will send up lots of billowing smoke. The
bees “run inside the hive and cower” (Lavon 25) upon smelling the smoke, at
which time the beekeeper is able to harvest the honey. In contrast, someone who
desires to steal the honey will not be able to announce his presence by
kindling a fire. Thus, he must approach unshielded and the bees will sting him
to death. In the end, he must flee in order to preserve his life (Lavon 25).
            Similarly,
explains R’ Sorotzkin, the men who wished to possess the land of Israel did so
unlawfully and therefore the pillar of cloud which accompanied them in the
desert did not protect them. Indeed, if they had received God’s explicit
command and blessing, that cloud would have annihilated their enemies and
caused them to fall dead in their path. The Jews would then be able to possess
the land which was flowing with milk and honey, the Amorites having left them
untouched. However, “when these willful people barged in unlawfully, they were
like thieves seeking to take honey from the hive without a smokescreen” (Lavon
25). For this reason, the Amorites were able to fall upon them “like bees”
(Lavon 25) and far from conquering the land flowing with milk and honey, these
Hebrews lost their lives in the attempt. Sorotzkin’s reading is imaginative,
creative and extremely vivid; he takes one sentence within the verse and
conjures up an entire scenario which adds flavor and meaning to the text.
            Sorotzkin’s
playful personality arguably appears in his analysis of Deuteronomy 3:26.
There, God has informed Moses that rav
lach
[it is too much for you]. Sorotzkin interprets this as a literary play
on words. Rav lach could also mean ‘a
Rabbi for you.’ Moses had suggested that even if he was not permitted to lead the Israelites into the Promised
Land, perhaps he could act as an ordinary citizen and follow Joshua’s command.
God’s answer to this was rav lach
‘acting as a Rav is the task for you’ and that he would be unable to be a mere
student. Sorotzkin notes that this fits perfectly with the Midrash Tanhuma’s
understanding that after Moses learned Torah from Joshua he said, “Until now I
requested my life, but now, my soul is Yours for the taking.”
            Aside
from puns and creative interpretation, Sorotzkin’s commentary is also sprinkled
with comments that show his humility. In his commentary to Deuteronomy 1:15, he
gives credit to his nephew for the explanation he offers. In Deuteronomy 1:15,
he frankly admits that he did not fully understand the Vilna Gaon’s holy words.
He is not shy of admitting his lack of understanding. Similarly, in Deuteronomy
1:46, he seems puzzled, explaining that he cannot understand why Rashi offered
an interpretation that is contrary to the one found in Seder Olam. This is
aside from the fact that his commentary as a whole is peppered with sources
outside of himself, whether they are traditional greats like Rashi, Maimonides
and the like or the Vilna Gaon, Melo HaOmer or Ka’aras Kesef. Sorotzkin clearly
valued the contributions of those other than himself and uses them as
springboards off of which to base his own ideas.
            Perhaps
Sorotzkin’s most compelling renderings of Tanakh appear in his psychological
readings of various verses. Indeed, he often links the literary to the
psychological, noticing particular wording in a verse or the placement or
juxtaposition of several verses, and then coming to conclusions about the
significance of this order. In his commentary to Deuteronomy 1:1, ‘The words
that Moses spoke,’ Sorotzkin explains that people will listen to a speaker for
one of two reasons. One: The speaker may be a gifted orator who knows how to
latch onto and grab hold of the hearts of men. Two: He is speaking on behalf of
a famous and important person, and thus even if his tongue is made of stone, he
will still command attention. For this reason, when Moses speaks with God by
the burning bush, the objections he has reflect his psychological state. Moses
realizes that he will not be able to command the attention of the Hebrews
because they do not know who God is and thus will not attend since reason two
will not apply in their case. Due to this, he concludes his conversation with
God by explaining that he is not a man of words as opposed to opening with that
objection.
            Similarly,
in his commentary to Deuteronomy 1:17, Sorotzkin is surprised by Moses’
language. The verse seems to suggest that Moses sees himself as capable of
solving any problem; indeed, he declares that “any matter which is too
difficult for you, you shall bring to me and I shall hear it” (Deut 1:17)! How
can it be that the humblest man on earth, deemed so by God Himself, can be so
arrogant as to suggest that he will be able to solve any problem, no matter how
thorny? R’ Sorotzkin delves into the psychological underpinnings of Moses’
statement and determines that in fact there is no contradiction at all. What
Moses is really stating is that perhaps the judges will come upon a difficult
litigant who will not allow them to proceed in their task. Under such
circumstances, since Moses has already warned the judges not to ‘tremble before
any man,’ he now cautions them that if a litigant comes before them who is too
difficult for them, “’bring [this case] to me and I shall hear it,’ for I am
willing to suffer the slings and arrows of this difficult man” (Lavon 15). Far
from declaring his superiority and claiming that he has the ability and insight
to rule in every single case, Moses is acting humbly, explaining that he is not
too proud to bear the contempt of a dissatisfied plaintiff.
            But
it does not end there. Sorotzkin’s entire interpretation of the phrase ‘As the
Lord, your God, commanded you’ (Deuteronomy 5:16) as it refers to the
commandment of honoring one’s father and mother reflects his sensitivity to the
psychological conditions under which that generation had been raised. He
explains:
Normally, children’s
love and respect for the parents who brought them into the (present) world
grows steadily through the years. The more the child enjoys his life, the more
happiness he discovers, then the greater will be his love for the parents who
gave him this happy life.
In the plains of Moab,
Moses was confronted with children who had suffered greatly from wandering in
the desert, all because of their parents’ misdeeds. It was their parents who
had brought down upon them the decree that “Your children will roam in the
Wilderness for forty years and bear [the guilt of] your guilt” (Numbers 14:33).
Therefore Moses stressed what God had told him on Mt. Sinai: that this
commandment must be done “as the Lord, your God, commanded you”: to honor your
parents during their life and afterwards, regardless of how well or ill
satisfied you are with your life. (Lavon 79)
Once again, Sorotzkin succeeds in making the
Torah a contemporary and caring book, demonstrating that Moses understood and
spoke to the nation’s psychological state.
            Sorotzkin’s
practical advice and use of anecdotes and stories to flavor his point helps him
to fulfill his goal of making his commentary easy and accessible. In his
commentary to Deuteronomy 1:1 on ‘These are the words that Moses spoke’ he
explains that Moses only engaged in words of Torah, a small matter in those
times. Relating the point to his own generation, however, he mentioned that:
For Moses, a man of God,
this was merely a minor accomplishment. Yet in our own times we merited the
example of the Chafetz Chaim, zt”l,
who used his tendency to be talkative as a tool to keep away from sin. In order
to avoid speaking or hearing idle words, he would talk endlessly to both
students and visitors about Torah subjects and Jewish ethics. The great tzaddik R’ Chaim Ozer Grodzinski, zt”l,
bore witness that the author of the Shemiras
HaLashon
guarded his own tongue in a most original way: not by keeping
silent, but by always fulfilling v’dibarta
bam
so that there was never a moment for idle talk. (Lavon 3)
Similarly, in his commentary to Deuteronomy 1:1
on the words ‘To all Israel,’ he offers an example from his time, stating:
A story is told about a gaon who was famous for his moving
discourses. Everyone would run to hear him speak and listen to his words of
rebuke. After his death, his discourses were collected and published, but for
some reason they did not have a profound effect on their readers. People
commented that although these were the very same speeches they remembered
hearing from the great man himself, something was missing—the sigh that would
escape his lips when he paused. That sigh, which rose from the depths of his
heart, broke their hearts when they heard it. For only words that come from the
heart can enter the heart. (Lavon 4)
Through interweaving these stories and
anecdotes, Sorotzkin manages to capture the attention of an element who might
not feel connected to the text otherwise.
            His
penetrating psychological insights and evaluations of characters within the
text also help to add a dimension of reality to an otherwise distant story. For
example, Sorotzkin notices that Moses states “I cannot carry you alone” in
Deuteronomy 1:9 only to later state “How can I alone carry your contentiousness?”
in verse 12. Why the need for repetition? Answers R’ Sorotzkin:
The fact is that being a
ruler of Israel is similar to being a slave. Even after Moses, the acknowledged
ruler of his people, decided that he was unable to bear all their problems and
judge all their cases himself, as he declares in this verse, he asks himself
what the people will say. Perhaps his ‘masters’ would think he was shirking his
duty towards them, and that he was really capable of bearing the burden by
himself. Therefore, he asked them if they agreed with him (v. 12). Let them
tell him, if they can, how he can bear it all by himself! Only after they
answered him, “The thing that you have proposed to do is good” (v. 14) was his
mind at ease. (Lavon 10)
Through careful reading of the verses and
appreciating the literary significance of the seeming repetition, R’ Sorotzkin
seeks to unveil the thoughts that were pressing upon Moses’ mind. Similarly, in
Deuteronomy 2:6 in his commentary to the verse ‘Also water shall you buy from
them for money’ R’ Sorotzkin deducts the Israelites’ state of mind from the
unusual Hebrew word used to mean ‘buy.’ The word is tikhru. R’ Sorotzkin explains that Scripture uses this rare word
due to the fact that “the Jewish people may have considered digging a cistern
on Edomite land without permission” (Lavon 30). The word tikhru means both ‘buy’ and ‘dig.’ Thus, the hint being given is
that if the Israelites wish to “dig for water, they must buy the water!” (Lavon
30)
            R’
Sorotzkin often identifies echo narratives or notes places where he feels light
can be shed by making a comparison (of characters, texts or storylines). In
Deuteronomy 1:3, when commenting on ‘In the eleventh month, on the first of the
month’ Sorotzkin compares Moses to R’ Hanina bar Papa. He notes that Moses
reviewed the Torah with the Jews for a total of thirty-six days, since he began
on the first day of the eleventh month and concluded on the seventh of Adar. In
contrast, R’ Hanina reviewed Torah for a mere thirty days. Why did it take the
latter sage less time? The difference, argues R’ Sorotzkin, is contained in the
mode of study and delivery. Moses was speaking to the entire people and needed
to elucidate the commandments before all of them whereas R’ Hanina was only
learning for and by himself. Thus, the seeming discrepancy is explained.
            While
in that case Sorotzkin drew a comparison between a character in Tanakh as
opposed to a different one who appears in the Talmud, he also uses his
comparison technique and notices differences and similarities between various
characters when solely in their Tanakh context. In his commentary to
Deuteronomy 3:27 on ‘For you shall not cross the Jordan’ he explains:
Joseph spoke with pride
about his native land, saying, “For indeed I was kidnapped from the land of the
Hebrews” (Genesis 40:15). He was therefore rewarded with burial in his own
land. Moses did not admit to his native land. When Jethro’s daughters said of
him, “An Egyptian man saved us” (Exodus 2:19), he heard and was silent. Therefore,
he did not merit burial in his land (Deuteronomy 2:8).
People commonly point
out that Moses not only refused to admit his native land, but he also denied
his people. For Jethro’s daughters called him ‘an Egyptian man’ and that is not
only a land but a people. Why was he not punished for this denial as well?
Perhaps we can explain
this in accordance to the Midrash. When Potiphar saw the Ishmaelites offering
Joseph for sale, he said to them, “In all the world the white people sell black
people and here are black people selling a white man! This is no slave”
(Genesis Rabbah 86). Since the Egyptians were even darker-skinned than the
Ishmaelites, everyone must have known that the Jethro’s daughters weren’t
referring to Moses as an ethnic Egyptian when they said that “an Egyptian man”
had saved them. Clearly he was of the lighter-skinned Hebrews living in Egypt
at the time- a resident of the country, but not one of its natives. At this
point, Moses should have corrected them and told them that he was not an Egyptian
at all, but “from the land of the Hebrews.” (Lavon 51)
Sorotzkin not only delineates the differences
between the two characters but also uses an appeal to common sense as
understood by the Midrash. The Midrash offers its commentary based on (in its
view) the realistic approach that Joseph was white and that slaves who were
commonly sold were black. This is enough of a proof to demonstrate that Moses
could not possibly have been seen as a true Egyptian. Sorotzkin’s appeal to the
cultural standard, milieu or conditions of the time is not only expressed here,
but often occurs within his commentary. He deliberately chose to read the Bible
with modern eyes. In his commentary to the verse ‘Then you spoke up and said to
me, ‘We have sinned to God!’(Deuteronomy 4:1), he explains that “[p]erhaps by
behaving this way they were straying into the ways of idolaters, who
customarily confess sins before their priests” (Lavon 24) which is “not the way
of Israel, who confess their sins directly before God- after asking forgiveness
from the person they have wronged, if it is a sin between man and his neighbor”
(Lavon 24). Sorotzkin’s reference to the practice of confession echoes Catholic
practice and creates a situation where the general populace can understand why
it was improper for the Hebrews to come weeping to Moses as opposed to simply
turning to God.
            Another
example of R’ Sorotzkin’s awareness of the times appears in his commentary to
Deuteronomy 12:8 on the verse ‘Every man what is proper in his eyes.’ He sadly
notes:
Look at the difference
between recent generations and the generation of Moses.
In more recent times
when we talk about, ‘You shall not do…every man what is proper in his eyes,’ we
mean things like theft, robbery, adultery, murder or even idolatry, whereas in
the generation of Moses, it meant that one must not bring a sacrifice to God on
a bamah, a private family altar.
Private altars were permissible at that time, of course, but here the Torah is
referring to someone who brings to a private altar one of those sacrifices
which should be offered only at the national atar at Shiloh.
Times change, and we
change with them. (Lavon 154)
Similarly, Sorotzkin understands the verse in
Deuteronomy 12: 23, ‘Only be strong not to eat the blood’ as referencing blood
libels in addition to the typical explanation of the verse, which refers to
simply not partaking of the lifeblood of an animal. As part of his commentary,
he writes:
A Jew has a
“face-to-face” battle with blood, to the point where, if he finds a speck of
blood in the egg, he throws away the entire egg.
Yet, even though the
gentiles see how Jews are repelled by any sort of blood, they do not hesitate,
nor do they feel the slightest shame, to bring “blood accusations” against us.
This battle, too (an attack from behind) must be fought by us, by convincing
just-minded people among the nations that such accusations are groundless.
It could be that this
kind of ‘blood,’ too, is included in the Torah’s dictum: “Only be strong not to
eat the blood,” and that the Torah is encouraging us to remember that with the
merit of this mitzvah “it will be
well with you and with your children after you” forever, and the gentiles who
spilled your blood will perish. (Lavon 161)
Could there be a more apropos understanding of
the verse in the light of the recent horror that was the Holocaust? When
Sorotzkin looked at this verse, he saw it with eyes that had witnessed the mass
spilling of Jewish blood and therefore sought to find places where God promised
to avenge this loss.
            In
Deuteronomy 13:4, R’ Sorotzkin once again makes use of explanations gleaned
from the times in which he lived. He elucidates the verse ‘Do not hearken to
the words of that prophet or to that dreamer of a dream, for the Lord, your
God, is testing you’ in the following light:
This verse was used by
the community of converts that flourished in the time of the Czars along the
shores of the Caspian Sea, to refute the priests sent by the Russian government
to attempt their return to the Christian fold—Their fathers had been Christians
for centuries, but suddenly they had seized upon the idea of converting to
Judaism, owing to their habit of constantly reading Scripture on the Christian
holidays.—The priests began to tell them all of the signs and wonders that the
man the Christians worship had done, and asked them, ‘Was this not enough to
warrant believing in his prophetic message?” But one of the elders answered
that this man’s prophecy was based upon the Torah of Moses, and there is
written, “If there should stand up in your midst a prophet or a dreamer of a
dream, and he will produce to you a sign or a wonder…Do not hearken to the
words of that prophet…for the Lord, your God, is testing you.” In that case,
what use are the signs and wonders that this man showed, seeing as God Himself
has warned us not to listen to such a prophet no matter what wonders he
performs? (I heard this from the elders of a group of converts when I was in
Tzeritzin, now called Stalingrad, visiting my brother, the Gaon R’ Yoel zt”l who
was the Rav there and afterwards in Stoipce.) (Lavon 167)
Thus, rather than offering an explanation of the
plain meaning of the words, R’ Sorotzkin tells an anecdote that his readers
will appreciate and which will demonstrate the real-life applicability of these
verses. Sorotzkin constantly sprinkles these anecdotes or references to modern
times throughout his commentary. In his understanding of Deuteronomy 13: 7 to
the words ‘Who is like your own soul’ he explains that the person being
referenced here is one’s father. The father was not listed first in the passage
since it was not normal in those times for the father to persuade the son to
become an idolater. However, laments R’ Zalman Sorotzkin, “In that case, what
can we say about some fathers in our times, who hand their sons over to
missionaries? This is a disaster that even the Torah chose not to write out
explicitly, only indirectly” (Lavon 169).
            In
his understanding, comparison with and appeal to modernity, Sorotzkin is able
to make his commentary that much more meaningful and more pertinent to his
audience. For example, when offering his explanation of the verse ‘And you will
be completely joyous’ in Deuteronomy 16:15, he notices that the word ach also appears in another place,
namely the verse ‘Only [ach] Noah
survived’ (Genesis 7:23). In that case, the sages understood this to mean that
‘even he was coughing up blood because of the cold [in the Ark]’ (Lavon 199).
Posits R’ Sorotzkin, “The use of the same word indicates a link between the two
verses. We can learn here that even in times of trouble, when Israel is
‘coughing up blood,’ we are commanded to rejoice in our festival” (Lavon 199).
As someone who knew what trouble meant, having lost the majority of his family
to the Holocaust but still determined to serve and appreciate God with a full
and joyous heart, Sorotzkin’s words are particularly resonant.
            Does
Sorotzkin’s commentary aid in understanding the plain sense of the biblical
text? This changes verse by verse. Sometimes Sorotzkin is citing Midrash or
drawing grand conclusions through comparing various texts. At other times, he
focuses on the literal meaning of the text and the reason for this rendering.
However, on a whole, his commentary is more story-driven and thus filled with
anecdotes, explanations, lessons, derivations and colorful characterization,
than a dry analysis of wording and phraseology. If Sorotzkin is interested in
the literal meaning of the verse, it is generally due to the lesson he wishes
to derive from it.[5]
His Impact
R’ Zalman Sorotzkin’s
stated goal in writing his work was to create a commentary that would be
accessible to all and penetrate the hearts of many different sorts of people.
For this reason, whether he is carefully analyzing a literary tract, making
assumptions about the psychological underpinnings of various characters,
utilizing comparisons to shed light upon particular differences or similarities
between characters or reading the text with fresh, modern eyes, he works these
techniques and insights into his commentary. As an exegete, his commentary is
refreshing due to its being so varied. Rather than adopting one methodological
perspective and consistently following it, Sorotzkin chose to act as a
dilettante, dabbling in many different methods of analysis. In this way, he
pays homage to the many different rabbis and sages who have lived over the
centuries, working their contributions into his own understanding of the text
while simultaneously, at times, differing from them due to his appeal to modern
context.
            When
it comes to the question of what kind of impact Sorotzkin has made upon
subsequent commentary on Deuteronomy or the Jewish exegetical world at large,
it is difficult to answer. On the one hand, there does not seem to be a
well-known definitive or authoritative biography of R’ Zalman Sorotzkin, encyclopedia
entries or other official recognition of him. He is not cited by other
commentators to the text or used as an authoritative arbiter of disputes. On
the other hand, he passed away recently, in 1966. A century hasn’t passed since
his death. There is still time for his impact upon exegesis to grow and his
words to spread. The very fact that his commentary upon the Torah has been
translated into English by Artscroll means that this publishing house has made
it accessible to many different people and thus he can still affect the
understanding that many have of the text. Especially in our modern society,
where Torah learning is institutionalized and often occurs in the classroom as
opposed to on one’s own,[6]
there is hope that slowly but surely, R’ Zalman Sorotzkin’s ideas and
creativity will spread. As his commentary is aimed at the general populace in
addition to scholars, and since it contains all manner of innovative ideas, one
would think its appeal should be more widespread than it currently is.
Unfortunately, as of now his work appears relatively undiscovered. Hopefully,
as time progresses, this will change and the man who set out to document the
novel insights of his son and students, properly use the breadth of knowledge
his rebbe had afforded him, and speak to the times will be recognized as the
forward-thinking and warm individual that he was.
Works Cited
Anonymous. Rabi Zalman
Sorotsḳin : …[le-yom Ha-zikaron Ha-rishon…]
. Yerushalayim : [Merkaz
Ha-ḥinukh Ha-ʻatsmaʼi Be-Erets Yiśraʼel], 1967. Print.
Lavon, Yaakov, Trans. Sorotzkin,
Zalman. Insights in the Torah: Devarim. Vol. 5. Artscroll Mesorah,
1994. Print.
Sefer Bereishis … Min Ḥamishah
ḥumshe Torah : ʻim Targum Onḳelos U-ferush Rashi, Baʻal Ha-Ṭurim, ʻIḳar śifte
ḥakhamim ṿe-Toldot Aharon ; ʻim Perush Oznayim La-Torah / Me-et Zalman B. Ha-g.
Ha-ts. Bentsiyon Sorotsḳin
. Vol. 1. Jerusalem: Mekhon Ha-deʻah ṿeha-dib,
2005. Print.
Sefer Devarim … Min Ḥamishah
ḥumshe Torah : ʻim Targum Onḳelos U-ferush Rashi, Baʻal Ha-Ṭurim, ʻIḳar śifte
ḥakhamim ṿe-Toldot Aharon ; ʻim Perush Oznayim La-Torah / Me-et Zalman B. Ha-g.
Ha-ts. Bentsiyon Sorotsḳin
. Vol. 5. Jerusalem: Mekhon Ha-deʻah ṿeha-dib,
2005. Print.
Sofer, D. “Rav Zalman Sorotzkin
ZT”L: One of Chareidi Jewry’s Main Helmsmen.” Yated Neeman [Monsey]. Tzemach
Dovid
. Web. 4 May 2010. .
[1] At this point, R’
Zalman Sorotzkin became good friends with the Chazon Ish. He noted that his
wife “rented an apartment with three rooms” (Sofer) and the Chazon Ish rented
one of the rooms from her. 
[2] Rabbi Sorotzkin felt
that there should be no discrimination between priests and rabbis; both of them
were clergymen and members of the faith. Thus, when asked by a war minister as
to how he could countenance trying to allow healthy young men to evade their
lawful obligation to serve in the army, he explained that it was only logical
to expect fair and equal treatment. (Sofer)
[3] In The World that Was America 1900-1945 – Transmitting the Torah Legacy to
America
by Rabbi A. Leib Scheinbaum, the situation is explained as follows:
Hatzalas
Nefashos Supersedes Shabbos
The roshei
yeshiva
who had escaped to Vilna cabled Rabbi Shlomo Heiman. They informed
him of the dire need to immediately raise $50,000, to help the rebbeim and
talmidim from the various yeshivas escape imminent death at the hands of the
Russians, if the visas and the permits for the trans-Siberian trip from Vilna
to Vladivostok could not be purchased. Many gedolim,
including Rabbi Aharon Kotler, had escaped to the Vilna area. At this time
their lives were endangered. Despite months of work on an escape plan, the Vaad
was unsuccessful. Now it aappeared that there was a viable solution. All that
was necessary was the cash.
The gedolim in America- Rabbi Moshe Feinstein,
Rabbi Shlomo Heiman and Rabbi Shraga Feivel Mendlowitz- considered this a
matter of pikuach nefesh (a life and
death situation), and as such it superseded even Shabbos. Consequently, on a
Shabbos in November 1940, Rabbi Sender Linchner, Rabbi Boruch Kaplan and Irving
Bunim traveled by taxi throughout the Flatbush section of Brooklyn raising
money, because time was of the essence. With the help of the Almighty, they
were successful in raising $45,000 and the Joint released the money- adding the
$5000 deficit- to Vilna. Miraculously the rebbeim and talmidim were rescued!
Among the rescued gedolim were the Amshenover
Rebbe, Rabbi Shimon Sholom Kalish, Rabbi Zalman Sorotzkin, the Lutsker Rav,
Rabbi Eliezer Yehuda Finkel, Rosh HaYeshiva of the Mirrer Yeshiva and the son of
the famed Rabbi Nosson Tzvi Finkel (the Alter of Slobodka) who went to
Palestine; the Modzitzer Rebbe; Rabbi Reuven Grozovsky, the Kaminetzer Rosh
Yeshiva; Rabbi Avraham Jofen, the Novardoker Rosh Yeshiva who came to the
United States; and Rabbi Yechezkel Levenstein, mashgiach of the Mirrer Yeshiva
who went to Shanghai. (82)

[4] In an amusing exchange,
the minister of education once spoke to R’ Sorotzkin and inquired, “Why do you
have to split off the government network? Why should it bother you if we
supervise your curriculum?”
R’ Sorotzkin responded, “Would you ever
expect a person like me to supervise your secular schools? Can a person
supervise something that he virulently opposes?” (Sofer)
[5] For example, when
Sorotzkin comments to Deuteronomy 22:7 ‘So that it will be good for you and
will prolong your days’ he focuses upon the fact that longevity is promised
both by the commandment of sending away the mother bird and also by honoring
one’s parents. He questions why this is so (seeking to understand the plain
sense of the verse) and explains:
It is because the two
are related. The mother bird must be sent away free, because rather than escape
and save herself when her nest is approached by humans, she risks her life out
of love for her young. The Torah, therefore, forbids us to seize her and
thereby exploit her meritorious behavior. (It is permissible to catch her the
normal way, with a snare [Chullin 141b]). The two commandments, then, have a
common element of respect for one’s parents who are even willing to endanger
themselves to raise their children and preserve the species. Honoring one’s
parents may seem to us the gravest of obligations, and shiluach hakein the slightest, but that is only because of our
superficial view of things. In fact, deeper reflection can show us that shiluach hakein is actually a graver
matter than honoring one’s parents.
Consider, one who honors
his parents “repays” them, albeit minimally, for all they do for him until he reaches
maturity and independence. However, if the same person should happen to find a
bird’s nest, he may not take the mother, even if she actually belongs to him
and fled from his hatchery, and even if she is nesting on his property.
Although this bird has never benefited him in the least he is forbidden to take
her simply because she is a mother who is raising her children. He personally
gains nothing from her devoted child-rearing, yet must still restrain himself.
He will surely find this difficult, though no such difficulty exists with
honoring his parents. Therefore this mitzvah
shares the same reward with honoring parents. (Lavon 264)
Thus Sorotzkin is uninterested in looking
at the plain sense of the verse for its
own sake
but is interested in noting it/ focusing on particular phrasing in
terms of the lessons that can be learned from the text.
[6] Indeed, I learned of R’
Zalman Sorotzkin’s writings in the context of the classroom, as did a friend of
mine who has also studied his works. I learned about Aznayim L’Torah from Rebbetzin Sarah Greer, who utilized it when
teaching her classes at Stern College for Women. My friend heard about it via
the Rosh Yeshiva at his yeshiva in Israel, or as he put it, “I had a rebbe in
Shana Bet who I used to learn Parsha with- and he always quoted him.” 



An Incident of “Pilegesh B’Givah” in 19th Century Germany

AN INCIDENT OF “PILEGESH B’GIVAH” IN 19TH CENTURY GERMANY
by Eli Genauer
I recently purchased an antique Hebrew book for less than the price of a dinner at a moderately priced restaurant. This particular edition is what some would call a “common” — meaning it is the 36th edition (the fourth edition of a revised version) of this book and it was printed in the mid-19th century. Generally, the market does not assign a high price for books like these, but they can be a treasure trove of knowledge and information.
The work is Tikkun Shlomo and is primarily focused on the Shabbos liturgy.  I reproduced the title page:
Many will no doubt recognize the name of the compiler, Shlomo Zalman London (1661-1748) who wrote the book “קהלת שלמה”and that it was reprinted thirty times in the next 200 years.  
Tikkun Shlomo was first published in Amsterdam by Dr. Naftali Hertz HaLevi in 1733.  Dr. Levi published many a storied book, including the first edition of Mesilat Yesharim and the edition of the Shu”t HaTashbetz that is alleged (erroneously) to have been cosigned to flames.  According to Friedberg, when Dr. Levi published the Tikun Shlomo, not much else was being published in Amsterdam due to the effect of the Thirty-Year War.[1]  The Tikkun Shlomo was very popular, going through almost 40 editions by the late 19th century. Heidenheim expanded this work in 1835, and the edition I purchased was the fourth Heidenheim edition (two of the three were published in Roedelheim and the other in Lemberg).  
Things get off to a wonderful start in this book with the Hakdamah which is indicated to come from the third edition. In it, the unnamed editor pays tribute to his mentor Wolf Heidenheim Z”L and maintains that he has followed in his footsteps in all matters because “anyone who follows him will not err”. The editor only refers to himself at the end of the Hakdamah as “HaTzair”, but he leaves us an unmistakable hint as to his identity. Before we get to that, let us see what else he includes in this “Hakdamah”
ויהי מימים,ויקם עוד בּישׂראל פּורץ גדר,וישׁחת דברים נעימים, ויוסף עוד להרוס חומת שׂפת עבר ולדבּר תועה אשר לא כּדת. כּי פּרץ מצפון בא בא, ותפתח הרעה, וידפיס אישׁ אחד את המחזורים ב׳האננאפער׳, ויעבור חק, ויהפוך וישׁנה מדעתו את דברי התפילות ופיוטים, ויעקש ויעקל מאוד כמעט בכל דף ודף, ותהי זמירת ישׂראל בידו מעין משחת ומקור נרפשׁ, אשה יפה וסרת טעם, כּי שנה את טעמה ויתעמר בה וימכרה בּכּסף, וכן לא יעשׂה.
He takes great offense to a certain Machzor printed by “one man”. The Machzor to which he referring to is known as “Ordnung der Oeffentlichen Andacht für die Sabbath und Festtage des Ganzen Jahres, nach dem Gebrauche des Neuen Tempel-Vereins”, otherwise known as “Seder ha-‘Abodah, Minhag Ḳehal Bayit Ḥadash” printed in Hamburg (not Hanover) in 1819. Two editors are listed:  Seckel Isaac Fraenkel and Meyer Israel Bresslau. It was the new prayer book of the Hamburg Reform Temple dedicated in 1818.  To paraphrase what he writes about this effort: “ a great evil has descended from the north, one that has been perpetrated by a man who published Machzorim in the city of Hanover ( Hamburg ). In his hands, the prayers, which are like a beautiful  woman , are now left with no personality. His purpose was to destroy the Hebrew language, the prayers as we know them, and Judaism itself.”



He continues by writing that he has authored a work Zichron Livnei Yisroel ( Altona 1819) in which he lays out his war against these Machzorim.[2] The title incorporates this explanation:
זה ימים יצא בדפוס קונטרס מיוחד לתפילת ערבית ושחרית לשבת, ומעתיקי תפלה הזאת עברו גבול אשר גבלו הראשונים, גרעו והוסיפו כחפץ לבבם … חלילה … לשנות מסדר תפלתינו / … דברי … עקיבא בר”א ברעסלויא, ראב”ד פה ק”ק אלטונא
This was Rabbi Akiva Wertheimer (1778-1835), the Rav of Altona, Germany, today part of the city of Hamburg. He wrote “Zichron Livnei Yisroel” and was the editor of our edition of “Tikun Shlomo”. His opposition to the new Reform prayer service is noted in a book called “Shnos Dor V’Dor” printed in Jerusalem by Artscroll/Mesorah in 2004. It records the following that occurred in 1819 which coincides with the printing of his book “Zichron Livnei Yisroel”:
בשנת תקע״ט, עוד קודם להתמנורנו, בקום המחדשים ״אנשי ההיכל״
הרפורמי דהמבורג לשנות את סדרי התפילה היה הוא הראשון אשר יצא כנגדם והזהיר את כל הקהילות סביבות אלטונא מפניהם.
Continuing in the Hakdamah to Tikun Shlomo, we find that Rav Wertheimer has launched a campaign against the reformers by adding that he has sent this out broadside everywhere to warn others of this assault on tradition. He does this brilliantly by paraphrasing a Pasuk in Tanach ( Shoftim 20:6) which deals with the tragic story of “Pilegesh B’Givah” an incident which almost tore the Jewish people apart.
The Pasuk reads:  וָאֹחֵז בְּפִילַגְשִׁי, וָאֲנַתְּחֶהָ, וָאֲשַׁלְּחֶהָ, בְּכָל-שְׂדֵה נַחֲלַת יִשְׂרָאֵל:  כִּי עָשׂוּ זִמָּה וּנְבָלָה, בְּיִשְׂרָאֵל.
His paraphrase reads:
ואוחז בפּילגשׁו ואנתחה ואשׁלחה בכל גבול ישׂראל, למען יראו זקני עם וקציניו, והסירו גם את המכשלה הזאת מקרבּם
The full text of the broadside was published in Dukes, AW”H leMoshav, Cracow: 1903, 104-05.  Additionally, the National Library of Israel has a copy (perhaps that of Israel Mehlman, see his catalog Ginzei Yisrael, no. 1743).  The broadside is signed, Akiva br”a Bresslau without additional identifiers, i.e. the son of Avigdor Wertheimer.  As Dukes notes, Graetz mistakenly attributed this work to a different Akiva, Akiva Eiger.  But he was not the only one to publish against the Hamburg Temple and its prayer book in Altona that year.  The work, Eleh Divrei ha-Brit, was also published in Altona in 1819 and it contains, among others, the position of the Hatam Sofer.  
The battle was waged by both sides, and Meyer Israel Bresslau, one of the editors of the Hamburg prayer book, that same year responded with Herev Nokmat (available online here).  The other editor, Fraenkel, in the prayerbook includes a defense of the changes[3].  
As with many editors of Siddurim, Rav Wertheimer extols the exactness of his edition, claiming that he has fixed many of the errors that have crept into previous Siddurim. Specifically, he addresses the text of Mishnayos Shabbos which appeared in many Siddurim and which he has carefully edited especially when it comes to the “Nekudos”.
He continues and states that when it comes to words of foreign origin, such as in Greek, Latin or Arabic, he has also made sure that the “Nekudos” are correct reflecting the proper pronunciation in those languages.
Unfortunately this is not a simple task and this example will illustrate the difficulty in doing so.
The laws of what a woman may or may not carry outside on Shabbos are discussed in Shabbos 6:3. Among the items prohibited is something called a “Tzlochis Shel Palyiton”, a flask of “Palyiton.” Jastrow defines this word as “an ointment or oil prepared from the leaves of spikenard”. He adds that its origin is the Latin word “foliatum”. The Latin Lexicon website spells this word foliātum and gives the exact same definition. So how should this Latin word be spelled in Hebrew?
Rav Wertheimer indicates that it should be pronounced something like “Folia’tone”which is pretty close to the Latin word except for there being an “n” sound at the end of the word instead of the “m” sound.
I have a Mishnayos printed in Pisa during the same time period (1797) which makes it look more like “Pal’yi’tone”:
Two very old manuscripts of the Mishneh shed some light on how the word was originally spelled. One of the most famous is known as Codex Kaufmann ( MS Kaufmann A 50) which was written in 10th or 11th century Palestine. There we find the word looking more like “Pil’Ya’Tome”, with an “m” sound at the end:
The Parma manuscript referred to as MS Parma, De Rossi 138 written in 1073 has it the same as Kaufmann.
In recently printed Mishnayos such as from Feldheim, Artscroll, Steinsaltz, and Blackman, the word is spelled “פלייטון” with either a Patach ,Chirik, or “Shva”  under the “Peh”, or “פולייטון”, which looks more like Rav Wertheiner’s rendering.
One thing is clear- it is sometimes very difficult to write a foreign word with Hebrew letters and vowels, and it is also difficult to ascertain which version is “correct”.
Another wonderful aspect to the book that I bought was learning about the man whose name is embossed on the front cover. He is listed as יוסף אשר בן כ״ה (כבוד הרב) משה פאלאק   
We know a bit about Yosef Asher Pollock from some of the other books and manuscripts he owned. The following two citations are from the online catalogue of the Israel National Library:
1. A manuscript written in the 19th century by Chaim ben Yaakov Abolofia.
תקנות קהלת איזמיר. ‬
Los Angeles – University of California 960 bx. 1.9
ותו הספר: “מספרי יוסף אשר פאלאק ז”ל” משנת תרפ”ה. ‬
From this record we know that he had passed away before 1925 and that the manuscript is now in Los Angeles.



2. A manuscript written in the 18th century
(ספר הכונות (חלק שבת ומועדים. 
Amsterdam – Universiteitsbibliotheek MS Rosenthal 567
בראשו תו ספר של הבעלים “יוסף אשר פאלאק
This rare manuscript has been scanned and is available online. The first page looks like this:
From this one we also learn quite a bit more about Yosef Asher Pollock because it contains this bookplate on the inside front cover

We surmise from here that this was not the only book he had that was donated, as someone went to a lot of trouble composing and printing such a heartfelt donation plate. (“ Yosef is not here, nor is Shimon”) The year the bookplate was printed was 5693(1933). There is also a stern warning that since this is a gift, it may never be sold by the recipient.   

The history of the Bibliotheca Rosenthaliana in Amsterdam is also interesting, especially how the collection of Judaica survived the Nazi occupation. The library’s website notes the following:
“The Germans closed the Bibliotheca Rosenthaliana in the summer of 1941 and transported part of the collection to Germany, where it was earmarked for Rosenberg’s ‘Institut zur Erforschung der Judenfrage’.
Happily, these plans were thwarted with the German capitulation. Most of the boxes of books were in storage in Hungen, near Frankfurt am Main, where they were found and shipped back to Amsterdam. But the curator and his assistant together with their families had also been deported-for them there was no return”
Finally, it seems clear to me that my book was also a gift never to be sold. I surmise this from the fact that the name of Yosef Asher Pollack is beautifully embossed on the front cover of the Siddur, making it unnecessary to have an ownership bookplate inside the Siddur.
Nevertheless, on the inside front cover there is a rectangular remnant of a bookplate which has been torn off.  
Coincidentally, its size exactly matches the bookplate of the manuscript donated to the Bibliotheca Rosenthaliana, which contained the admonition of not selling the book. Tearing off this “warning label” enabled the book to be sold, something that most likely happened over time to many books that were donated to libraries.
___________________________________________________
[1] Friedberg, History of Hebrew Typography, Antwerp: 1937, 49.  Although Dr. Levi’s production may have slowed, the bases for Freidberg’s assertion that Amsterdam publishing was affected by the Thrity-Year War is uncertain.  During the 18th century, production of Hebrew books in Amsterdam ranges from 82 to a high of 246 per decade.  The 1730s, the period that Tikkun Shlomo was published, is in the mid-range of those two extremes, with 145 books published between  1730-39.
[2] This work is a single sheet broadside and begins with Moda’ah raba . . . Zikhron Le-veni Yisrael.  
[3] For a summary of his arguments, see Petuchowski, Prayerbook Reform in Europe, New York, NY: 1968, 53-54.



David Sassoon, Bibliophile Par Excellence

 David Sassoon,
Bibliophile Par Excellence
By Dr. Pearl Herzog
The article below is an annotated version
of an article that appeared in the Inyan Magazine of HaModia, dated July 16,
2014.

Harav Chaim Ozer Grodzinski addressed him as
“Hanaggid” (The Prince).[1] The Michtav MeEliyahu (Rabbi
Eliyahu Dessler) came to his home to privately tutor his only son.[2] Named
after his grandfather, the founder of the Sassoon dynasty, David Sassoon was an
outstanding Talmid Chochom, whose tremendous collection of sefarim and
manuscripts, on which he expended much time and money, has enhanced the study
of every branch of Torah to this day.  

Mumbai (formerly known as Bombay), the primary
port city in India is home to more than twelve million people. The city’s
largest fishing market is located at Sassoon Docks, one of the few docks open
to the public. It was the creation of Albert Sassoon, a member of the dynasty
known as the Rothschild’s of the East. who had built the Docks through land
reclamation (creating land out of the sea).[3] In 1869 when the Suez Canal
opened and merchant ships could travel between Europe and Asia without the need
to circumnavigate around Africa, it was imperative, in Albert Sassoon’s view,
that India have a dock for ships to load and unload goods. The government of
India which was initially against Albert’s plan, eventually realized the docks
cemented the future of India’s largest port and paid him a pretty penny for it
in addition to being eternally grateful.
Albert Sassoon, who was knighted by Queen
Victoria of England, was the son of David Sassoon, the founder of the Sassoon
dynasty who had laid the foundation in India, of a vast mercantile empire with
branches in Shanghai, Hong Kong, Turkey, Japan, Persia, and England, In the
words of a contemporary: “Silver, and gold, silks, gums and spices, opium,
cotton wool and wheat – whatever moved over land and sea felt the hand and bore
the mark of Sassoon and Company.”[4]
David Sassoon would always attribute his great
success to the fact that he would strictly observe the laws of Maaser.  David’s father Saleh Sassoon (mother Amam
Gabbai) was a wealthy businessman, chief treasurer to the pashas (the governors
of Baghdad) from 1781 to 1817 and leader of the city’s Jewish community.
Following increasing persecution of Baghdad’s Jews by Daud Pasha, the family
moved to Mumbai via Persia.
The Sasson family traced its Yichus back
to Shefatyah, the fifth son of Dovid HaMelech. When exiled to Spain the family
called itself Ibn Shoshana (son of a rose) which later became Ibn Sassoon (son
of Happiness).[5]
Magnanimous philanthropists, the family
supported many Torah institutions, built shuls, hospitals, Mikvaos and
helped employ many Jews.
Albert Sassoon was surprised one day when his 34
year old single half-brother Solomon Sassoon, expressed his interest in
marrying Albert’s granddaughter, Pircha (Flora) Gabbai. Solomon had been on a
business trip to China and had stopped for a business meeting at the Bombay
office. It was there he met for the first time his 17 year old great niece, and
was impressed with her knowledge of Hebrew, French, German, English, Hindustani
and Arabic as well as the fact that she had been taught Tanach and Yahadus
in private lessons given to her by Rabbonim.[6]
Albert loved the idea. The shidduch was
arranged and the couple had three children, two daughters Rachel and Mazel Tov
and their middle child, a son, David born to them in 1880. Shlomo and Flora’s
palatial home in Bombay was called Nepean Lodge and had a shul attached to it.
Considered the most Torah minded of the Sassoon brothers, Solomon would recite
all 150 perakim of Sefer Tehillim before leaving for his office every
day. Modest and unassuming, he served as a wonderful influence on his only son.
Young David astonished his parents one day when
at eight years old he traded his toy kite with a young boy for a rare printed
book containing an Arabic translation of the Book of Ruth that was written for
Baghdadi Jews who lived in India.[7] That trade was to be the first item in his
life long pursuit of collecting Jewish books and manuscripts. His interest in
collecting Seforim may have helped soften the pain of losing his father at the
tender age of 14. Solomon David passed away in 1894 leaving a young 35 year old
widow and three children, the youngest of whom was 10.
Because of his delicate health, young David’s
physician recommended that he live away from the city’s heat. Because of this
he spent most of the year at the family villas in Poona or Mahabeshwar,
studying Torah and having private lessons in Persian as well as other secular
subjects from a Munshi.[8]
Instead of being educated at Eton like his
Sassoon cousins, he was sent afterwards to a yeshiva in North London.
Although David learned to use a rifle as a
cadet, his poor health saved him from ever going to battle. Instead the navy
hired him to translate Hebrew and Arabic documents and decode messages
intercepted in the Middle East.
His mother had with her grandfather Albert’s
blessing, taken over her husband’s role in the business in India after he
passed away. But seven years later, when David had reached 21, she decided to
move to London where most of the Sassoon family had relocated.
David had developed into quite a Talmid Chochom
and had inherited his great love of seforim from his great grandfather Farji
Chaim Ben Abdullah Yosef whose large library of Seforim in Basra, Iraq had been
partly destroyed in 1775 by the invading Persians.[9] David decided to devote
his life to collecting Seforim. He explained in his Ohel David, a two volume
catalogue of his Seforim that he printed in 1931 that he assembled a huge
library because he wanted to observe the Mitzvah of writing or acquiring a
Sefer Torah by extending the mitzvah to include all religious literature:
Nevi’im, Kesuvim, Gemarah, etc.

David traveled extensively to Yemen, Germany,
Italy, Syria, China and the Himalayas seeking manuscripts and old Seforim. His
sister Rachel Ezra who by this time lived in Calcutta would alert him about
different valuable manuscripts in India, North Africa and China.[10] He would
also purchase items from the noted bookseller Rabbi David Frankel and from the
famous Orientalist Silvestre de Sacy.

David Sassoon spent ten years negotiating to buy
the Farchi Bible, a fourteenth century beautifully calligraphed and illuminated
Tanach which contained over 1000 pages and more than 350 illustrations. It took
seventeen years for Elisha Crescas of Provence to complete it, which he did in
1383. The name of the Bible is derived from the fact that it once belonged to
the wealthy Syrian Farchi family that had served as bankers and treasury
officials for the Turkish governors. Chaim Farchi, who was involved with Jazzar
Pasha in the defense of Acre against Napoleon in 1799 was the Sefer’s owner.
Almost two decades later, an orphan Muslim that Chaim Farchi helped raise and
get installed as a Turkish leader betrayed his wealthy Jewish benefactor. On
Erev Rosh Chodesh Elul (August, 1817), after having fasted all day, soldiers
suddenly entered his apartment and read him his death-warrant, [Chaim Farchi
was accused among other transgressions of building a shul higher than the
highest Mosque in Acre] and was executed.
The Farchi Bible then came into the possession
of the British Consul in Damascus and was only returned to the family a century
later. Unique about this Bible was that it contained the names of many Biblical
women that are not mentioned in the Torah but in Rabbinic writings such as the
names of the wives of Kayin, Hevel, Shet, Chanoch and Metushelach
etc.[11] It also contains the rules of Vocalization and Masoretic notes from
Ben Asher’s Dikdukei Ha’Teamim. The interesting illustrations which do
not show any human figures include Noah’s ark, the Mishkan and of the
city of Yericho with seven walls.
In 1902, a year after he moved to London with
his mother and sister, Dovid Sassoon purchased in Egypt several manuscripts
that had been discovered in the Cairo Geniza six years earlier. These
included an extremely early fragment of the Rambam’s Mishneh Torah which
contained the Rambam’s own glosses and Rabbi Saadiah Gaon’s Tafsir, a
Judeo-Arabic translation on Chumash Bamidbar.
The late Rabbi Dr. Tzi M. Rabinowicz, son of the
previous Biale Rebbe and author of more than 10 books including the Encyclopedia
of Hassidism
visited the Sassoon 
library in 1966 and contributed an article at that time entitled “The
Sassoon Treasures” to Jewish Life magazine.[12] He stated that when visiting
the library of Rabbi Solomon David Sassoon, (David was no longer alive and the
library seems to have passed on to his son Shlomo) he thought of the pasuk
“Shal Naaleich me’al raglecha …. Put off thy shoes from off thy feet for the
place whereon thou standest is holy ground.” He describes it as the world’s
greatest private collection of priceless Sifrei Torah, incunabula, manuscripts
and unpublished writings that cover a period of nearly a thousand years. He
writes that a student of art can feast his eyes on exquisitely illuminated
manuscripts, Genizah fragments, Machzorim, Haggadoth, Ketuboth and important
documents.
David Sassoon wrote a diary in Hebrew entitled Massaei
Bavel
[13] when he travelled in 1910 with his mother and sister Mazel Tov,
from Bombay to Basra stopping off at Baghdad.
The following is an English translation of an
excerpt of his dairy by Rabbi Aharon Bassous:
Tuesday Sept. 20
At 7:00 am we reached AL
Qurna where the Tigris and Euphrates unite. Tradition has it that the Garden of
Eden was here! We rested for 10 minutes. Continuing on our journey to Baghdad
we passed in the afternoon a building which is traditionally the grave of Ezra
HaSofer or Al Ezair in Arabic.
On the outside the grave
looks like the dome of a mosque and is covered with glazed blue tiles. We went
inside to visit. On entering the town we were in a large chamber leading to the
synagogue and grave. Before entering the building we were told to remove our
shoes. On top of the grave is a large tomb made from wood. Every Jewish visitor
lights a lamp and says: I am lighting this lamp in honor of our master Ezra the
scribe, after which he circles the grave and kisses it. Many give money for
someone to bless them at the grave. Even non-Jews, come there to pray.
Several days earlier he wrote that while in
Basra he was able to purchase some manuscripts but not old ones. One of them
called Megillat Paras was read every year on the 2nd day of Nisan because a of
great miracle that happened at Basra.
A very important acquisition David Sassoon made
in Sept. 1923 was the Diwan of Shmuel HaNagid which Oxford University Press
published with an introduction by Sasson in 1924. The manuscript which Sassoon
acquired in Aleppo (Aram Tzova), was copied in 1584-1585 by an Italian rabbi
Tam Ben Gedaliah ibn Yachya. It contained 1743 poems, of which 1500 were
previously unknown. In the manuscript is a poem about the earthquake and
eclipse of the year 1047 and a eulogy on the death of the Gaon Hai ben David
(939-1038) the last gaon of Pumbeditha.
In Cecil Roth: Historian Without Tears[14]
the late Irene Roth writes about  David
Sasson that he was a noted Hebraist and 
bibliophile and maintained a magnificent library of rare manuscripts
which was always open to her husband, the Oxford Historian. Incidentally Cecil
Roth, in his book “The Sassoon Dynasty,” calls David Sassoon a
scholar and writer of no mean distinction.
David Sasson also authored The History of the
Jews of Baghdad
.[15]
In addition to constantly expanding his library
he would help his mother Flora answer thousands of letters from all over the
world requesting tzedkaka for Hachnasas Kallah, Yeshivos, Pidyon
Shevuyi
m, and other Jewish causes including requests to help print
seforim.[16]
In the sefer Ohr Elchonon its author A
Souraski,[17] writes that Rabbi Chaim Ozer Grodzinski sent a letter to the
Prince (Nagid) David Sassoon that he should organize in London a vaad  devoted 
to the selling of Osiyos for  a
Sefer Torah in commemoration of the late Chafetz Chaim.
David was married to Sarah Selina Prins, the
daughter of Moshe Meir Ben Rabbi Eliezer Lippman Prins, a diamond merchant and
Talmid Chochom from Amsterdam who also owned a magnificent library.
In the Sefer “Parnas LeDoro: Hitkatvut
Eliezer Lipman Prinz Im Chachmei Doro
” by Meir Herskovics[18] a letter
by Rabbi Eliezer Prinz to his grandson David Sassoon, the son-in-law of his
eldest son Moshe, he writes that he has difficulty in understanding the
commentary of Ramban on Bereishis 2:9, because when he examined different
girsaos, a word was spelled differently and it is evident that the scribe made
an error. Could David please check his different manuscripts to determine the
correct girsa.

David Sasson was not
only a great Talmid Chochom himself but he hired Rabbi Eliyahu Dessler author
of Michtav Eliyahu to learn with his son Solomon in 1928 at the
suggestion of Dayan Shmuel Yitzchok Hillman. Rabbi Solomon Sassoon, who
continued in his father’s footsteps in collecting seforim, developed into a
great Talmid Chochom who turned down the Israeli government twice when it asked
him to serve as Sephardic Chief Rabbi of Israel.[19]

By the time David Sassoon passed away in 1942 he
had amassed about 1300 items in his library. Sadly the collection has been
dispersed sold at a number of Sotheby auctions, beginning with one in Zurich in
1975. A New York Times article[20] describing the fourth Sassoon manuscript
collection in 1994 states that in the past decade the sales were due to satisfy
the estate’s British tax obligations. Nevertheless, thanks to David Sassoon,
universities and libraries around the world can continue to enhance Jewish
scholarship through the efforts of David Sassoon. Yehi Zichro Mevorach.









































Notes:
[1]
Aaron Souraski, Ohr Elchanan
2, p. 74.
[2] Rosenblum, Jonathan, Rabbi Dessler: The
Life and Impact of Rabbi Eliyahu Eliezer Dessler, the Michtav Me’Eliyahu
,
Mesorah Publications,  Artscroll 2000
NY.,  p 144.
[3] Roth, Cecil, The Sassoon Dynasty,
Robert Hale Limited, London, 1941 p. 80.
[4] Jackson, Stanley, The Sassoons, EP
Dutton Inc., NY 1968 p. 30.
[5] Ibid. page 2
[6] Breger, Jennifer, “Flora Sassoon”
entry in Jewish Women’s Archive.
[7] Jackson, p. 104. Also see Introduction to
Sotheby Catalogue “Seventy-Six important Hebrew and Samaritan Manuscripts
from the Library of the late David Solomon Sassoon,” London June 21, 1994
.The latter was the fifth Sotheby sale of manuscripts from the collection of
David Sassoon, the previous sales took place in Zurich 1975 and1978 and in New
York, in 1981 and 1984.
[8] Ibid. Jackson,  p.105.
[9] Rabinowicz, Harry, The Sassoon Treasures,
Jewish Life Jan.-Feb. 1966 p.45.
[10] Jackson, p.158.
[11] David Sassoon, Ohel David, Oxford
University Press, 1932, p. 6.
[12] Shevat-Adar 5726, Jan.-Feb. 1966 issue
pp.42-48.
[13] Information from his travel diary, was
incorporated later in his, A History of the Jews in Baghdad (Letchworth
1949) and this diary was later edited and published in Hebrew by M. Benayahu in
1955, after its author’s death (Massei Bavel, Jerusalem 1955).
[14] Cecil Roth: Historian without Tears
Sepher
, Hermon Press, N.Y., 1982, p. 92
[15] See note 13
[16] See Nachalat Avot: Asufat Genazim MiBeit
Mishpachat Sassoon
, for a treasure trove of letters soliticing Tzedokoh
from many Gedolim. This sefer includes Teshuvot, Michtavim Tefillot and
Minhagim and was published by Yad Samuel Franco, 5767, Machon “Ahavat
Shalom,” Yerushalayim.
[17] p. 74.
[18] pp. 411-415.
[19] Rav Dessler, pp 145-.146.

[20] Dec. 5, 1984, “Sassoon Judaica Sold at
Sotheby’s”.