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R. Hayyim Hirschensohn, Can One Kill an Am Ha’aretz on Shabbat? Physical Punishments and Lots More

R. Hayyim Hirschensohn, Can One Kill an Am Ha’aretz on Shabbat? Physical Punishments and Lots More
by Marc B. Shapiro
1. In many earlier posts I have discussed R. Hayyim Hirschensohn, so let me pick up with him again.[1] In the Encyclopaedia Judaica’s article on R. Hirschensohn it tells us that he wrote a book Ateret Hakhamim published in 1874. Many people have been interested to see this book which was published when he was only seventeen years old. If you look at library catalogs you will not find anything. Yet if you look in Beit Eked Sefarim, the book is listed as published in Jerusalem, 1874, and this is where the EJ got its information. Beit Eked Sefarim gives the book the following subtitle:
קורות חכמת הטבע והפילוסופיה לפי השקפת אגדות חז”ל
As far as I can tell no such book was ever published in 1874 and I have no idea where the subtitle to the book came from. However, JNUL does have an unpublished manuscript from Hirschensohn with the title Ateret Hakhamim, and presumably that is where the confusion arose.
The first book by Hirschensohn is actually quite unknown, and is not mentioned by David Zohar in his list of Hirschensohn’s writings.[2] It is Ateret Zekenim, his commentary to R. Elijah Guttmacher’s Sukkat Shalom, published in 1883. While this book is not on Otzar ha-Hokhmah we are fortunate that it is on hebrewbooks.org, and here is the title page.

R. Hirschensohn published R. Guttmacher’s Sukkat Shalom from manuscript. The connection between the two was that R. Hirschensohn’s father, R. Jacob Mordechai, was close to Guttmacher and head of a yeshiva in Safed and later in Jerusalem that operated under R. Guttmacher’s auspices.[3] Sukkat Shalom was reprinted in 2000. Here is the title page.
Since this book is not on hebrewbooks.org or Otzar ha-Hokhmah, I think one can say that it qualifies as a “rare book.” In the introduction to this new printing, the editor tells us that the book was first published in 1883, but in the all too common haredi method, he does not tell the reader who first published it. He does tell us that his edition is based on the manuscript found in the New York Public Library, which must have come from R. Hirschensohn’s library.

When writing about a figure such as R. Hirschensohn, one of the central themes is developments in his thinking which is why the early writings are always so important. Therefore, this work must be studied by all who are interested in R. Hirschensohn. Ateret Zekenim shows R. Hirschensohn before he was exposed to secular studies and broadened himself. In this work, he is still a Jerusalem ben Torah with a limited curriculum, albeit more open-minded than many others in the Land of Israel during this period.[4]
Later in life he would even study Spinoza and write notes on the latter’s work. Yet he admitted that the feelings his writing on Spinoza raised in him were entirely the opposite of the spirit of religious feeling during Torah study, and he thus advised people to keep away from what he wrote, unless someone was particularly troubled by Spinoza’s ideas and needed to see a Jewish response.[5]
It is significant that even though R. Hirschensohn criticizes Spinoza, he does not relate to him as a heretic. He even attaches ז”ל after his name, as you can see from the title page of the second part of his Musagei Shav ve-ha-Emet.

I don’t know of any other rabbinic author who gives this type of honor to Spinoza, the heretic par excellence. In the preface to his discussion of Spinoza, R. Hirschensohn recounts what led him in 1903 to begin his study of the philosopher. On pp. 113ff. (second pagination, as are the other page numbers I refer to) R. Hirschensohn discusses Spinoza’s pantheism and states that he was not guilty of two of the big heresies: (1) regarding God as a corporeal being, or (2) avodah zarah. He was simply in error, and that was because he didn’t properly investigate matters. R. Hirschensohn even admires the way Spinoza stuck to his beliefs despite the persecution he suffered. He refused to give in to his opponents as from his perspective to do so would be a form of falsehood and idolatry. In other words, Spinoza and his opponents were equally well intentioned. In fact, all of them, including Spinoza, were tzaddikim! They simply had different perspectives on reality.
Here is what R. Hirschensohn writes on p. 115, words which are incredible coming from a rabbi and posek. As far as I know this is the only Orthodox defense of Spinoza.[6] (The word וברוך in the first sentence alludes to Spinoza’s name, and note also the words I have underlined.)
צדיק הוא שפינוזי לפי שטתו וברוך טעמו ונמוקו, ובצדקתו ותום לבבו סבל חרפת שונאיו ומנדיו וימסור נפשו וכבודו על קדוש השם, ולו הודה למתנגדיו אזי הי’ עובד אלהות הרבה, כאשר אנחנו היינו נחשבים לכופרים באלקים או עובדי ע”ז בשתוף לו הודינו אנחנו לשכלת שפינוזי באלוה, שני המתנגדים צדקו בדרכם ע”פ שיטתם המדעי ואת אלקים בקשו הרודף והנרדף, ושניהם צדיקים גמורים עובדי אלקים באמת ובלב שלם, כי כל המחלוקת אשר בינינו לשפינוזי היא רק מחלוקת מדעית, אשר אם כה ואם כה אין זה כפירה ונגיעה בדת ובאמונה, כאשר לא יהי’ נוגע לאמונה אם שני אנשים יחלקו שאחד יאמר שהארץ גדולה מהשמש והשני יאמר שהשמש גדולה
According to R. Hirschensohn, Spinoza made mistakes in his understanding of God, but this does not mean he was a heretic, since there is no obligation on Jews to investigate the nature of God. In other words, since there are no principles of faith regarding the nature of God, one such as Spinoza who errs in this matter cannot be regarded as a heretic as he has not uprooted any basic Jewish principles.[7] On p. 117 he writes:
לא נקרא בזה כופר באלוק ואפיקורס כי הוא לא אמר לאלוק נברא אתה הוא אומר שהוא מחויב המציאות וסבת עצמו, רק ייחס לו דבר שאין בו, נקרא בזה טועה לא כופר כי אין אנו מצווים בשום מקום לחקור ולידע מהות אלקים עלינו בדעת אלקים החוב רק לידע שיש שם מצוי ראשון ממציא כל נמצא כו’ החוב עלינו לידע ולהאמין מציאותו ולא לחקור ולידע את מהותו אפי’ מה לשלול ממנו . . . לא נצטונו בשום מקום לא בהתורה ולא בהנביאים גם לא בדחז”ל לידע ולחקור במהותו אדרבא נצטוינו שלא ללמד דברים אלו אלא לחכם ומבין מדעתו, כי לא נחוץ כלל לאמונה ודת החקירות בזה.
Following this, R. Hirschensohn states that since neither the Torah nor the Sages require that the masses educate themselves in philosophical matters, one cannot regard them as heretics for not being sophisticated in this area. The upshot of this, according to R. Hirschensohn, is that Rabad is correct in his criticism of Maimonides in Hilkhot Teshuvah 3:7. That is, an honest mistake even in basic theological matters does not render one a heretic.[8] What this means is that Spinoza also cannot be regarded as a heretic (and his mistake was not even in an ikar emunah). R. Hirschensohn concludes by saying that in Heaven both Spinoza and his opponents have made peace with one another (p. 118).
מודה הראב”ד ז”ל שההגשמה היא שבוש הדעות אבל לא נקרא על ידי זה מין רק טועה ומכש”כ מין הגשמה הזאת של שפינוזי אשר נוכל לקרא אותה בשם הגשמה רוחנית, הוא רק טועה לא מין וכופר ח”ו ומכש”כ שלא נקרא עובד ע”ז, והותר הנדר. ובעלמא דקשוט עושה שלום במרומיו יעשה שלום בין נשמתו של שפינוזי ונשמת מתנגדיו. כי לכל העם בשגגה.
This reminds me of the famous picture of Mendelssohn and his antagonist R. Ezekiel Landau embracing in the afterlife. It appeared in the book Alon Bakhut, published by Joseph Ha-Ephrati in 1793. (Mendelssohn was short and R. Landau was quite tall.)

S. also refers to the image here and notes another example of antagonists making up in the World to Come, in this case R. Jacob Emden and R. Jonathan Eybschuetz.[9]
Since I will touch on the dogma of Torah mi-Sinai in the next post, let me also note the suggestive comment of R. Hirschensohn that until parashat Va-Yigash we find stories in the Torah that took place in dreams, but after this there are no such stories in dreams. Rather, everything took place in reality.[10] Unfortunately, he does not explain which stories prior to Va-Yigash he regards as having taken place in dreams. If all he meant were the stories of Abraham and the three angels, and Jacob wrestling with the angel, which were already mentioned by Maimonides,[11] then there is not much of significance in his comment. I therefore assume he has much more in mind, but as mentioned, he doesn’t reveal the particulars.
2. In my post here I wrote “R. Asher Ben Jehiel, She’elot u-Teshuvot ha-Rosh 18:13, deals with a case of a woman who was intimate with a non-Jew and became pregnant from him. R. Asher affirms the local rabbi’s decision to cut off her nose.” This passage is referred to by Louis Epstein, Sex Laws and Customs in Judaism )New York, 1967), p. 173. In his note to this passage, Epstein writes, “Adret opposed this practice. See Besamim Rosh, 192.” This is a very surprising note. Epstein was a great talmid hakham and also a learned academic scholar. I therefore can’t understand how he assumed that the Rashba’s responsum in Besamim Rosh was authentic.
I have many notes to Besamim Rosh which I will one day turn into an article. The entire volume is one big game, meant to undermine traditional Judaism from the inside. People often assume that there are only a few “problematic” responsa, but this is incorrect, as there are loads of them, all with the same purpose in mind. Faced with the responsum of R. Asher which permitted mutilation, Saul Berlin could not put forth an alternative view in the name of R. Asher, so he attributed the forged responsum to the Rashba. In this responsum, “Rashba” responds to the very same inquiry that R. Asher was presented with, namely, was the questioner correct in ordering the removal of the nose of a woman who became pregnant from a non-Jewish man. In the question as it appears in Besamim Rosh, the pregnant woman is actually referred to as a ילדה, which is Berlin’s way of making R. Asher’s decision look even worse.
In his response, “Rashba” completely rejects R. Asher’s decision, stating that today there is no dinei nefashot, no kenasot, and certainly no mutilation. In this case, he tells us, the woman only violated a rabbinic prohibition, since there is no Torah prohibition on sex with a non-Jew. And even if it was a Torah prohibition there is no permission to mutilate her. “It is not proper to mutilate the daughters of Israel who are praised for their beauty.” It should be obvious to anyone who reads this responsum that we are seeing Saul Berlin’s attempt to put a kinder face on a troublesome aspect of medieval halakhah. The responsum anachronistically argues for a more humane approach to sinners than that presented by R. Asher, and is thus in line with Berlin’s wider struggle to reform traditional Judaism.[12]
It wasn’t just Saul Berlin who had a problem with this responsum (18:13) of R. Asher. As Zachary Grodzinski pointed out to me, and I later saw that Simhah Assaf makes the same point,[13] in the Vilna 1881 edition of R. Asher’s responsa (also reprinted in Vilna, 1885) the part about cutting of the woman’s nose has been removed. Here is how the responsum looks uncensored, where R. Asher’s questioner writes:
ומה שעלה בדעתי מפני שהענין כל כך מפורסם לחתוך חוטמה כדי לשחת תאר פניה שקשטה בפני הבועל

Here is how the passage looks in the censored edition, which takes out the point about cutting off her nose:
ומה שעלה בדעתי מפני שהענין כל כך מפורסם ליסרה כדת כדי לשחת תאר פניה שקשטה בפני הבועל

The uncensored text above comes from the Machon Yerushalayim edition. What I can’t understand, however, and I think is probably an error (because there is no note), is that the Machon Yerushalayim edition for some reason prints R. Asher’s answer in a censored form.
יפה דנת ליסרה כדת כדי שתתגנה על מנאפיה
Yet the earlier editions have a more complete answer. Here, for example, is the Venice 1552 edition, which includes the point about cutting off the nose in R. Asher’s answer.
יפה דנת יחתכו חוטמה להשחי’ תאר פניה כדי שתתגנה על מנאפיה

In responsum 17:8 R. Asher recommends cutting out the tongue of a blasphemer. This section of the responsum is also missing from the Vilna edition.[14]
On the matter of physical punishments in Spain,[15] also worthy of note is the responsum in Zikhron Yehudah, no. 75, signed by among others R. Jacob ben Asher, which reports that in Lucena, on the authority of R. Joseph Ibn Migash, an informer was executed (by stoning) on Yom Kippur that fell out on Shabbat during the time of ne’ilah. Since even official executions carried out on authority of the Sanhedrin were not permitted to take place on Shabbat,[16] presumably Ibn Migash decided that in this case there was impending danger from the individual and the execution could not be postponed.[17]
Regarding a different scoundrel, R. Asher stated (17:6):
מותר לנוחרו אפי’ ביוה”כ שחל להיות בשבת
This means that he can be killed on Yom Kippur that falls out on Shabbat.[18] In the Vilna edition the word לענשו is substituted for לנוחרו. The implication of לענשו is that the sinner be punished, but not that he be killed. As we saw with the other example where the Vilna edition made a change, there was obviously a concern by the printer in the Czarist kingdom not to publicize the physical punishments that Jews enforced in medieval Spain.[19]
The language מותר לנוחרו אפילו ביום הכפורים שחל להיות בשבת is taken from Pesahim 49b where it states that an am-ha’aretz may be killed on Yom Kippur that falls out on Shabbat. This is quite a shocking statement, one of a number of strong statements directed against the am ha-aretz,[20] and it certainly is not meant to be taken literally or as referring to what today we call an am ha’aretz.[21] A number of different interpretations have been offered, many of which have their own difficulties. For example, R. Isaac Alfasi, ad loc., explains the passage to mean that he can be killed if he is chasing after a man or an engaged woman to rape them on Yom Kippur.
The first problem with this interpretation is that if this is what the passage meant the Talmud could have easily said so, as  was pointed out by R. Asher ben Jehiel, ad loc.[22] Furthermore, the presence of an am ha’aretz in this scenario does not add anything, as even if it was a talmid hakham intent on the crime he would be killed. R. Jacob Emden, in his comment, ad loc., as usual has an original perspective in answering this problem. He notes that with regard to a typical rodef, if you can save the endangered person by only injuring the rodef then this is what you must do. However, Emden claims that when dealing with a rodef who is an am ha’aretz, one doesn’t need to be concerned with only injuring him, as you can simply kill the am ha’aretz.
דבסתם רודף אם יכולין להציל לנרדף באחד מאבריו של רודף אין רשאין להרגו, משא”כ בעם הארץ אין חוששין לו כך כך, מאחר שעל חייו אינו חס. אבל באופן אחר חלילה להרגו, דלא גרע מגויים עובדי אלילים דקיי”ל לא מעלים, גרמא בעלמא במניעת הצלה דוקא הוא דשריא, אבל אין מורידין, הריגה בידים אסירא, על אחת כמה וכמה ישראל עם הארץ.
I have no clue what led Emden to this point, which I see as quite shocking, as it legitimates what according to mainstream halakhah would be regarded as an act of murder. (The words of Emden I have just quoted are taken from the Nehardea edition of the Talmud, which uses Emden’s manuscript. The version of Emden’s comment found in the standard Vilna Shas and even in the new Oz ve-Hadar Talmud is a censored text.)
There is another surprising text in Rabad’s Temim Deim,[23] written by the Tosafist R. Isaac bar Samuel. He mentions that informers would be killed even if they only caused monetary damage to the Jewish community. In discussing how this is permitted, he refers to the talmudic passage that states that one can kill an am ha’aretz. R. Isaac explains the matter as follows: There are times when it is pikuah nefesh to kill an am ha’aretz, such as when he is unconcerned with other lives and is suspected of thievery and murder. What is really shocking is that R. Isaac continues by saying that even if you don’t know with certainty that this particular am ha’aretz has committed these crimes, since most of those he associates with are indeed suspected of this, it is permitted to kill the am ha’aretz even when he is not chasing after someone to cause harm!
How can this act be justified? R. Isaac says that perhaps the permission can be derived from a biblical verse, but even if not, he tells us that the Sages have the power to uproot commandments in the Torah, so if we kill the am ha’aretz, it is on their authority and we don’t need to be concerned with the prohibition of murder.
שאמרו רבותינו שיש עם הארץ שמותר לקורעו כדג ומותר לנוחרו ביום הכפורים שחל בשבת. אבל אין תמה דטעמא רבא איכא שפעמים שהוא פקוח לנפש כמה נפשות כגון אותו שידוע שאינו חס על חיי חבירו וחשוד ללסטם ולהרוג כשהוא יכול ואפי’ כשאינו ידוע בו בבירור כיון שרוב העושים כמעשיו הם חשודים בכך מותר ואפי’ שלא בשעת רדיפתו ואפשר שיש שום פסו’ ע”ז ואפי’ אין שם שום פ’ יש כח ביד חכמים לעקור דבר מן התורה ואפי’ בקום עשה דברי הכל כשיש טעם קצת למתיר שאז אינו דומה לעקירה
“The great novelty here is the sweeping heter to kill potential murderers, even if there is no specific knowledge that this particular am ha’aretz is a rodef.”[24] Such a view is not found among any of the other rishonim, and, it need hardly be said, if adopted would have dangerous implications. Had the authors of the controversial Torat ha-Melekh known of this text, they would certainly have cited it. (I will deal with Torat ha-Melekh in a future post.)
A different perspective is offered by the Maharal. He explains that while it is indeed forbidden to kill an am ha’aretz, he actually deserves to be killed. The only reason he is not killed is because of his potential to become something better than he is. The Maharal, in saying this, is not referring to an ignorant person, what today we call an am ha’aretz. For the Maharal, ignorance is not enough to put one in the same category of those whose existence is not “for the glory of God” and who are “lower than an animal.”[25] The Maharal also cites talmudic opinions that if one merely says the Shema or puts on tefillin or wears tzitzit, he is not to be regarded as an am ha’aretz. According to these views, an am ha’aretz is completely material. Yet one who performs the mitzvot just mentioned shows that he has a spiritual connection, and is thus removed from the category of am ha’aretz.[26]
The idea that an am ha’aretz is killed on Yom Kippur that falls on Shabbat leads to another matter. In the letter against the study of philosophy signed by R. Solomon ben Adret and many others,[27] the following sentence appears.
והספרים ההם אשר עשו ישרפו בשבת לעיניהם
At first glance, what this appears to be saying is that the books of philosophy should be burnt on Shabbat, and some scholars did understand the words in this fashion.[28] This would, however, be problematic, since there is no apparent halakhic justification for burning heretical works on Shabbat. In fact, it has been pointed out that the letter is not speaking about Shabbat at all.[29] It is simply using a melitzah based on the verse in II Sam. 23:7 which reads:
ובאש שרוף ישרפו בשבת
The final word has a kametz under the shin, and a segol under the betba-shavet. The words mean “they shall be utterly burned with fire in their place.” In other words, there is nothing about Shabbat in his verse, or in the letter signed by the Rashba.
Finally, I want to discuss a recent article by Rabbi Shalom C. Spira and Dr. Mark A. Wainberg that appeared in Hakirah entitled “Criminalization of HIV Transmission.”[30] They begin by quoting R. Zvi Spitz who argues that one who knowingly allows his illness to be passed to someone else, under Torah law he is responsible for damages.[31] Therefore, one who knowingly injects another with HIV would be regarded as responsible for the result.
Following this, the authors cite R. J. David Bleich who thinks that according to Torah law one who intentionally injects another with HIV (today we could add Ebola) would not be responsible for damages since in order for actual infection to take place, a series of chemical steps must occur placing the initial injection in the category of gerama. This is a strange position, to say the least, and R. Bleich himself quotes R. Eliezer Waldenberg’s objection to this way of thinking, as it would mean that one who puts poison in another’s drink is not biblically culpable for murder.[32] Since there is a dispute about this matter, Spitz and Wainberg conclude that “Evidently, the principle of “kim li” would serve to exculpate the murderer before a human court.” (pp. 137-138). They further say that one who intentionally injects another with HIV cannot be sued for monetary damages in a Beth Din, “but will instead be responsible before the Heavenly court, as would be the consequence for any gerama.” The one who injected an innocent person with HIV will “bear a supererogatory obligation to voluntarily offer restitution to his victim.”
Although the authors have previously cited R. Spitz as disagreeing with R. Bleich, they nevertheless state that “R. Spitz would probably concede to R. Bleich, simply because it is difficult to envisage a compelling refutation of all the countervailing authorities cited by R. Bleich.” This is a ridiculous statement as R. Spitz’s entire argument is in direct opposition to what R. Bleich states, and he cites the Steipler in support of his position. Where do the authors get the idea that because they are convinced by R. Bleich’s argument that R. Spitz would have to concede?[33] (In general, it is very rare for a halakhic authority debating an issue to concede that he was mistaken in his understanding.)
Finally, the authors note the possibility of the secular government punishing someone who injects another, but their assumption is that from a Jewish standpoint a person can go around injecting others with HIV and not pay any price, neither criminal nor civil, for his actions. If this was indeed the case, then the non-Orthodox community would be absolutely correct in their assumption that Jewish law is completely unsuited for running a modern legal system. However, that is not the case, and the problem is not with Jewish law, but with presentations of the sort just described.
Reading Spira’s and Wainberg’s article, which deals with a real life, contemporary problem, is like reading an article dealing with Jewish criminal law in which it is stressed that there is a need for someone to warn the criminal before he commits his crime as well as an absolute requirement for two male witnesses. Such a hypothetical article would conclude that if someone pulled out a machine gun at a Hadassah convention and killed 30 women, that Jewish law offers no way to punish him, as he was not warned and the action was only observed by women. At best, the author might suggest, as did Spira and Wainberg, that the murderer would be encouraged to “voluntarily offer restitution.”
The fact is that if we had a Jewish state in which Jewish law was the law of the land, the murderer described in the previous paragraph would not get away with it, and neither would the guy who injects another with HIV. As I have already discussed in prior posts, Jewish law allows the authorities vast discretion in order to do what is needed to ensure order and punish wrongdoers.[34] See here where I quote the Rashba who said that to insist on Torah law in these sorts of matters would “destroy the world.”
So in the real world, in a state run according to Jewish law, if someone purposely injected another with HIV he would not get off scot-free and encouraged to “voluntarily offer restitution,” as stated by Spira and Wainberg. What would happen is that the beit din would sentence the man to jail for attempted murder. In addition, assuming the man had any money, the beit din would confiscate a significant amount of it in order to cover the cost of medication for the man he infected. This is how Jewish law operates, and has always operated, in the real world when Jewish courts have had real authority. Any other portrayal is not only historically incorrect, but does a terrible disservice as it announces to both Jews and non-Jews that Jewish law is not equipped to handle the problems of the real world.
3. A number of people have suggested that I turn my posts into a book. Such a book would have to include many pictures and would be a large size book complete with an index. Since we are dealing with around a thousand pages so far, It would have to be at least two volumes. I think it would take quite a bit of effort to produce the book, which I am willing to do if there is an interest. I wonder how many people would buy such a book when the posts are available for free online. What do you think?
4. I will once again be leading tours this summer to Central Europe, Spain, and Italy. For more information, please go here http://torahinmotion.org/.
5. The newest work in the series I edit has just appeared: Ephraim Chamiel, The Middle Way: The Emergence of Modern-Religious Trends in Nineteenth-Century Judaism, Responses to Modernity in the Philosophy of Z. H. Chajes, S. R. Hirsch and S. D. Luzzatto. You can order it by going here here or calling 617-782-6290. By using the promotion code Chamiel30 Seforim Blog readers can get the volumes at 30% off.

 

[1] In my post here I refer to R. Hirschensohn’s comment that a lamdan is one for whom a difficult Rashi or Rambam keeps him up at night. I noted that this is something R. Soloveitchik would certainly agree with. I now see that R. Soloveitchik actually said that he would wake up in the middle of the night and start answering talmudic difficulties that had troubled him all day. See R. Baruch Simon, Imrei Barukh (New York, 2005), vol. 1, pp. 124-125.
[2] Mehuyavut Yehudit be-Olam Moderni (Jerusalem and Ramat-Gan, 2003), pp. 299-300.
[3] See Aryeh Morgenstern’s informative article “Mishpahat Hirschensohn u-Vesorat ha-Haskalah ve-ha-Modernah bi-Yerushalayim,” Katedra 108 (2003), pp. 105-130.
[4] For examples of his early thought, see Sukkat Shalom, pp. 149ff (Hebrew numerals), where he defends the antiquity of the Zohar; p. 153a for his belief in the existence of demons.
[5] See Hirschensohn, Musagei Shav ve-ha-Emet (Jerusalem, 1932), p. 120 (second numbering).
[6] In my forthcoming book I deal with what R. Kook says about Spinoza. While significant in their own right, R. Kook’s words cannot be regarded as a defense of Spinoza. See also R. Jacob Moses Harlap’s recently published comments on Spinoza, Mei Marom (Jerusalem, 2012), vol. 18, p. 68.
[7] See here where Steven Nadler discusses a recent unsuccessful attempt to have the ban on Spinoza lifted. This would only be symbolic since there is really no such thing as a herem on a dead person. See the earlier discussion of R. Isaac Herzog, Pesakim u-Khetavim, vol. 5, no. 111. He concludes that even if there was a ban against the books (meaning that one who read them would be placed in herem), it no longer is applicable. R. Herzog does note, of course, that the prohibition on reading heretical literature still applies.
[8] Rabbi Jeremy Wieder has stated regarding ikarei emunah: “I know that there are many who would say it’s whatever that, we poskin like the Rambam. I’m not sure who poskins like the Rambam. I don’t know that the Shulhan Arukh ever issued such a pesak.” He then states that it is not certain that we accept the Rambam’s view that one who thinks God has physical characteristics is a heretic, as it could be that Rabad is correct.
Listen here beginning at minute 12:50.
In Limits and in previous posts I have cited authorities who, while they accept Maimonides’ ikarim, reject his view that someone who doesn’t believe in one of his principles, because he doesn’t know any better, is a heretic. They assume that there is a concept of kefirah be-shogeg, and believe that this is what Rabad’s point is in his hassagah to Hilkhot Teshuvah 3:7. R. Chaim Rapoport has called my attention to the fact that the Lubavitcher Rebbe also accepted this position. See Iggerot Kodesh, vol. 22, pp. 33-34.
[9] The example comes from R. Abraham Hayyim Michelson, Ohel Avraham, p. 28b. See also R. Aryeh Zev Ginzberg, Divrei Hakhamim, pp. 286-287.
[10] Apiryon 2 (1925), p. 100 (no. 67).
[11] Guide 2:42.
[12] See Simhah Assaf, Ha-Onshin Aharei Hatimat ha-Talmud (Jerusalem, 1922), p. 69, who points out that the event described by R. Asher took place ten years after the Rashba died, thus proving that the responsum is a forgery. See also José Faur, In the Shadow of History (New York, 1992), p. 227 n. 82, who surprisingly assumes that Besamim Rosh, no. 301, is authentic. This responsum is actually one of the most notorious of Berlin’s forgeries.
[13] Ha-Onshin, p. 69.
[14] For a discussion of this responsum, see Jonathan Ray, The Sephardic Frontier (Ithaca, 2006), pp. 119ff. On p. 173 Ray writes: “Frustrated with their relative powerlessness against Jews who pursued relations with Gentile women, rabbinic authorities called for others to attack transgressors who they caught in such activity.” His sources for this statement are Zikhron Yehudah, no. 63 and R. Jonah Gerondi, Sha’arei Teshuvah, Gate 3, no. 131. Yet Zikhron Yehudah is explicit that the punishment has to be carried out by the beit din. On the other hand, R. Jonah quotes the law of kana’in pog’in bo and does not say that it is no longer applicable. This could indeed be seen as a call to kill transgressors.Israel Zinberg, A History of Jewish Literature, vol. 7, p. 164, quotes R. Isaac ben Elyakim’s (17th century) Yiddish book Lev Tov, which indeed does give license to kill transgressors:

For the sin of lying with a gentile woman is more grievous than adultery with a Jewess, and anyone who finds a man lying with a gentile woman may freely kill him. Indeed, it is a great mitzvah to slay him immediately, and it is like bringing him as a sacrifice, as Pinehas did. There is no need to give him any warning. Also, there is no need to obtain permission from any rabbi or from any judge or from any leader of the community, but whoever finds him . . . should kill him at once. One who slays him without judgment and without legal proceedings does a great mitzvah.
[15] Although in the current post and in the earlier post I deal with physical punishments (other than execution and lashes) in Spain, this was not the only place where this was done. The Bible, Judges 1:6, already mentions cutting off the thumbs and large toes of the defeated Canaanite king. R. Moses Isserles, Shulhan Arukh, Hoshen Mishpat 388:10, refers to blinding a moser or cutting out his tongue. R. Shalom Shachna, R. Isserles’ father-in-law, had an actual case in which he permitted blinding and cutting out the tongue of an evildoer. See She’elot u-Teshuvot Maharam Lublin, no. 138. This responsum is deleted from the Warsaw, 1881 edition of the responsa, but is found in the earlier editions which have the title Manhir Einei Hakhamim. R. Meir of Lublin tells us that R. Shalom Shachna’s ruling had a negative result in the end, as the man ended up apostatizing and marrying a Christian, and he and his children caused problems for the Jewish community. R. Solomon Luria was also a student of R. Shalom Shachna and he too reports this case and how after the punishment the man caused problems. See Yam Shel Shlomo, Yevamot 10:20:
ראיתי בימי שתקלה גדול’ בא לישראל ממעשה כזה שנקרו עניו [!] וחתכו לשונו שיצא אחר כך מן הכלל, מבוכה גדולה בישראל לולי רוב רחמיו וחסדיו שנתן לנו יתברך חנינה.
In order to prevent such occurrences, both R. Meir of Lublin and R. Luria reject the punishments of blinding and cutting out tongues, believing that when necessary the wicked one should simply be killed. R. Luria writes:
ונראה לי הלכה למעשה לדון כל מוסר רבים ומגזם לרבים ומוחזק לכך לאבדו אפי’ בידים ולא לחוס עליו בנפש אבל לא לחתוך לשונו ולנקר עיניו אלא לאבד הרע מקרבנו ואדרבא בזה איכא למיחש וקרוב לודאי שיתפקר ביותר ויפרוק עול ויצא חוץ לדת כדי לנקום נקם ויעליל ח”ו על ישראל ליבדה מלבו דברים שלא היו
R. Meir of Rothenburg stated that it is permitted to amputate the arm of one who continuously beats his wife. See She’elot u-Teshuvot Maharam Rothenburg, ed. Bloch (Budapest, 1895), no. 81. The same ruling is quoted in the name of R. Simhah of Speyer in Beit Yosef, Even ha-Ezer 154 (end). Already R. Huna recommended cutting off the hand of one who continuously struck others. See Sanhedrin 58b.
R. Jacob Weil (fifteenth century) of Germany ruled that it was permitted to gouge out someone’s eyes who violated Shabbat and Yom Kippur. See She’elot u-Teshuvot Mahari Veil (Jerusalem, 1959), section Dinin ve-Halakhot (at the end of the volume), no. 58.
R. Tzemah Gaon tells us that with a kohen who married a divorcee and there was a fear that he would perform the priestly blessing (which he was now forbidden to do), they would cut off the top of his fingers. See Halakhot Pesukot (Cracow, 1893), no. 84.
ואי הוו חיישין דאזיל לדוכתא אחריתא ופריס ידיה הוו קצין ליה לראש אצבעותיה וקבעין ביה מומא דלא ליפריס ידיה
See also Sha’arei Teshuvah (Leipzig, 1858), no. 177. This ruling is recorded in Beit Yosef, Even ha-Ezer 6 (citing Orhot Hayyim).The penalty of blinding a murderer is mentioned in Sanhedrin 27a (see Rashi who assumes that this is the meaning of the passage). Blinding oneself was also occasionally used as a preventative measure to keep one from sin. A geonic source tells us that R. Joseph and R. Sheshet blinded themselves for this reason. See Sha’arei Teshuvah, no. 178. According to Yalkut Shimoni, Bereshit, parashah 49, remez 161 (p. 848 in the Mossad ha-Rav Kook edition), R. Matya ben Heresh blinded himself for the same reason.

Regarding cutting a tongue out, see also R. Moses Hagiz, Mishnat Hakhamim (Czernowitz, 1864), no. 405, who tells the story of a rabbi and martyr who was tortured before being killed. When it was decreed that his tongue would be cut out, he stated that this was a punishment for him having learnt Latin and other non-Jewish languages.
While we are on the subject of harsh physical punishments, let me call attention to R. Yitzhak Nahman Eshkoli, Tza’ar Ba’alei Hayyim be-Halakhah u-ve-Aggadah (Ofakim, 2002), p. 261, who cites a contemporary opinion that when dealing with an eved kena’ani who has not yet had milah and tevilah, if necessary one can remove one of his limbs! (Obviously, this is no more than a theoretical point resulting from a “hiddush”.)
שישראל שקנה נכרי כדי שיהא עבדו, אך עדיין לא מל ולא טבל לשם עבדות, יהא מותר הישראל לחתוך את יד הנכרי כדי לכתוב עליה גט
We all know that you need to do everything you can to save another’s life. Let’s say an evil ruler tells you that he is going to kill another Jew, and if you agree to let him chop off your arm he will spare the person’s life. Are you obligated to give up your arm to save another? R. David Ibn Zimra, She’elot u-Teshuvot ha-Radbaz, no. 1052, discusses this question and concludes that you are not obligated, although to do so would be an act of hasidut. (This responsum is often cited in halakhic discussions of living organ donations.) I am sure readers are not surprised with this answer, yet R. Menahem Recanati records that some did think that he would be obligated to sacrifice a limb. See Sefer Recanati (Petrokov, 1894), no. 470. Radbaz’s responsum is actually in response to what Recanati writes, and Radbaz states the following important point, which is simply a matter of “sevara”.
דכתיב דרכיה דרכי נועם וצריך שמשפטי תורתינו יהיו מסכימים אל השכל והסברא ואיך יעלה על דעתנו שיניח אדם לסמא את עינו או לחתוך את ידו או רגלו כדי שלא ימיתו את חבירו
However, I wonder, is it really true what Radbaz says, that the laws of the Torah have to be in accord with sekhel and sevara?
[16] See Sanhedrin 35b.
[17] See R. Jacob Meshulam Ginzberg, Mishpatim le-Yisrael  (Jerusalem, 1956), p. 23 n. 158. See, however, this page from R. Reuven Margaliyot, Margaliyot ha-Yam, vol. 1, p. 91b (to Sanhedrin 46a), which reports the killing of a moser in the nineteenth century, and this indeed took place on Yom Kippur. The rabbi mentioned in this report, R. Joshua Kluger, served as rav in Greiding, Poland, from 1850-1885. See Zvi Horowitz, Le-Toldot ha-Kehilot be-Polin (Jerusalem, 1978), p. 194.
Now that you have had a chance to read the passage from R. Margaliyot, please look at the following pages from R. Moshe Blau’s Mishnat Moshe on Sanhedrin (Bnei Brak, 1989), pp. 152-153. It is completely lifted from Margaliyot ha-Yam, including the story that R. Margaliyot heard from his father!

 

Here is a page from Mishnat Moshe on Rosh ha-Shanah, p. 89. Blau writes
והנה מ”ש בדברנו בס’ משנת משה על מסכת סנהדרין
and then once again prints the same text from Margaliyot ha-Yam, without any indication of where it comes from.

I understand plagiarism, but I don’t understand how Blau can refer to אבי מורי ז”ל when the person who told the story is not his father?
[18] R. Asher also states that the person in question, who caused Jewish monetary losses, could be killed without witnesses or warning or any ruling by a beit din.
אין צריך עדים והתראה למסור אלא רק השומע מפיו שהוא מגזם להפסיד ממון של ישראל ולמסור בידי ע”א
[19] The entire section of the responsum I discuss here was not included in the first edition, Constantinople 1517, or in the second edition, Venice 1552. It is included in the Venice 1607 edition.
[20] For detailed discussion of the halakhic status of the am ha’aretz, see R. Nahman Shlomo Greenspan, Mishpat ha-Am ha-Aretz be-Sifrut ha-Halakhah be-Khol Tekufoteha (Jerusalem, 1946). See also Eliezer Zweigel, Sanegor (Warsawk 1885), pp. 164ff., and Adolph Buechler, Am ha-Aretz ha-Gelili (Jerusalem, 1964). For my earlier comments about the am ha’aretz, see my post here.
R. Solomon ben Adret, She’elot u-Teshuvot ha-Rashba, vol. 3, no. 314, goes so far as to say
וכולי עלמא השתא כעמי הארץ שהרוב אינן בני תורה
See also Beit Kelm (Bnei Brak, 2014), vol. 3, pp. 174-175.
[21] As part of his effort to delegitimize rabbinic Judaism, the notorious missionary Alexander McCaul referred to this text in his Netivot Olam (London, 1870), ch. 1. R. Isaac Margulies, Maoz ha-Talmud (Vilna, 1869), responded that it doesn’t mean that one can kill an am ha’aretz.
“ע”ה מותר לנוחרו” משמעו כך, שהע”ה מצד עצמו הנהו מותר, כלומר מתחייב בנפשו, אבל אין אדם בארץ שיהיה מותר להרגהו
[22] See also Hiddushei ha-Ran, ad loc.
[23] No. 203.
[24] Dov Halbertal, Erekh ha-Hayyim ba-Halakhah (Jerusalem, 2004), vol. 1, p. 232.
[25] Netivot Olam, ed. Pardes (Jerusalem, 1982), Netiv ha-Torah, ch. 15, p. 153.
[26] Ibid., pp. 158ff.
[27] She’elot u-Teshuvot ha-Rashba, vol. 1, no. 416. This doesn’t mean that the Rashba never cited philosophers. One of the places he cites Aristotle is in his Mishmeret ha-Bayit, printed in Torat ha-Bayit, ed. Brun (Jerusalem, 2010), vol. 1, cols. 360-361. Readers might recall that in my last post I spoke about people who not only don’t know, but don’t know that they don’t know, and referred to Plotinus in this regard. I neglected to mention that the Rashba refers to Aristotle as mentioning this phenomenon.
אמר הכותב המחבר בקי ברפואות יותר ממנו שיודע שאינו יודע אבל הוא אינו יודע ואינו יודע שאינו יודע וכבר אמר החכם ארסטו כי מי שאינו יודע שאינו יודע, אינו יודע
Samuel David Luzzatto also refers to the concept. See his letter quoted in Ephraim Chamiel, Ha-Derekh ha-Memutza’at: Reshit Tzemihat ha-Datiyut ha-Modernit (Jerusalem, 2011), p. 318:
הנה זה יתרון גדול שמצאתי לאיש ההמוני על האיש אשר התפלסף, כי הוא מכיר בעצמו שלא ידע, והאחר חושב שידע מה שלא ידע
See also R. Simhah Zissel of Kelm quoted in Beit Kelm, vol. 3, pp. 12, 214.
[28] See R. Avraham Hayyim Dov Levin,  Otzar Iggerot Kodesh (Jerusalem, 1952), no. 84 (who compares this to killing an am ha’aretz); R. Yeshayah Asher Zelig Miller in Or Yisrael 44 (Tamuz 5766), pp. 241-242; R. A. Biener in Or Yisrael 45 (Tishrei 5767), p. 247. R. Abraham Bornstein of Sochatchov wrote that the forged Besamim Rosh should be burnt on Yom Kippur that falls on Shabbat, but this was censored from his published responsa. See Z. Y. Abramowitz, “’Besamim Rosh’ be-Aspaklaryah Hasidit,” Tagim 3-4 (5732), p. 56, and Dan’s post here regarding a later censorship of this comment.
[29] See R. Yeshayah Asher Zelig Margolies, Amudei Arazim (Jerusalem, 1932), p. 10a in the note
[30] Hakirah (Winter 2013), pp. 133-143.
[31] There has recently been a lot of discussion about R. Shmuel Kamenetsky’s statements against vaccination, even against the polio vaccine(which he sees as a money-making scam). Understandably, there have been many negative comments about R. Kamenetsky, including assertions that he will be responsible for any children who get sick or even, God forbid, die. I think this is going too far. People have to take responsibility for their own actions. If people are foolish enough to ignore their pediatricians and instead listen to R. Kamenetsky’s dangerous advice in this matter, and something bad happens as a result, only they can be blamed. (Just like if they allow metzitzah ba-peh and something goes wrong.) So yes, R. Kamenetsky’s view about vaccination must be publicly rejected, in order that unsophisticated people not be led astray, but parents, and only parents, are responsible for the health of their children. If a child is not vaccinated and then contracts polio it is the parents who must be blamed.
[32] Contemporary Halakhic Problems, vol. 6, p. 163 n. 76. R. Waldenberg’s comment is found in Tzitz Eliezer, vol. 4, no. 13:2 (Bleich mistakenly has 13:3).
[33] While I have enormous admiration for R. Bleich’s erudition, not all of his conclusions are widely shared. For example, in a 9/11-type scenario R. Bleich argues that it is forbidden to shoot down an airplane which is going to crash into a building and the innocent passengers will die anyway. See “Sacrificing the Few to Save the Many,” Tradition 43:1 (2010), pp. 78-86. Without getting into the possible halakhic refutations of R. Bleich’s position, and why this case is not parallel to talmudic examples which speak of killing one innocent person to save many others, my approach in such matters is first to see if a conclusion leads to absurd results, and if it does, that would generally be a proof that it is not a tenable ruling. (This was exactly the approach followed by the Maccabees when they concluded, after many were killed, that not fighting on Shabbat, even in self-defense, cannot be what God wants. See 1 Maccabees 2: 29-41)If terrorists hijack an airplane, place a nuclear bomb on it, and fly to New York City or Tel Aviv, can it possibly be the halakhah that the plane cannot be shot down, and instead we will have to watch the city with all of its millions be killed? If I put an innocent person in my car trunk, load the car with explosives, and start driving the car to the middle of the city to explode it and kill hundreds, can it be that according to halakhah the military can’t blow up the car since an innocent person will be killed? If so, then in a state run according to halakhah terrorists will have a major new weapon: simply bring an innocent person along with them and this will prevent lethal attacks against the terrorists. In fact, they already do this in places like Gaza, and would anyone suggest that the State of Israel can’t defend itself even if it knows that an innocent person will be killed? It is thus not surprising to me that R. David Lau, when asked about shooting down a hijacked airplane to prevent it being crashed into a building, replied that it would be permissible. See here. When dealing with a 9/11-type scenario, Dov Halbertal refers to the innocent passengers as רודפים מאונס, thus meaning that it is permitted to shoot down the place. See Erekh ha-Hayyim ba-Halakhah, vol. 2, p. 382. R. Yitzhak Zilberstein states that during war the various rules about killing innocents to save others don’t apply. See Tefilah u-Refuah (Bnei Brak, 2011), pp. 58ff. He also suggests that one who is being held by terrorists intent on killing him (which is obviously the case with a hijacked plane) has the status of a גברא קטילא. This leads to the following conclusion (pp. 59-60):

ולכן יתכן שאין בהריגתו חידוש מצב של מיתה
This is in line with R. Elyashiv’s opinion that if terrorists are holding an innocent hostage, and are intent on killing him, it is permitted to drop a bomb on the terrorists even if you know that the innocent person will be killed at the same time. R. Elyashiv sees the action of killing the terrorists as a מעשה הצלה for future innocents. This pesak was given to R. Yaakov Wiener, and as R. Wiener notes, and contrary to R. Bleich’s opinion, this means that one can also shoot down a hijacked airplane in a 9-11-type scenario, since by doing so you save those currently on the ground from the intended assault. See R. Wiener, “She’elot u-Teshuvot be-Hilkhot Pikuah Nefesh,” Yeshurun 13 (2003), p. 552.
[34] See also R. Bleich, Bi-Netivot Ha-Halakhah, vol. 2, p. 158 n. 10. One source I haven’t yet quoted is R. Joel Ibn Shuaib, Olat Shabbat (Venice, 1577), parashat Shoftim (no page numbers; cited in Zweifel, Sanegor, p. 210).

 שאין ראוי לשפוט הדברים בכל זמן באופן שוה כי כבר יקרה בזמן מה ובעת מה שראוי להקל בדבר מה ולהחמיר בזמן אחר כפי מה שיגזור הוראת העת ולזה ב”ד מכין ועונשין כדין ושלא כדין לצורך השעה וכב’ באו בגמרא בזה דברי’ רבי’ הלכה למעשה וזאת המדה היא נק’ אצל החכמים חסד והיא תקון הצדק הדתי כי צריך באופן מה לצדק אותו ולתקן בו דבר מה ואין זה הפך המניח הדת אבל המשכות אל רצונו וכונתו ואם לא אל דבורו



Visiting Zoos in Halacha

Visiting Zoos in Halacha
By Eliezer Brodt
This article originally appeared in Ami Magazine (2012) Issue #88. This version has a few updates. I hope to return to this subject shortly. For a more expanded version of this article see my article in Yeshurun 26 (2012), pp. 853–874 (PDF available upon request).
Zoos are hotspots on Chol Hamoed. Standing together with the rest of Brooklyn or Yerushalayim, trying to give your children a glimpse of a penguin or seal or elephant, is always a pleasant way to spend a day. But what do the poskim have to say about visiting the zoo? [1]
 The Gemara in Berachos (58b) notes that if one sees a monkey or an elephant he should make the brachah M’shaneh habriyos.”This halachah is brought in the Tur and Shulchan Aruch. [2] There are a few questions to ask about this brachah. How often should the brachah be made? That is actually a machlokes Rishonim. The Ravi, known as the second Raavad, says that one makes this brachah of “M’shaneh habriyos” only once in 30 days on any specific animal, i.e., a particular elephant. However, if you see another animal, that is, a second elephant, you can make another M’shaneh Habriyos even within 30 days of the first brachah. [3] The Radvaz quotes this Ravi. [4] However, the Tur quotes a Raavad that one only makes such a brachah once in a lifetime, as the effect that seeing this animal has on a person is a onetime thing. The Tur himself argues and says that, as the Ravi said, after 30 days one can make a brachah on the same animal again. The Mechaber paskens like the Raavad, and the Rema paskens like the Tur. The Shulchan Aruch Harav says when we say that this brachah is made only once in a lifetime, that refers to each kind of animal. [5] This is the opinion in Rabbi Aaron Eichorn’s Mishnah Berurah [6] as well
as that of Rav Elyashiv,[7] among others. However, the Shulchan Shlomo [8] and Aruch Hashulchan argue and are of the opinion that one can make the brachah again on this same animal after 30 days. [9] This is also the opinion of the Chazon Ish. [10]
Is this brachah limited to the elephant and monkey, which are mentioned in the Gemara?
From many Rishonim, it would seem that there is something special about an elephant and a monkey, since that is all they list. [11] The Meiri writes that it’s because these animals are similar to humans. From the Preisha it appears that it is specifically a brachah on the monkey and elephant because they are very different from other animals. [12] Rabbi Aaron Eichorn also says this brachah is only on elephants and monkeys. [13] Rabbi Yaakov Emden writes that this brachah is specifically for the elephant and monkey, because the monkey has some features similar to man, and the elephant is very strong and smart as well as large.[14] Maharash Serlio writes that he heard from Reb Meshulam that the reason why we only make a brachah of “M’shaneh habriyos” on monkeys and elephants is that after the mabul G-d punished mankind and turned many into elephants and monkeys. He says that is the reason monkeys look similar to humans and elephants understand humans. [15] The Chazon Tov, a work devoted to explaining all the dreams listed at the end of Maseches Berachos, notes that based on this Reb Meshulam, we can understand the Gemara in Berachos which says that if someone sees a monkey or elephant in a dream it’s not a good sign. That is because they were originally humans who were turned into animals. [16]
However, Rabbi Yair Chaim Bacharach says that someone brought to his town a strange-looking cow with two heads and he allowed people to make “M’shaneh habriyos” on this creature. [17] It would appear from him that this brachah is not limited to these specific animals, but he is unclear which others one can make a brachah on.[18] Rav Shlomo Zalman Auerbach also says that one can make a “M’shaneh Habriyos” on any peculiar animal, not only on an elephant or monkey, but he doesn’t specify which.[19]
From what the Chida records in his travels (more on this shortly), it appears he held that this brachah is made only on an elephant, since he records that he saw many different animals at different times and yet he only made a “M’shaneh habriyos” on an elephant. He writes, for example, that he saw lions at least two different times but did not make a brachah on them. In the Leket Yosher, written by a student of the Rabbi Yisrael Isserlein, author of the Terumas Hadeshen, it is explained that Rav Isserlein once went on Shabbos to see two lions, because he had never seen a lion. [20] He did not make a brachah M’shaneh Habriyos,” and it would appear that he too held that one only makes such a brachah on elephants and monkeys.
Are there any problems with going to a zoo? Is it important to go to the zoo to make a brachah M’shaneh habriyos,” or even just to see animals?
Rabbi Moshe Greenwald, in Shut Arugos Habosem, writes very clearly that it is not permitted to go to the circus to view animals to make a brachah M’shaneh habriyos.” [21] Rabbi Eliezer Deutsch writes the same in his Shut Prei Hasadeh. [22] According to these Acharonim, one can ask whether it would be permitted to go to a zoo.
Rabbi Avraham Lipshitz says that one may go to a zoo to make a brachah of “M’shaneh Habriyos.” He writes that if it was not permissible, how would one ever make such a brachah? However, he says one is not obligated to go to the zoo in order to do it. [23] According to this, would it be permissible to go to the zoo to see animals that one does not make a brachah M’shaneh Habriyos” on?
One of the most fascinating figures of Jewish history in the past few hundred years was the Chida. He was born in 1724 in Jerusalem and died in 1807 in Livorno. One of the most prolific writers, he wrote on an extremely wide range of subjects, covering all areas of Jewish studies. He wrote on Chumash, Nach, Shas, halachah, derush, kabbalah, mussar, klalim, and bibliography. He authored over 60 works, but not all were printed in his lifetime and some still only exist unpublished in manuscript form. What is even more fascinating is that he did much of his writing while traveling. For a good part of his life, he traveled as a messenger, raising money for the community of Chevron. One work of the Chida that is less known is his travel diary, Maagel Tov. This work, which records his travels in Europe and elsewhere, was only published in full for the first time in 1934 by Aaron Freiman. Part of this work was printed in 1879, and another part was printed in 1910. In addition, some sections were published in journals, including a partial French translation. More recently it was translated into English. [24]
As you might expect, it is fascinating on many fronts. It provides numerous observations of many different Jewish communities of the time. In addition to being enlightening in the area of history, these documents are also very rich for those interested in the world of Jewish sefarim. To me it is clear that he never intended for this work to be printed, as it includes personal information about himself and the people he visited. In general, such works are very important because they give us a rare glimpse into the mind of the author, and this work certainly
does that. [25]
The Chida records a few times that he visited a zoo (or other place with animals) during his travels. [26] In one place (mentioned earlier) the Chida, after describing at length the exact details of an elephant, writes that he made the brachah M’shaneh habriyos.” [27] Various works on halachah quote this to point out that the Chida visited the zoo. But there are other important things to learn from his diaries. One is that it is completely permissible to go to a zoo, since he writes that he did so numerous times. [28] Two, I would say that from the fact that the Chida went to see animals numerous times during his travels, one must be obligated at least at some point in one’s lifetime to see animals to make a “M’shaneh habriyos”—not like Rabbi Avraham Lipshitz. Three, if one looks at the list of the animals that the Chida says he saw, there are many on which one does not make a brachah—and yet he went to see them. There must therefore be something significant about going to see animals besides the brachah. Rabbi Ovadia Yosef concludes, based on the Chida and Rabbi Isserlin, that it is certainly permissible to go to a zoo to see the animals. [29] Other gedolim who went to the zoo and made “M’shaneh habriyos” on these animals were the Divrei Chaim, [30] the Munkatcher Rebbe,[31] Rabbi Yaakov Shalom Sofer [32] and the Steipler.[33]
But the question remains: Why did the Chida go to see animals more than once? It was not to make a “M’shaneh habriyos,” since he records that he did so only on an elephant. Why did the Terumas Hadeshen go see a lion, on Shabbos, if he was not making a brachah?
Meir Benayhu merely says that the Chida was a curious person who wanted to investigate all sorts of phenomena. We find that he examined plants and other items during his travels. [34]
 Rabbi Kinreti writes that the Terumas Hadeshen specifically went on Shabbos because on Shabbos a talmid chacham can be mevatel Torah for oneg Shabbos. [35]
However, I will demonstrate that there is much more involved in going to the zoo. A first point: In 1841, Yosef Schoenhack began printing his work Toldot Haaretz, which deals with natural sciences. One volume is all about zoology, dealing with the different animals mentioned in Chazal. He received a haskamah [approbation] from Rabbi Yaakov Zvi Mecklenburg, author of Hakesav V’hakaballah. In this lengthy but beautiful haskamah, Rabbi Mecklenburg writes about the importance of such a work, explaining that listing all the animals helps one realize the greatness of G-d and the greatness of the creation of the World. He cites the statement in Chovos Halevavos, that when a person sees the
wisdom of the world and its workings, a person will want to emulate the Creator. Further, by studying all the animals that exist, many areas of Chazal can be properly understood, especially in Aggadah. I would suggest that if this is what Rabbi Mecklenburg says about reading about animals, how much more does it apply to actually seeing them. We know the famous rule Eino domeh shemiah leriah: Seeing is much better than just hearing.

 

 

I would like to elaborate a bit more on both aspects mentioned by Rabbi Mecklenburg about the benefits of learning about animals. Similar to the Chovos Halevavos quoted by Rabbi Mecklenburg, the Rambam writes that the way to attain love for G-d is to analyze His actions and creations to see the great wisdom in how they work.[36]
The Sefer Habris also mentions that this is the importance of studying animals. [37] Rabbi Hillel Posek actually permits one to go to a zoo for this reason. [38]
Another similar aspect of studying animals can be understood via a manuscript of Rabbeinu Yehudah Hachasid, printed for the first time a few years ago, which was based on the theme of zecher asah linifle’osov—He made a remembrance for His wonders. [39]  This work uses various mysteries of creation and aspects of animal nature to show that G-d intentionally created the world in an amazing way that is beyond human comprehension and logic to clearly show that it was He who created it. Thus, going to a zoo to observe and study animals can help a person reach a better appreciation of G-d and His creations, by seeing that there are things beyond our comprehension. [40]
As an aside, it could be that this theme of Rabbeinu Yehudah Hachassid, of zecher asah linifle’osov, could explain why the brachah of “M’shaneh Habriyos” is said specifically on the elephant. In Perek Shirah, the elephant says, “How great are Your actions, G-d! Your thoughts are deep.” Rabbi Shmuel Kimchi writes in his commentary to explain this passage that an elephant is an incredible creation, and only G-d knows why it is made in that way; His exact intentions are beyond us. [41] This idea is very similar to the idea of Rabbeinu Yehudah Hachasid in his work.
Another similar concept is alluded to in the famous quote attributed to Rav Samson Raphael Hirsch upon returning from a visit to the Swiss Alps. “Now I can answer properly when Hashem asks me in the world of truth, ‘Did you see my Alps?’”[42]
 Rav Hirsch also writes:
“I almost believe that all you homebodies will one day have to atone for having stayed indoors, and when you seek entrance to see the marvels of Heaven they will ask you, ‘Did you see the marvels of G-d on earth?’ Then, ashamed, you will mumble, ‘We missed that opportunity.’ “How different were our rabbis in this respect. How they breathed, felt, thought and lived in G-d’s marvelous nature. How they wanted to awaken our senses for all that is sublime and beautiful in Creation. How they wanted to teach us to fashion a wreath of adoration for G-d out of the morning’s rays and the evening blush, out of the daylight and the night shadows, out of the star’s glimmer and the flower’s scent, out of the roar of the sea and the rumble of the thunder, the flash of the lightning. How they wanted to demonstrate to us that every creature was a preacher of His power [emphasis added], a monitor of our duties; what a Divine revelation they made of the book of nature.”[43]
Another great person who made similar observations was Rabbi Menachem Friedman. In 1929 Rabbi Friedman who was the Chassdic Rebbe of Itzkan, printed his work Al Yoffee which was incredible work all about the Torah’s attitude to beauty. The work concludes with an autobiographical chapter all about his visits to Switzerland and Italy and how he from time to time looking and observing everything around him the he would think how amazing and wonderful Gods creations are. [44]
 The truth is that all this can possibly be tied to a Yerushalmi brought down by numerous Rishonim [45] and even brought down l’halachah
by the Magen Avraham. [46] Reb Moshe Hakohen, a nephew of the Rosh, in his work Sefer Hamaskil, writes that every year a person should make sure to buy each kind of fruit so he can make a brachah on each of them, since the Yerushalmi says that everyone will have to give an account of what he saw and did not eat. One is supposed to enjoy the creations of G-d, and if he does not, he will have to give an account of why not. [47]
I think this explains why the Chida made the effort numerous times to see animals. This could also be the reason why the Terumos Hadeshen went to see the lions. It could also explain why the Chida visited many gardens during his travels. [48]
Rabbi Mecklenburg, in the abovementioned haskamah, points out that observing animals helps us understand many things. The truth is that
this knowledge is also necessary in order to understand the many chapters in Chumash that list which animals are kosher and which are not. Rabbi Yosef Fried authored a work on hilchos shechitah and treifos that had illustrations of every part of the animal’s body. In his haskamah to this work, the Aderes wrote that such a volume is extremely beneficial for both student and teacher, in that it increases one’s understanding of the halachos. [49] The commentary of Rabbi Dovid Zvi Hoffman on Vayikra demonstrates how a proper understanding of animals helps us comprehend the Chumash. [50] It is also needed to help one understand Perek Shirah. Rabbi Hillel Posek writes a similar reason permitting one to visit a zoo, [51] as does Rabbi Nosson Gestetner. [52]
 Interestingly, Rabbi Gedaliah Nadel traveled outside Eretz Yisrael in order to visit a large collection of birds and animals, which he studied in great detail to understand which are kosher and which are not. [53]
One can perhaps go even further and say that Chazal derived a real understanding of animals from actually seeing them, as is obvious from the lists compiled by Rabbi Yehoshua Heller [54] and Rabbi Yekusiel Kemelhar [55] and others.[56] This, too, could perhaps explain the Chida’s visits, which were to enrich his understanding of the Torah.
There is another point that we can learn from the Chida: Rabbi Tzvi Hirsch Koidenover writes in his work Kav Hayashar that although one is supposed to make a “M’shaneh habriyos” when seeing certain animals, one should not stare at them but rather just look at them quickly and make the brachah. He writes that looking at “impure” (i.e., not kosher) animals can cause spiritual problems.[57] One could claim that both the Chida [58] and Rabbi Yisrael Isserlin did indeed see non-kosher animals—lions and elephants— but that they looked at them quickly just to make the brachah. But the Chida’s description of the elephant shows that he definitely did not just look at it for a second, make a brachah, and leave, but rather that he observed it for some time.
There is much to gain from going to the zoo.
Notes
 
1. For more on all this see my recent article in Yeshurun 26 (2012), pp. 853–874. See also: Rav Ovadiah Yosef, Chazon Ovadiah (Tu Beshevat), Jerusalem 2007, pp. 453–456; Rabbi Betzalel Stern, Ohalecha B’amitecha, Jerusalem 2005, pp. 173–174; Rabbi Shlomo Schneider, Shut Divrei Shlomo 4, Brooklyn 2009, Siman 532; Rabbi Yitzchak Eshkoli, Tzaar Balei Chaim, Ofakyim 2002, pp. 211-216; Rabbi Dovid Yosef, Halacha Berurah, 11, Jerusalem 2010, Siman 225; Rabbi Ari Zivotofsky, “Praising God at the Zoo”, Journal of Halacha and Contemporary Society, LXII, Fall 2011, pp. 43–53; Ten Da’at: A Journal of Jewish Education, Vol. XVI, Rabbi Moshe Bleich, “The Halakhah Corner: Visiting the Zoo,” pp. 10–22 [thanks to Rabbi Ari Zivotofsky for this source]; Rabbi Eliyahu Ariel, Sefer Shaar ha-Ayin (Modiin Illit, 2008; Hebrew), pp. 118–125, 350–356; Rabbi Shmuel Shtitzburg, Sharei Halacha, Beit Shemesh 2003, p. 471. Another other important source on this topic worth mentioning is the beautifully written chapter ‘Jews, Zoos and Teddy Bears’, in Rabbi Natan Slifkin, Man And Beast, Brooklyn 2006, pp. 13-38.
2. Aruch Chaim, siman 225. In general, any reference in this article to which I do not give a citation can be found in this siman.
3. Shut Ravi, siman 33. He only says Kushi, not elephant, but it would appear the same applies, because one makes the same brachah on both ”M’shaneh habriyos.
4. Shut Radvaz, 1:296.
5. Seder Bircat Hanenin, 13:13.
6. Bircat Habayis, Munkacz 1893, Shaar 29:12.
7. Ibid., 29.
8. Shulchan Shlomo, ad loc.
9. Aruch Hashulchan, ad loc.
10.  Rabbi Eliyahu Ariel, Sefer Shaar ha-Ayin, p. 417.
11.  See my Yeshurun article (above note 1), pp. 861–864.
12.  Ibid.
13.  Bircat Habayis, Munkacz 1893, op. cit., Shaar 29:13.
14.  Meor U’ketziah, ad loc.
15. Meleches Shlomo, Kelayim
8:6.This issue is not simple, because Chazal in Sanhedrin say that
after the Dor Haflagah, not the Dor Hamabul, was when they became
monkeys. There is also no mention of anyone becoming elephants. See Rav Yaakov
Kaminetsky in his Emes Le-Yaakov on Shulchan Aruch, ad loc., p.
107. See also the important sources collected by Rabbi Dovid Weiss, Megadim
Chadashim
, Berchos, Jerusalem 2008, p. 502–504; idem, Megadim Chadashim,
Bereishis, Jerusalem 2010, pp. 212–214. See also the Shevet Mussar,
ch. 47; Rabbi Eliyahu Ariel, Sefer Shaar ha-Ayin (Modiin Illit, 2008;
Hebrew), pp. 410–411. For more on all this see my recent article in Yeshurun
26 (2012), p. 863. Worth mentioning related to all this is the story I heard
from Rabbi Nosson Kaminetsky about his father, Rav Yaakov Kaminetsky, who was
flying business class from Israel to the States and was seated near Yerucham
Meshel, chairman of the Histadrut at the time. The two were shmoozing.
Meshel saw that Rav Yaakov’s son and granddaughter kept coming in from the
economy section to check if they could be helpful to him. He marveled that
there was such kibbud av, and compared it to his own situation where his
children and granchildren hardly visited him. Rav Yaakov answered that since
he, Meshel, believes in Darwin, that man evolved from the monkey, there is no
reason for them to respect him. They are another generation farther from the
monkey; he should be respecting them. He, Rav Yaakov, believed that Adam was
G-d’s handiwork and our children are another generation removed from that
glory. They therefore respect someone closer to Creation.
16. Chazon Tov, Jerusalem 1998, pp. 173–175.
17. Mekor Chaim, ad loc.
18. Yalkut Avraham, ad loc., writes that his father made such a brachah on a twoheaded human being that he saw in Vienna.
19.  Halichos Shlomo, Tefilah, p. 290.
20.  Leket Yosher, Jerusalem 1964, p. 66.
21.  O. C. siman 39.
22.  Volume 3, siman 173.
23. Yalkut Avraham, New York
2002, pp. 64–67.
24.  Benjamin Cymerman, The Diaries of Rabbi Ha’im Yosef David Azulai,
Jerusalem 1997. 25 This work has been explored very carefully in a few recent
works, most notably in Meir Benayahu’s masterpiece on the Chida entitled Ha-Chida,
first printed in 1959. This work was also used in the articles of various
scholars in the important work Sefer Ha-Chida, which Meir Benayahu
edited that same year. In 2006 a collection of Letters and history about the
Chida was printed by Shlomo Vankin called Igrot V’haskomot Rabbenu HaChida.
This work contains lots of useful information about the Chida and makes use of
these travels in his work. More recent work on these travels was done in an
article by Matthias B. Lehmann, “Levantinos and Other Jews: Reading H. Y. D.
Azulai’s Travel Diary,” Jewish Social Studies [n.s.] 13:3
(Spring/Summer 2007): 1-34. In 2010, a very good M.A. was written about these
travels by Oded Cohen: Ma’agel Tov of R. Hayyim Yosef David Azulai
(HIDA)—Meeting Between Tradition and Modernity
, MA, Tel-Aviv University,
2010, Hebrew. More recently, my articles in Yeshurun 26 (2012), pp.
853-874; Yeshurun 26 (2012), pp. 907–939; Hapamon 4 (2012), pp.
81–86. See also Yaacob Dweck, ‘A Jew from the east meets books from the west’, Jewish
Culture in Early Modern Europe
, Essays in honor of David B. Ruderman,
Edited by Richard Cohen and others,
Pittsburg 2014, pp. 239-249.
26. Ma’agel Tov, [will be
quoted as M.T.], Jerusalem 1934, p. 5, 68, 32, 68, 69. For fish,
see p. 82. For a peacock, see p. 92, 93. He also visited many different
gardens; see p. 5, 81-82, 91-92, 98, 105, 150–151, 154, 155–156. See also his Midbor
Kademos, beis: 22.
27. M.T. pp. 69-70.
28. M.T., p. 5, 32, 68, 69.
29. Yabiah Omer, 4, O.C. 20. See also his Chazon Ovadiah (Tu B’Shvat), pp. 453–455.
30. Tehillat Chaim, 2, Bnei Brak 1995, pp. 183–184.
31. Nimikei Aruch Chaim, 225; Rabbi Shabtzvi Liphshitz, Sefer Ha-Eshel, erech Baalei Chaim, 24.
32. Toras Chaim, 225:16.
33. Orchos Rabbeinu, 1. p. 94
34. Ha-Chida, Jerusalem 1959, p. 88, 161.
35. Leket Yosher, Jerusalem 2010, p. 142. I will hopefully return to this topic in a future article.
36. Yesodei Hatorah, 2:2.
37. Sefer Habris, 1, end of Maamar 14, Ch. 8. I heard from Rav Don Segal at a hesped for Rav Shach that Rav Shach used to study the Sefer Habris specifically for this reason, to gain a deeper appreciation for G-d and his world.
38. Shut Hillel Omer, O.C.
144.
39. This work was first printed by
Israel Ta-Shma, See his Studies in Medieval Rabbinic Literature, vol. 1,
Jerusalem 2004, pp. 181–207. A more recent critical edition was printed
by Yaakov Yisroel Stal, Amoros Tehoros Chizonis Upinemis, Jerusalem
2006.
40. This is based on the
introduction of Y. Stal to the previously mentioned edition. For more on this
work see Joseph Dan, History of Jewish Mysticism and Esotericism: The Middle
Ages
, vol. V, Jerusalem 2011 [Hebrew], pp. 393–423.
41. Perek Shirah, Jerusalem
2005, p. 39. Chazon Tov, (Jerusalem 1998, p. 65), adds that the reason
why the word pelah is used in relation to the elephant (besides being
related to its name) is because it is a true wonder. It is huge, and all its
features are large, but at the same time it can move very fast.
42. Rabbi Eliyahu Klugeman, Rabbi
Samson Raphael Hirsch
, New York 1996, p. 320.
43.
Collected Writings of Rabbi Samson Raphael Hirsch 8, 1995, p.
259.
44. Al Yoffee, p. 45. On this
fascinating person see David Assaf, Caught in the Thicket (heb.),
Jerusalem 2006, pp. 283-316; on this work see ibid, pp. 299-300.
45. For an impressive listing of Rishonim
who quote this Yerushalmi, see M.M. Honig, “On the New Edition of Sefer
Hamaskil of R. Moshe Ben R. Eliezer Hacohen,” Yerushaseinu (2006), pp.
218–220.
46. Magen Avraham, ad loc.,
14.
47. Sefer Hamaskil, Jerusalem
2004, pp. 48–49.
48. M.T., p. 5, 81–82, 91–92, 98,
105, 150–151, 154, 155–156.
49. The sefer was
unfortunately never printed but the haskamah was, in the introduction to
Rav Fried’s Shut Ohel Yosef, New York 1903.
50. See also Rabbi Avraham Mi-shayer
Aryeh, Shiltei Giborim, Jerusalem 2010, pp. 228-251.
51. Shut Lehoros Nosson, 4, Bnei
Brak 1985, Siman 68.
52. Shut Hillel Omer, O.C.
144.
53. Mili De-Hespeidah, Bnei
Brak 2005, p. 80.
54. Moaz Hadas, Jerusalem
1903, pp. 35a–36a.
55. Ha-Talmud U-maddah Ha-tevel,
Jerusalem 1984, pp. 78–79.
56. See Rabbi Dr. Isaac Herzog, Judaism
Law and Ethics
, London 1974, pp. 161– 165.
57. Kav Hayashar, Jerusalem
1993, p. 8. See also Rabbi Yitzchak Eshkoli, Tzaar
Balei Chaim, Ofakyim 2002,
pp. 217-218.

 

58.
The Chida saw other non-kosher animals see M.T. p. 5, 32, 68, 69.



An Incident of “Pilegesh B’Givah” in 19th Century Germany

AN INCIDENT OF “PILEGESH B’GIVAH” IN 19TH CENTURY GERMANY
by Eli Genauer
I recently purchased an antique Hebrew book for less than the price of a dinner at a moderately priced restaurant. This particular edition is what some would call a “common” — meaning it is the 36th edition (the fourth edition of a revised version) of this book and it was printed in the mid-19th century. Generally, the market does not assign a high price for books like these, but they can be a treasure trove of knowledge and information.
The work is Tikkun Shlomo and is primarily focused on the Shabbos liturgy.  I reproduced the title page:
Many will no doubt recognize the name of the compiler, Shlomo Zalman London (1661-1748) who wrote the book “קהלת שלמה”and that it was reprinted thirty times in the next 200 years.  
Tikkun Shlomo was first published in Amsterdam by Dr. Naftali Hertz HaLevi in 1733.  Dr. Levi published many a storied book, including the first edition of Mesilat Yesharim and the edition of the Shu”t HaTashbetz that is alleged (erroneously) to have been cosigned to flames.  According to Friedberg, when Dr. Levi published the Tikun Shlomo, not much else was being published in Amsterdam due to the effect of the Thirty-Year War.[1]  The Tikkun Shlomo was very popular, going through almost 40 editions by the late 19th century. Heidenheim expanded this work in 1835, and the edition I purchased was the fourth Heidenheim edition (two of the three were published in Roedelheim and the other in Lemberg).  
Things get off to a wonderful start in this book with the Hakdamah which is indicated to come from the third edition. In it, the unnamed editor pays tribute to his mentor Wolf Heidenheim Z”L and maintains that he has followed in his footsteps in all matters because “anyone who follows him will not err”. The editor only refers to himself at the end of the Hakdamah as “HaTzair”, but he leaves us an unmistakable hint as to his identity. Before we get to that, let us see what else he includes in this “Hakdamah”
ויהי מימים,ויקם עוד בּישׂראל פּורץ גדר,וישׁחת דברים נעימים, ויוסף עוד להרוס חומת שׂפת עבר ולדבּר תועה אשר לא כּדת. כּי פּרץ מצפון בא בא, ותפתח הרעה, וידפיס אישׁ אחד את המחזורים ב׳האננאפער׳, ויעבור חק, ויהפוך וישׁנה מדעתו את דברי התפילות ופיוטים, ויעקש ויעקל מאוד כמעט בכל דף ודף, ותהי זמירת ישׂראל בידו מעין משחת ומקור נרפשׁ, אשה יפה וסרת טעם, כּי שנה את טעמה ויתעמר בה וימכרה בּכּסף, וכן לא יעשׂה.
He takes great offense to a certain Machzor printed by “one man”. The Machzor to which he referring to is known as “Ordnung der Oeffentlichen Andacht für die Sabbath und Festtage des Ganzen Jahres, nach dem Gebrauche des Neuen Tempel-Vereins”, otherwise known as “Seder ha-‘Abodah, Minhag Ḳehal Bayit Ḥadash” printed in Hamburg (not Hanover) in 1819. Two editors are listed:  Seckel Isaac Fraenkel and Meyer Israel Bresslau. It was the new prayer book of the Hamburg Reform Temple dedicated in 1818.  To paraphrase what he writes about this effort: “ a great evil has descended from the north, one that has been perpetrated by a man who published Machzorim in the city of Hanover ( Hamburg ). In his hands, the prayers, which are like a beautiful  woman , are now left with no personality. His purpose was to destroy the Hebrew language, the prayers as we know them, and Judaism itself.”



He continues by writing that he has authored a work Zichron Livnei Yisroel ( Altona 1819) in which he lays out his war against these Machzorim.[2] The title incorporates this explanation:
זה ימים יצא בדפוס קונטרס מיוחד לתפילת ערבית ושחרית לשבת, ומעתיקי תפלה הזאת עברו גבול אשר גבלו הראשונים, גרעו והוסיפו כחפץ לבבם … חלילה … לשנות מסדר תפלתינו / … דברי … עקיבא בר”א ברעסלויא, ראב”ד פה ק”ק אלטונא
This was Rabbi Akiva Wertheimer (1778-1835), the Rav of Altona, Germany, today part of the city of Hamburg. He wrote “Zichron Livnei Yisroel” and was the editor of our edition of “Tikun Shlomo”. His opposition to the new Reform prayer service is noted in a book called “Shnos Dor V’Dor” printed in Jerusalem by Artscroll/Mesorah in 2004. It records the following that occurred in 1819 which coincides with the printing of his book “Zichron Livnei Yisroel”:
בשנת תקע״ט, עוד קודם להתמנורנו, בקום המחדשים ״אנשי ההיכל״
הרפורמי דהמבורג לשנות את סדרי התפילה היה הוא הראשון אשר יצא כנגדם והזהיר את כל הקהילות סביבות אלטונא מפניהם.
Continuing in the Hakdamah to Tikun Shlomo, we find that Rav Wertheimer has launched a campaign against the reformers by adding that he has sent this out broadside everywhere to warn others of this assault on tradition. He does this brilliantly by paraphrasing a Pasuk in Tanach ( Shoftim 20:6) which deals with the tragic story of “Pilegesh B’Givah” an incident which almost tore the Jewish people apart.
The Pasuk reads:  וָאֹחֵז בְּפִילַגְשִׁי, וָאֲנַתְּחֶהָ, וָאֲשַׁלְּחֶהָ, בְּכָל-שְׂדֵה נַחֲלַת יִשְׂרָאֵל:  כִּי עָשׂוּ זִמָּה וּנְבָלָה, בְּיִשְׂרָאֵל.
His paraphrase reads:
ואוחז בפּילגשׁו ואנתחה ואשׁלחה בכל גבול ישׂראל, למען יראו זקני עם וקציניו, והסירו גם את המכשלה הזאת מקרבּם
The full text of the broadside was published in Dukes, AW”H leMoshav, Cracow: 1903, 104-05.  Additionally, the National Library of Israel has a copy (perhaps that of Israel Mehlman, see his catalog Ginzei Yisrael, no. 1743).  The broadside is signed, Akiva br”a Bresslau without additional identifiers, i.e. the son of Avigdor Wertheimer.  As Dukes notes, Graetz mistakenly attributed this work to a different Akiva, Akiva Eiger.  But he was not the only one to publish against the Hamburg Temple and its prayer book in Altona that year.  The work, Eleh Divrei ha-Brit, was also published in Altona in 1819 and it contains, among others, the position of the Hatam Sofer.  
The battle was waged by both sides, and Meyer Israel Bresslau, one of the editors of the Hamburg prayer book, that same year responded with Herev Nokmat (available online here).  The other editor, Fraenkel, in the prayerbook includes a defense of the changes[3].  
As with many editors of Siddurim, Rav Wertheimer extols the exactness of his edition, claiming that he has fixed many of the errors that have crept into previous Siddurim. Specifically, he addresses the text of Mishnayos Shabbos which appeared in many Siddurim and which he has carefully edited especially when it comes to the “Nekudos”.
He continues and states that when it comes to words of foreign origin, such as in Greek, Latin or Arabic, he has also made sure that the “Nekudos” are correct reflecting the proper pronunciation in those languages.
Unfortunately this is not a simple task and this example will illustrate the difficulty in doing so.
The laws of what a woman may or may not carry outside on Shabbos are discussed in Shabbos 6:3. Among the items prohibited is something called a “Tzlochis Shel Palyiton”, a flask of “Palyiton.” Jastrow defines this word as “an ointment or oil prepared from the leaves of spikenard”. He adds that its origin is the Latin word “foliatum”. The Latin Lexicon website spells this word foliātum and gives the exact same definition. So how should this Latin word be spelled in Hebrew?
Rav Wertheimer indicates that it should be pronounced something like “Folia’tone”which is pretty close to the Latin word except for there being an “n” sound at the end of the word instead of the “m” sound.
I have a Mishnayos printed in Pisa during the same time period (1797) which makes it look more like “Pal’yi’tone”:
Two very old manuscripts of the Mishneh shed some light on how the word was originally spelled. One of the most famous is known as Codex Kaufmann ( MS Kaufmann A 50) which was written in 10th or 11th century Palestine. There we find the word looking more like “Pil’Ya’Tome”, with an “m” sound at the end:
The Parma manuscript referred to as MS Parma, De Rossi 138 written in 1073 has it the same as Kaufmann.
In recently printed Mishnayos such as from Feldheim, Artscroll, Steinsaltz, and Blackman, the word is spelled “פלייטון” with either a Patach ,Chirik, or “Shva”  under the “Peh”, or “פולייטון”, which looks more like Rav Wertheiner’s rendering.
One thing is clear- it is sometimes very difficult to write a foreign word with Hebrew letters and vowels, and it is also difficult to ascertain which version is “correct”.
Another wonderful aspect to the book that I bought was learning about the man whose name is embossed on the front cover. He is listed as יוסף אשר בן כ״ה (כבוד הרב) משה פאלאק   
We know a bit about Yosef Asher Pollock from some of the other books and manuscripts he owned. The following two citations are from the online catalogue of the Israel National Library:
1. A manuscript written in the 19th century by Chaim ben Yaakov Abolofia.
תקנות קהלת איזמיר. ‬
Los Angeles – University of California 960 bx. 1.9
ותו הספר: “מספרי יוסף אשר פאלאק ז”ל” משנת תרפ”ה. ‬
From this record we know that he had passed away before 1925 and that the manuscript is now in Los Angeles.



2. A manuscript written in the 18th century
(ספר הכונות (חלק שבת ומועדים. 
Amsterdam – Universiteitsbibliotheek MS Rosenthal 567
בראשו תו ספר של הבעלים “יוסף אשר פאלאק
This rare manuscript has been scanned and is available online. The first page looks like this:
From this one we also learn quite a bit more about Yosef Asher Pollock because it contains this bookplate on the inside front cover

We surmise from here that this was not the only book he had that was donated, as someone went to a lot of trouble composing and printing such a heartfelt donation plate. (“ Yosef is not here, nor is Shimon”) The year the bookplate was printed was 5693(1933). There is also a stern warning that since this is a gift, it may never be sold by the recipient.   

The history of the Bibliotheca Rosenthaliana in Amsterdam is also interesting, especially how the collection of Judaica survived the Nazi occupation. The library’s website notes the following:
“The Germans closed the Bibliotheca Rosenthaliana in the summer of 1941 and transported part of the collection to Germany, where it was earmarked for Rosenberg’s ‘Institut zur Erforschung der Judenfrage’.
Happily, these plans were thwarted with the German capitulation. Most of the boxes of books were in storage in Hungen, near Frankfurt am Main, where they were found and shipped back to Amsterdam. But the curator and his assistant together with their families had also been deported-for them there was no return”
Finally, it seems clear to me that my book was also a gift never to be sold. I surmise this from the fact that the name of Yosef Asher Pollack is beautifully embossed on the front cover of the Siddur, making it unnecessary to have an ownership bookplate inside the Siddur.
Nevertheless, on the inside front cover there is a rectangular remnant of a bookplate which has been torn off.  
Coincidentally, its size exactly matches the bookplate of the manuscript donated to the Bibliotheca Rosenthaliana, which contained the admonition of not selling the book. Tearing off this “warning label” enabled the book to be sold, something that most likely happened over time to many books that were donated to libraries.
___________________________________________________
[1] Friedberg, History of Hebrew Typography, Antwerp: 1937, 49.  Although Dr. Levi’s production may have slowed, the bases for Freidberg’s assertion that Amsterdam publishing was affected by the Thrity-Year War is uncertain.  During the 18th century, production of Hebrew books in Amsterdam ranges from 82 to a high of 246 per decade.  The 1730s, the period that Tikkun Shlomo was published, is in the mid-range of those two extremes, with 145 books published between  1730-39.
[2] This work is a single sheet broadside and begins with Moda’ah raba . . . Zikhron Le-veni Yisrael.  
[3] For a summary of his arguments, see Petuchowski, Prayerbook Reform in Europe, New York, NY: 1968, 53-54.



The Pew Report and the Orthodox Community (and Other Assorted Comments), part 2

The Pew Report and the Orthodox Community (and Other Assorted Comments), part 2
by Marc B. Shapiro
Continued from here.
Returning to the matter of Jewish men and non-Jewish women, it is noteworthy that the Spanish scholar R. Solomon Alami (14th-15th centuries), in his ethical will to his son, specifically warns him to abstain from sexual relations with non-Jewish women.[1] Note how in the following passage he also assumes that Reuben actually had sexual relations with his father’s concubine (an opinion also shared by talmudic sages, though in my experience the alternative view, that he didn’t actually do this, appears to be the standard approach among contemporary darshanim).
בבת אל נכר אל תחלל בריתך. היה גבור כארי למשול בתאוותך, תהי צדיק מושל יראת א-להים להטיבך באחריתך. השמר ממר ממות ופרוש מן הזימה. טמאת השם רבת המהומה. וזכור דבר זמרי ורעתו. וחרפת שבטו ברדוף נשיאם תאוותו. הלא אל אלה חטא שלמה מלך ישראל ונחלקה מלכותו. וזכור צדקת יוסף אשר גבר על יצרו ולא נתן מאוויי גבירתו. ותשב באיתן קשתו. עם גודל יופיו ועדונו והוא בבחרותו. והיה זה סיבה לשום במרום מדרגתו. וכל בית אביו חיו בזכותו. ונתנה לו הבכורה ונדחה ראובן בחללו יצועי אביו מבכורתו. כי לא יאות הכבוד לנקשר בזימה בכחשו.
An Italian list of takkanot from 1418 also speaks about this problem, that Jewish men thought that there was nothing wrong with having sex with non-Jewish women[2]: הנשים הנכריות מותרות בעיניהם. The fact that the various moralists speak about this issue shows that it was a real problem. While suggestions were offered to help men overcome sexual temptations, there was a recognition that, as the Talmud, Hullin 11b, states, “There is no guardian against unchastity,” אין אפוטרופוס לעריות. This principle is quoted by R. Joseph Karo in Shulhan Arukh, Even ha-Ezer 22:15.[3] Yet interestingly enough, in R. Karo’s Magid Meisharim[4] he is told that since he is entirely involved with service of God he cannot be seduced even by a naked woman.
מאחר שלבך תמיד אינו מהרהר אלא בעבודתי אפילו תפגע באשה ערומה לא תבוא לידי חטא
We know that there were some who argued that it was better for men to use Jewish (single) prostitutes so that they not come to having sex with married women or engage in homosexual acts.[5] (I am referring to places where Jews could not avail themselves of non-Jewish prostitutes, as the punishment for this was often execution.) R. Moses Hagiz[6] argues against this position, stating that we do not permit a lesser offense to prevent one from violating a more severe offense. He even calls this approach hukot ha-goyim.
והלכו בחוקת הגיום שזו היא טענת פטור אצלם אכן אנו בני ישראל הקדושים כשהשני איסורים הם מדאורייתא או תרי דרבנן אין לנו להתיר הא’ מחשש שלא יבא לעשות האחר
This passage is quoted by R. Isaac Lampronte, Pahad Yitzhak, s.v. boel aramit. He then adds that he heard from a hakham that sex with a Jewish prostitute is worse than sex with a non-Jew because of the possibility that that one will violate the niddah prohibition.
דיכול לבוא לאיסור נדה שהיא בכרת
Notice how he doesn’t say that one will certainly violate the niddah prohibition, only that it is a possibility. What this means is that even the Jewish prostitutes were expected to go to the mikveh, but that one can’t assume that they would indeed do so, and this explains why sex with a non-Jewish woman is preferable.[7]
But he adds that this should not be said publicly or to an ignorant person as this knowledge could lead men to have sex with non-Jews since they will mistakenly conclude that the prohibition is not so serious.
אין אומרים דבר זה בפרהסיא או בפני עם הארץ, כדי שלא ינהגו פריצות בביאות גויות.
What we are discussing was not simply theoretical since R. Isaac Arama, writing in fifteenth-century Spain, tells us that not only did the Jewish community leaders (שופטי ישראל) not take prostitution seriously, but in a few (קצת)[8] communities Jewish prostitutes were welcomed and even supported with Jewish communal funds (!).[9] This was done as the prostitutes were thought to be performing a public service, since without them it was thought that men would be led to have sex with married women or non-Jewish women (which as mentioned already could lead to execution). From a responsum of R. Judah ben Asher,[10] we see that even in an earlier era this point had been made with regard to “loose women” (and was rejected by R. Judah who thought it was better to have sex with a non-Jewish woman for whom the niddah prohibition did not apply):
ומוטב שיסתכנו הגופים מן הנפשות
Arama tells us that on different occasions he argued with the communal leaders, and also before גדוליהם which I assume means their rabbis, that it is one thing if someone commits a sin in private. In such a case, Arama would probably agree that it would be better for a man to have sex with a Jewish prostitute than with a with a non-Jew. (It must be that these prostitutes went to the mikveh, as Arama doesn’t mention anything about the niddah prohibition.) But Arama is firm that it is absolutely forbidden for the community – and he includes in this בתי דיניהם showing that the rabbis were complicit – to countenance any sin whatsoever, in this case welcoming in Jewish prostitutes, even if this strict stance leads to people committing greater sins or being executed by the non-Jews.[11]
R. Isaac Bar Sheshet (Rivash) had earlier also testified to the fact that the “gedolei ha-dor” had acquiesced to the existence of Jewish prostitutes in order to prevent men from visiting non-Jewish women, with all the dangers this entailed.[12] Contrary to Avraham Grossman,[13] the Rivash is not saying that this is what the “gedolei ha-dor” should do when faced with such a circumstance. Rather, he is decrying what they did. I am curious to hear if readers agree with me. Here are the words of the Rivash:
והרמב”ן ז”ל כתב בפ’ התורה שהיא אזהרה לב”ד שלא יניחו בנות ישראל להפקיר עצמן לישב בעינים על הדרך או בקובה של זונות לזנות לכל יבא. בואו ונצווח על דורנו שאין דומה יפה, וגדולי הדור העלם יעלימו את עינים פן יכשלו בני פריצי עמנו בנכריות ותצא אש ומצאה קוצים ונאכל גדיש
Returning to intermarriage, we see something very interesting in Pirkei de-Rabbi Eliezer, ch. 39. According to this text (which is paralleled by other midrashim[14]), Jacob’s sons married their sisters. The explanation given is that they did so in order not to marry the local inhabitants:
כדי שלא יתחתנו בעמי הארצות
This is quite an incredible assertion, since incest is forbidden under the Noahide code. If there were no eligible marriage partners, one would have expected Jacob’s sons not to marry at all rather than marrying their sisters. R. David Luria, in his commentary on the passage, does not even deal with this problem, instead noting that elsewhere in rabbinic literature one finds that Jacob’s sons did marry the local women. (For some reason, R. Luria’s edition does not include the words כדי שלא יתחנתו בעמי הארצות, which comes right after the text stating that Jacob’s sons married their sisters. This does not appear to be an act of censorship, since the real issue is not the explanation for their marriages, but the incestuous marriages themselves, and this is still found in R. Luria’s edition.)
The Tosafists have a simple response to this problem: Since the Torah had not yet been given Jacob’s sons only observed what they wanted.[15]
מאחר שלא נצטוו על התורה אע”פ שידעוה ברוה”ק מה שהיו רוצין היו מקיימין ומה שלא היו רוצין היו מניחין.
Nahmanides, Commentary to Gen. 38:2, assumes that each of the brothers married one of the twins of the other brothers, but not their own twins. Furthermore, no one actually married a complete sister, i.e., sons of Leah did not marry daughters of Leah. Thus, they did not violate Noahide Law. (I think this is probably also what the Tosafists assumed in the passage mentioned above.) While Nahmanides’ understanding works with some of the midrashim, it cannot be fit into the language of Pirkei de-Rabbi Eliezer, ch. 36, which states explicitly that each son was born together with his future wife:
  וכולן נולדו זווגן עמם חוץ מיוסף שלא נולדה זווגה עמו
Furthermore, Bereshit Rabbah 80 states that Simeon married Dinah, and she was his sister from the same mother. It is precisely in order to answer this problem that a Tosafist cites the Aggadah[16] that Dinah was actually first impregnated in Rachel, and God later transferred her to Leah, meaning that Simeon and Dinah were really not from the same mother.[17] (Many have pointed out that this has implications to the debate about the status of children born from surrogate mothers.[18])
The Maharal explains that the situation of the brothers marrying their sisters was an exceptional case, since if they did not marry them the only available marriage partners would have been pagan women.[19] As the Maharal notes, the parallel is to the sons of Adam who were permitted to marry their sisters since there was no one else for them to marry. This permission to marry their sisters was known to Jacob through ruah ha-kodesh, and the Maharal adds that one should not think that this contradicts the Torah, “for the one who gave the Torah forbade [it] and the one who gave the Torah [also] permitted [it].” In other words, God is the source of the law so he can choose to alter it if he chooses.
This approach can also explain the story of the akedah which troubles so many. If the reason not to murder is because God says so, then God can, if He wishes, permit murder in certain cases. I don’t want to get into the issue of Natural Law and the Euthyphro problem. Suffice it to say that most people would assume that the prohibition against incest is indeed part of Natural Law and not simply because God forbids it. Yet it must be noted that Sanhedrin 58b records a view that the Noahide code does not forbid marriage between brothers and sisters. According to Sanhedrin 58b, and this is followed by pretty much all commentators and halakhists, a non-Jew is permitted to marry his daughter. See also Mishneh TorahHilkhot Melakhim 9:5.[20] That at least some of the prohibitions on incest are not part of Natural Law would also seem to be a necessary conclusion of the Sifrei,[21] which states that the Children of Israel were driven to tears when Moses told them that they could no longer marry their sisters (from their fathers).[22]
וישמע משה את העם בוכה למשפחותיו . . . שהיו ישראל מצטערים בשעה שאמר להם משה לפרוש מן העריות מלמד שהיה אדם נושא את אחותו ואחות אביו ואחות אמו ובשעה שאמר להם משה לפרוש מן העריות היו מצטערים.
R. Ari Chwat has made the following interesting point.[23] The fact that the Sages state that the sons of Jacob married their sisters, something forbidden under Noahide law, illustrates how important it was for them to show that the brothers did not marry Canaanite women. In order to free them from the stain of intermarriage, the Sages were even prepared to claim that they had incestuous marriages. This shows how bad intermarriage was regarded by them.
נראה שכך יש להבין גם את המדרש (פרקי דר’ אליעזר פל”ה [צ”ל ל”ו] וב”ר פ, יא) שבני יעקב נשאו את אחיותיהם, למרות שיש בכך משום האשמתם בגילוי עריות, דבר שאסור אפילו לבני נח מלפני מתן תורה. אלא שרצו חז”ל ללמד זכות על אבותינו עצמם, ולנקותם מעבירת נשואי תערובת, עבירה בעייתית בדורם של חז”ל. כלומר: היות ועבירת נשואי אחיות לא עמדה על סדר יומם של חז”ל, ממילא האשמה זו תפגע בכבודן של אבותינו פחות מאשר להאשימם בנשואי תערובת, מעשה המתאים רק לשפלים ביותר בעם.
Regarding intermarriage, take a look at the following fascinating responsum from R. Meir of Rothenburg that appears in Teshuvot Ba’alei ha-Tosafot, ed. Agus, no. 72 (pp. 152-153). 

It begins by referring to the widow of a man “who was not pure”. What does this mean? From the responsum it would appear that this woman was “married” to a non-Jew. Based on the answer, it seems that she was claiming that she had done nothing wrong with this “marriage”, as she had received rabbinic permission, and therefore she should not suffer any stigma.[24] R. Meir tells us that he knew a woman of whom it was said that the rabbis permitted her to have sexual relations with a non-Jew. He also states that he heard that in France the rabbis permitted this for several women. What this appears to mean is that the rabbis permitted the Jewish women to live with non-Jewish men (since the rabbis were certainly not permitting promiscuous sexual relations). Irving Agus reasonably suggests that the reason these “intermarriages” were permitted is that refusal to allow them would have endangered Jewish lives.[25]
R. Meir does not accept this permission at all, and points out that the talmudic examples of Jewish women having sexual relations with non-Jews were when they were forced. Yael’s sexual encounter with Sisera was intended to weaken him out so she could then kill him. Following R. Meir’s responsum, there is an additional note, apparently from R. Mordechai ben Hillel, stating that it is not certain that had Esther and Yael consulted with halakhic authorities that they would have been given permission for their actions. The copyist rejects this point, noting that since the actions of Esther and Yael were done in order to save the Jewish people, what they did was certainly permitted. Howewver, one cannot use these cases to also permit other women to have sexual relations with non-Jews.
On the general matter of sex, I would like to call readers’ attention to a book that recently appeared. It is called Devar Seter and no author is given. You can see the book here.
This book is, as far I know, the most liberal work on the halakhot of sex ever to appear. I am worried that if I get too explicit and explain what I mean by “liberal” that some readers’ internet protection will prevent them from accessing this post. Therefore, I won’t say any more about the book except than I find it interesting that a number of rabbis who praise it only feel comfortable doing so anonymously.
Another book on sex recently appeared, this time in English, which also has a very liberal perspective, although it is not focused on halakhah but is a self-help book. It is authored by Rabbi David Ribner and Jennie Rosenfeld and is titled The Newlywed’s Guide to Physical Intimacy.[26]
A reader alerted me to an article on the book available here, and asked if I could comment on the following excerpt.
It is widely believed that ultra-Orthodox Jews are so concerned about modesty that they have sex through a hole in a sheet.
But this is a total myth, says Ribner: “There has never been a group of Jews anywhere in the world that has advocated having sex through a hole in a sheet. That has never happened. It doesn’t happen today, it never happened in history. It’s not advocated in any text within the Jewish community.”
I have no idea if there is anyone today who uses a sheet for sexual intercourse. There is certainly no community that insists on this (not even the Gur Hasidim, whose sexual behavior is extremely ascetic). However, it is simply incorrect to say that this action is not advocated in any text. Usually, when you have a widespread rumor like this, there is some basis for it, even if the original source has been distorted.
What is the origin of the idea of sex through a sheet? The Jerusalem Talmud, Yevamot 1:1, states that R. Yose ben Halafta, who performed the levirate marriage with his sister-in-law, had sex in this fashion: דרך סדין בעל. In case the words דרך סדין were not clear to readers, R. Baruch ben Isaac explains in Sefer ha-Terumah, Hilkhot Halitzah (Jerusalem, 1983), p. 46a, that it means that R. Yose ben Halafta made a hole in the sheet[27]: 

נקב עשה בסדין דרך מקום ביאה
This was done so that his personal pleasure be reduced and the focus be on the mitzvah.[28] The Talmud records that he had five children with this woman, and it is not clear if he used the sheet throughout their marriage or only in conceiving the first child (see Korban ha-Edah, ad loc., and also R. Hayyim Kanievsky’s commentary).[29]
If this was all we had, it would not be of great significance. All it would show was that one talmudic sage used the “hole in the sheet” method. There is no implication from the passage that anyone else adopted this approach. Yet based on this text, R. Meir of Rothenburg indeed assumed that when it came to levirate marriage this was the general practice among the pious during tannaitic times.[30]
ואפי’ חסידים הראשונים דור התנאים כשהיו מיבמין היו בועלין דרך סדין כדמשמע בירושלמי (פ”ק דיבמות ה”א) ר’ יוסי בר’ חלפתא הי’ בועל יבמתו דרך סדין
R. Jacob Emden, whose writings include a good deal about sexual matters, assumes that this type of hasidut is only applicable with levirate marriage, but not with one’s wife.[31]
דווקא ביבמה יש מקום לחסידות כזה לא זולת
There is also another significant passage, and it comes from the Vilna Gaon. He comments on the following text from the Shulhan Arukh, Orah Hayyim 240:8:
וי”מ מגלה טפח ומכסה טפח שלא היה ממרק האבר בשעת תשמיש כדי למעט הנאתו
The point of this text is that even during sex one should attempt to lessen the pleasure. In his note on this passage, the Gaon ties R. Joseph Karo’s words to what we have just seen in the Jerusalem Talmud. He then states that although one can say that R. Jose ben Halafta acted this way only because he was performing a religious ritual (levirate marriage), nevertheless, “it is also proper to act this way with one’s wife.” In other words, in contrast to what R. Jacob Emden wrote, the Gaon tells us that the practice of sex through a sheet is according to one opinion a valid and even recommended method of lessening sexual pleasure. A well-known talmid hakham who examined this text at my request wrote to me that since the Gaon does not object it implies acceptance, meaning that the Gaon would have approved of the proverbial hole in the sheet.

Use of a sheet would appear to be contradicted by the following passage in Ketubot 48a:
R. Joseph learnt: Her flesh [שארה] implies close bodily contact, viz., that he must not treat her in the manner of the Persians who perform their conjugal duties in their clothes. This provides support for [a ruling of] R. Huna who laid down that a husband who said, ‘I will not [perform conjugal duties] unless she wears her clothes and I mine’, must divorce her and give her also her ketubah.
Yet this text, which rejects the approach of the Persians, is itself opposed by R. Gamaliel who stated: “For three things do I like the Persians: They are temperate in their eating, modest in the privy, and chaste in another matter [i.e., sexual behavior]” (Berakhot 8b).[32]
Another interesting point related to sex and seforim is the following. Megillah 13b states: “R. Johanan said: Bigthan and Teresh were two Tarseans and conversed in the Tarsean language. They said: From the day this woman came we have been able to get no sleep. Come, let us put poison in the dish so that he [Ahasuerus] will die.”
Bigthan and Teresh couldn’t get any sleep since they could not go to sleep as long as the king was awake. But why was the king not going to sleep? Rashi explains that he found Esther so attractive that he had lots of sex with her, and this was keeping him up at night.
מתוך שהיתה חביבה עליו היה מרבה בתשמיש
R. Baruch Epstein, Torah Temimah, Esther 2:23, offers a different explanation of the Talmud. He claims that Ahasuerus was up at night because he so enjoyed taking walks with and talking to Esther.
כי היה מטייל ומשוחח עמה הרבה
What I can’t figure out is why R. Epstein expects us to prefer his understanding, which turns Ahasuerus into a perfect gentlemen, over that of Rashi.[33]
Finally, let me offer an example of distortion when it comes to sex. R. Israel Yanovski, Taharat Yisrael, vol. 2, p. 100b, no. 33, states:
מי ששם אצבעו בתורף אשה פריצות גדולה היא ויש בו איסור
The source offered for this surprising invasion of the marital bedroom is R. Yerucham, Toledot Adam ve-Havah, vol. 1, netiv 23 (p. 192d in the standard edition). Yet R. Yerucham says something very different.[34]
מי ששם אצבעו בתורף אשת איש פריצות גדולה היא ויש בו איסור ואפילו המסתכל אבל אינו חייב מלקות
The only question is if R. Yanovski’s quotation was a careless error (copied perhaps from R. Dovber Karasik, Pithei Olam, Orah Hayyim 240:16, who uses the same mistaken wording) or an intentional distortion due to puritanical feelings.[35]  R. Moshe Stern, Be’er Moshe, vol. 3 p. 204, assumes the former while I think the latter is also possible. I say this because Taharat Yisrael is quite an extreme work when it comes to sexual matters, which R. Yanovski wants to limit as much as possible. Thus, he praises those tzadikim whose children, we are told, equal exactly the number of times these tzadikim had sexual relations. In other words, if a certain tzaddik only had three children, then in his entire life he only had sex three times.[36]
As for other pious peopleR. Yanovski, based on kabbalistic sources, tells them to avoid sexual relations on Rosh Ha-Shanah (and tavo alav berakhah if one can abstain for the entire Ten Days of Penitence), Hoshana Rabbah, the three days preceding Shavuot and also on Shavuot, from Rosh Hodesh Av until the 11th of Av, the first and second night of Passover, the nights of Shemini Atzeret and Simhat Torah, and hol ha-moed Pesah (unless it falls on Shabbat). If this wasn’t enough, he also assumes that sex is forbidden on Hanukkah and Purim and any day that you don’t recite tahanun (!).[37]
בחנוכה ופורים נראה דאסור וכ”ש שאר ימים שאין נופלין על פניהם בהם דאסור בלי ספק

Finally, let me call attention to Berakhot 57b which states that three things resemble the World to Come, “the Sabbath, sunshine, and tashmish.” What does tashmish mean? Normally you would assume it to mean tashmish ha-mitah, i.e., sexual relations. However, the Talmud explains that it doesn’t mean this but refers to “tashmish of the orifices.”R. Samuel Alexandrov claims that the original rabbinic saying indeed meant what it said, i.e., that sex resembles the pleasure of the World to Come. However, the later sages didn’t want people to focus on sexual matters so they explained the passage in a different way.[38]

Regarding the connection between sex and the World to Come, R. Solomon Alkabetz quotes “the kedoshim” that sexual pleasure is one sixtieth of “the true pleasure”, i.e., the World to Come.[39]

To be continued

* * * * * *
Most of R. Yanovski’s Taharat Yisrael (mentioned in this post) focuses on the laws of niddah and mikveh. It was printed twice in Europe and then was reprinted in the United States in 1952. This latter publication was dedicated to the memory of R. Judah Leib Forer, the rabbi of Holyoke, Massachusetts. This page appears at the beginning of the book.
Here is the page of American haskamot added for this edition. This is one of a handful of haskamot from R. Soloveitchik, and I think is the first to appear in print.

Regarding R. Forer, who was an outstanding student of R. Hayyim Soloveitchik, there is a good deal of information from family members available on a website here. Among the points noted was that R. Shach was a student of his.
Here is the title page of Milei de-Igrot, consisting of Torah letters between R. Forer and R. Mordechai Gifter. There is also one letter from R. Shach to R. Forer. On p. 181 we also see that R. Forer delivered a shiur at RIETS. (There is another volume of Milei de-Igrot and this contains letters between R. Gifter and his teacher R. Moses Aaron Poleyeff. There is a good deal of biographical information about R. Gifter in this latter volume, including his difficult relationship with R. Bernard Revel.) 

The one point I would like to add to all the recollections that appear on the website I have referred to is that R. Forer was unique in that he was the spiritual leader of both the Orthodox and Conservative communities. That is, the membership of the Conservative synagogue liked R. Forer so much that while they wanted a mixed pew congregation, they also wanted him as their rabbi. This information was confirmed to me by elderly members of the Orthodox and Conservative synagogues. What is not known is if R. Forer ever actually attended the Conservative synagogue or if he was ever officially recognized as their rabbi. He was, however, the only spiritual leader in the town, recognized by all, and I don’t know of another example in history where there was one rabbi for both the Orthodox and Conservative congregations.
[1] Iggeret Musar, ed. Haberman (Jerusalem, 1946), p. 33. It is interesting that later in this work, in giving an example of an anti-Semitic decree in Spain, Alami mentions that Jews were forced to grow their beards. See p. 40. This shows that going clean-shaven was common in medieval Spain. Alami sees this as an example of midah ke-neged midah, i.e., since the Jews were improperly cutting off their beards, it was the non-Jewish authorities who forced them to grow the beards.
[2] Jubelschrift zum siebzigen Geburtstag des Prof. Dr. H. Graetz (Breslau, 1887), p. 60 (Hebrew section). Both this source and Alami are cited in Israel Abrahams, Jewish Life in the Middle Ages (New York, 1975), p. 94 (he mistakenly dates the  Italian document as 1413). Louis Finkelstein, Jewish Self-Government in the Middle Ages (New York, 1964), ch. 10, reprints the Italian document (mistakenly dating it as 1416). The passage I have referred to appears in Hebrew on p. 286, but is missing, together with much else, in what is supposed to be the translation on p. 294. Among the other Italian takkanot is one stating that a man can only wear one gold ring. See Jubelschrift, p. 59. I mention this only because some have the mistaken perception that Jewish men never wore rings. See also S’s post here which has a painting of R. Bernard Illowy wearing a ring.
[3] In the days of the Talmud we find that plenty of betrothed, but not yet married, couples were having sex, or at least suspected of it. See Ketubot 9b, 12a.
[4] Parashat Miketz, mahadura kama.
[5] R. Moses Sofer, She’elot u-Teshuvot Hatam Sofer, Even ha-Ezer no. 133, writes:

ועוד דזנות דפנויה קיל לאינשי ולא משמע להו איסורא כל כך אע”ג שהם נדות, ועינינו רואות דרובן פרוצות בפנוייתן ונעשות צנועות אחר נישואי[הן]י

Understood as written, the second part of this sentence is quite incredible, as the Hatam Sofer is stating that most unmarried Jewish women are sexually active. Yet there is no question in my mind that what he is really means is that most of those who are sexually active before marriage, behave properly after marriage. See here.

[6] Leket ha-Kemah (Amsterdam, 1707), p. 29a.
[7] R. Jacob Kamenetsky was adamant that it is worse for a man to marry a non-Jew than to marry a Jew who won’t observe taharat ha-mishpahah. See Emet le-Yaakov, parashat Ve-Yehi, p. 237, translated here.
[8] Perhaps this should be better translated as “some communities”, but I am dan le-kaf zekhut. See also Abraham Neuman, The Jews in Spain (Philadelphia, 1944), vol. 2, p. 279 n. 42.
[9] Jewish prostitutes definitely felt that they were part of the community. See R. Raphael Ankawa, Karnei Re’em (Jerusalem, 1910), no. 225, for a responsum sent to Brazil, regarding whether it was permissible for the synagogue to accept charity from the prostitutes, as well as a parochet they made for the synagogue. See also R. Moses Isserles, Shulhan Arukh, Orah Hayyim 153:21. R. Raphael Aaron ben Shimon, Nehar Mitzrayim (Alexandria, 1908), vol. 1, p. 12a, discusses a case where not only did the prostitute donate a parochet, but she also inscribed her name into it in golden letters. As R. Raphael notes, this is especially problematic since if allowed then people praying in synagogue would see her name staring down upon them and this would invariably lead to improper thoughts. (He adds that this particular prostitute had been with a lot of the young Jewish men.) Therefore, he ruled that the parochet could not be used and any gifts from prostitutes to the synagogue could not have their names on it. He also mentions a prostitute who donated a sefer Torah to the synagogue (!), and this was accepted on the condition that her name not appear on it..
Regarding Jewish prostitutes, see also the documents from the Russian archives recently published in ChaeRan Y. Freeze and Jay M. Harris, Everyday Jewish Life in Imperial Russia (Waltham, 2013), pp. 337ff., and see also Dan’s earlier post here. In 1611 the Prague Jewish community ordered the Jewish prostitutes to leave. See Simhah Assaf, Ha-Onshin Aharei Hatimat ha-Talmud (Jerusalem, 1922) p. 114. Any prostitute found plying her trade after this time would have a mark of shame branded onto her skin!
וזו שתזנה ח”ו מהיום והלאה יתוו עליה תו-קלון על ידי ברזל לוהט
See also Takanot Kandia, eds. Cassuto and Artom (Jerusalem, 1942), no. 31.
Pimps also felt that they were part of the community. See R. Joseph Hayyim, Rav Pealim, vol. 2, Orah Hayyim, no. 18, who rules that it is forbidden to give a pimp an aliyah, even if he only deals with non-Jewish prostitutes and non-Jewish clients. R. Hayyim Palache ruled that pimps must be expelled from the Jewish community. See Masa Hayyim, p. 14a. R. Solomon Kluger discusses Jewish pimps in Ha-Elef Lekha Shlomo, Yoreh Deah, no. 192, and see also R. Hayyim Palache, Hayyim be-Yad, no. 19, and R. Hayyim Hezekiah Medini, Sedei Hemed, Pe’at ha-Sadeh, ma’arekhet alef, no. 152 (s.v. apotropos le-arayot) .
[10] Zikhron Yehudah, no. 17.
[11] Akedat Yitzhak, Bereshitsha’ar 20.
[12] She’elot u-Teshuvot ha-Rivash, no. 425.
[13] Hasidot u-Mordot, p. 240 n. 96:
הוא סבר שעל “גדולי הדור” להעלים עיניהם מקיומן של זונות יהודיות מחשש לתגובה קשה של הסביבה הנוכרית, אם יהודים יקיימו יחסי מין עם נשים נוכריות
[14] See Torah Shelemah, Gen. 37, note 200, and see also Rashi, Gen. 37:35.
[15] See Da’at Zekenim mi-Ba’alei ha-Tosafot, Gen. 37:35
[16] See Berakhot 60a.
[17] Tosafot ha-Shalom, ed. Gellis, to Gen. 46:8.
[18] See R. Avraham S. Avraham, Nishmat Avraham (Jerusalem, 2007), vol. 3, p. 32.
[19] See Gur Aryeh, Gen. 46:10.
[20] The one exception I know of is Meiri, Sanhedrin 58b, who states that a non-Jew cannot marry his daughter. Even though the Talmud rejects this opinion, Meiri does not see this rejection as the Talmud’s final word on the subject. אפשר שדרך דחיה הוא וסוגיא בעלמא. However, just a few lines below this Meiri writes that if a Jew’s daughter (through a non-Jewish woman) converts to Judaism, he can marry her! While R. Abraham Sofer doesn’t comment on this seeming inconsistency, in R. Yitzhak Ralbag’s edition of Meiri on Sanhedrin, published in Sanhedrei Gedolah, vol. 4, he writes:
ק”ק לשיטת רבינו שב”נ אסור בבתו איך מותרת לו אחר הגירות.
Before you reply that the convert is like a “new person” and thus has no connection to her father, recall that in Yevamot 22a it explains that the incest prohibitions that are applicable for a non-Jew remain forbidden (rabbinically) even after conversion. So how then, according to Meiri, can a father marry his converted daughter?
[21] Ba-Midbar 90. See also Shabbat 130a.
[22] See also Maimonides. Hilkhot Melakhim 9:5, that this is permitted for non-Jews. I will return to the matter of incest in a future post.
[23] See his article “Ha-Zakaim be-Mikra ve-Hayavim be-Hazal,” available here.
[24] See Irving Agus, Rabbi Meir of Rothenburg (New York, 1970), vol., 1, p. 279.
[25] Teshuvot Ba’alei ha-Tosafot, p. 33. See also Agus in Jewish Quarterly Review 49 (1959), pp. 217-218.
[26] A number of years ago two of my friends got married. One of them met with his rabbi for “the talk”, and was told that when it comes to sex, pretty much everything is permitted. The other friend attended a “hatan class” in New York City. He called me one night, surprised at being told that in sexual relations only one position is permitted. This was stated as a matter of halakhah and the directly opposing statement of R. Moses Isserles, Shulhan Arukh, Even ha-Ezer 25:2, was never even mentioned. R. Isserles writes:
ויכול לעשות עם אשתו מה שירצה . . . ובא עליה בין כדרכה בין שלא כדרכה או דרך איברים ובלבד שלא יוציא זרע לבטלה. ויש מקילין ואומרים שמותר שלא כדרכה אפילו אם מוציא זרע אם עושה באקראי ואינו רגיל בכך. ואף על פי שמותר בכל אלה כל המקדש עצמו במותר לו קדוש יאמרו לו
Note R. Isserles’ last sentence. In other words, my friend’s hatan teacher decided (without asking his students) that all the future grooms sitting before him were going to be called קדוש.
[27] See also R. Moses of Coucy, Sefer Mitzvot Gadol, pos. no. 52. R. Hayyim Ozer Grodzinski, She’elot u-Teshuvot Ahiezer, vol 3, no. 24:4-5, has a different understanding.
[28] R. Nahman of Bratslav stated that not only does the tzaddik not experience any sexual pleasure, but he suffers during sex, even more than a boy suffers during circumcision. See Arthur Green, Tormented Master (Woodstock, VT, 1992), p. 39. Regarding sexual pleasure, there is an old question as to why one does not recite a blessing over it. R. Zvi Elimelech Shapira of Dinov stated that before sex one should make a shehakol on food or drink and include in thisalso the anticipated sexual pleasure. See his Magid Ta’alumah (Bnei Brak, 2006), to Berakhot 40a, 43a. Recognizing that people will find this suggestion quite strange, especially as no one before him ever had this idea, R. Zvi Elimelech adds:
כתבתי זה מסברתי והמשכיל לא ישליך דברי אחרי גיוו כי דברי טעם הם
Elsewhere, R. Zvi Elimelech writes that optimally one should not have any pleasure from sex. See Igra de-Firka (Jerusalem, 1973), p. 28b (no. 197):
ובאמת עפ”י התורה יותר טוב שלא ליהנות
[29] See also Tosafot, Shabbat 118b, s.v. eima, that R. Yose ben Halafta performed yibbum with five different women.
[30] She’elot u-Teshuvot Maharam be-R. Barukh, ed. Bloch (Budapest, 1895), no. 866.
[31] Mor u-Ketziah 240.
[32] It is also worth noting that R. Isaac Luria held that one’s tallit katan should remain on during marital relations. See R. Hayyim Joseph David Azulai, Birkei Yosef, Orah Hayyim 8:7. See also Magen Avraham, Orah Hayyim 240:22, and R. Avner Afgin, Divrei Shalom, vol. 5, pp. 417ff. R. Mordechai Eliyahu, Darkhei Taharah ha-Shalem, p. 278, writes: 

והמקפידים ללבש טלית טקן כל הזמן חוץ משעת רחצה, יניחו בשעת התשמיש את הטלית על צוארם שלא יחצץ ביניהם

 

[33] A friend pointed out to me that R. Ovadiah Yosef adopted R. Epstein’s explanation. See Hazon Ovadiah: Purim, p. 279.
[34] R. Yerucham’s formulation is also quoted by R. Moses Isserles, Darkhei Moshe, Even ha-Ezer 21:2.
[35] R. Yanovski’s “revision” of R. Yerucham relates to the matter of female sexual pleasure. There is a good deal to say about this, especially with regard to the approach of the Gur hasidim which forbids any foreplay from the husband. However, for now, let me just note that R. Joseph Hayyim says the exact same thing, and unlike the Gur hasidim who see this as an added stringency, he sees it as an actual prohibition (which for many women would mean that in their entire lives they would never experience any sexual pleasure ומפני הצניעות אקצר.) See Ben Yehoyada, Niddah 13a:
גם הנשים אסורות להשחית הזרע שלהן, כמ”ש רבינו האר”י ז”ל. מיהו נראה גם באשה אם בעלה עושה משמוש ידים באותו מקום דרך שחוק והתעוררות תאוה ודאי גורם לה בזה הזרעה לבטלה, ואיכא איסור של השחתת זרע
(See, however, Torah li-Shmah, no. 504, where he does not regard this as an actual prohibition.)The Lehem Mishneh, Hilkhot Ishut 15:18, says the exact same thing as appears in Ben Yehoyada without using any kabbalistic sources:

כשהבעל ממשמש באותו מקום דודאי מן הדין אסור לעשות כך דאסור למשמש שם
Lehem Mishneh’s view is accepted by R. Isaac Palache. Yafeh la-Lev, Even ha-Ezer 25:8.
R. Yitzhak Abadi, Or Yitzhak, vol. 2, p. 65, is very disturbed by the Lehem Mishneh and states:
הוא תמוה לחדש כן בדברי הרמב”ם מכח קושיא בדבריו . . . ובכלל עצם הענין הזה לחדש דברים כאלה בלי שום ראיה הוא דבר תמוה, ובפרט שרש”י אומר בפירוש שמותר, ועוד שמצוותו בכך
Regarding the talmudic statement, Niddah 13a, נשים לאו בנות הרגשה נינהו, R. Moshe Malka, Mikveh ha-Mayim, vol. 6, p. 57, writes as follows, in surprisingly strong language:
כמה קשה עלי שמועה זו שהיא נגד הטבע, וכי נשים לאו בני הרגשה נינהו? וכי אינן נהנות גם הן מתשמיש כמו הגברים?
I was surprised to see that R. Shlomo Aviner does not regard female sexual pleasure as having any real significance. Here are passages from two separate letters (quoted in Yakir Englander and Avi Sagi, Guf u-Miniyut be-Siah ha-Tziyoni-Dati he-Hadash [Jerusalem, 2013], p. 108).
מה שאין אשתך נהנית בשעת החיבור אין זה אסון, זה קורה לנשים רבות, והעיקר שהיא אינה סובלת מזה. היא נהנית הנאה רגשית פנימית מעצם הקרבה, מעצם האהבה האחווה השלום והרעות, ואינה זקוקה להנאה גופנית
בעניין ההנאה – מה שאינך נהנית, אינו קריטי, ישנן נשים שלא נהנו כל ימי חייהן אפילו פעם אחת ולא הפריע להן, אלא הכול היה באהבה גדול
I hope to return to this very interesting book. But for now I can’t resist citing a passage from R. Eliezer Melamed (quoted ibid., p. 128). Not only could an American Modern Orthodox rabbi never express such sentiments (if he wants to keep his job), but I am convinced that even if such a passage appeared in an American haredi publication, the women would be quite offended.

איזו אישה כשירה? העושה רצון בעלה, זה הסדר. כאשר יש החלטה כזו או אחרת, בנהוג שבעולם שהאיש הוא הקובע, כך מקובל. כאשר זה לך כך, בדרך כלל שני בני הזוג לא מרוצים. אפילו אם האישה שמחה שהיא מחליטה בלבד ומשפיעה על מהלך העניינים, בסוף היא מתמרמרת שהיא לא נשואה לבעל, לא לגבר, אלא לסמרטוט. כמובן שיכולים להיות דברים מסוימים שבהם האישה קובעת, “נו, תחליטי את איזה צבע נבחר לספה”. הבעל ג’נטלמן, בבקשה, תחליטי את. אבל הוא נותן לה את המנדט להחליט, כך מקובל

R. Aryeh Leib Steinman, Ayelet ha-Shahar, Kiddushin 30b, also states that a wife is obligated to obey her husband. It is easy to find plenty of earlier sources that say this, but I wonder how many haredi women today have such an understanding of their position in a marriage.

Regarding R. Melamed’s point that a man has to be a “man”, it reminded me of an interesting Meiri to Kiddushin 82b. The Talmud, ibid., states: “Happy is he whose children are males, and woe to him whose children are females.” Meiri suggests the following explanation: “Woe to him whose sons are like females,” with all the negative implications this implies:

 

שבניו נקבות שהזכרים פחותים וחסירים, ואשרי מי שבניו זכרים שנמצא בהם השלמות המכוון בהם

R. Yoel Schwartz, Ben Torah vi-Yeshivah (Jerusalem, 1978), p. 143, mentions this Meiri in the course of his discussion of male and female roles in Judaism. Schwartz makes the following very enlightened comment about how men should relate to “women’s work”, i.e., housework.

 

טיפוח הבית, הוא חלק האשה כמו שביארנו לעיל, מאחר שכאמור שטח זה הוא בתחום האשה, מי שמתעסק בטיפוח הבית מפסיד את כל ערך התועלת של קנין תורה
I shouldn’t mock it, however. If these guys can get their women to go along, who am I to protest? It wasn’t that long ago that pretty much all men had this Archie Bunker-like attitude.
[36] Taharat Yisrael, vol. 2, p. 97b.
[37] Taharat Yisrael, vol. 2, p. 97a.

[38] Mikhtevei Mehkar u-Vikoret (Vilna, 1907), vol. 1, p. 51. See also David Biale, Eros and the Jews (Berkeley, 1997), pp. 42-43, who sees here a conflict between the Sages and popular belief, with the latter assuming that there is a place for sexuality in messianic days. (When the Talmud refers to the World to Come it means the messianic era.)

[39] Shoresh Yishai (Sziget, 1891), to Ruth 3:7 (p. 56a).




She’ot Hityahadut – Review Essay

 She’ot Hityahadut – Review Essay
פאני נוידא, שעות התייחדות – ספר תפילה ומוסר
לנשות ישראל ולבנותיה לתפילה בציבור וביחיד
וּת ולכל הזדמנות בחיי
אישה
, מבוא: עליזה לביא, תרגום מגרמנית: קטיה מנור, הוצאת ידיעות אחרונות
תשע”ד, 259 עמודים.
Fanny Neuda, She’ot
Hityahadut
(
שעות התייחדות), Hebrew edition,
introduction by Aliza Lavie; translation of prayers by Katja Manor, Tel-Aviv:
Yediot Aharonot, 2014, 259 pages
By: Yael Levine
The
author holds a Ph.D. from the Talmud department at Bar Ilan University. She is
the author of numerous articles related to women in Judaism. She recently
published “Tefillot Li-Tevilla”.
The
last decade has witnessed a renewed interest in Europe, the United States, and
Israel, in the compilation of prayers Stunden der Andacht, composed by
Fanny Neuda (1819–1894). Highlights of this renaissance will be currently
mentioned. Bettina Kratz-Ritter published several scholarly studies relating to
Neuda and her works. Some prayers from Stunden der Andacht were
published in Hebrew translation in Tefillat Nashim (Tel-Aviv: Yediot
Aharonot, 2005), edited by Aliza Lavie. An English edition, Hours of
Devotion
, was published by Dinah Berland (New York:  Schocken Books, 2007). An abridged edition
in Czechoslovakian was published in 2008. The Open Siddur Project
transcribed one of the German editions. Recently, a Hebrew translation of the
work, the subject of this review, was published. The introduction was written
by Dr. Aliza Lavie, and the translation of the prayers was carried out by Katja
Manor.
However,
despite the fact that Lavie states in the introduction that the work offers a
translation of the first edition published in 1855, a scrutiny of the
translation reveals that, in actuality, this is a translation of the second
edition published in 1858. The latter edition was re-edited by Neuda herself
and contains many additions and changes. Additionally, the introductory
material to the Hebrew edition contains factual errors, and consequently the
present edition can’t be relied upon.
Lavie
provides laconic biographical information concerning Neuda and her religious
stance. However, it’s possible to show that her husband had Reform leanings.
While we aren’t in possession of any direct evidence concerning her own religious
practices, her milieu of acquaintances was progressive and Reform. This
religious environment is not conveyed in the Hebrew edition, though it is
entirely essential for the reader to be familiar with.
Aliza
Lavie is presently a MK in the Israeli parliament. However, the volume under
discussion was, for the most part, prepared prior to the elections in January
2013. The current review doesn’t relate to political issues.
פאני נוידא, שעות
התייחדות – סקירה*
יעל לוין
מבוא
בשנת 1855 יצאה לאור
המהדורה הראשונה של קובץ התפילות שכתבה פאני נוידא (1819–1894) Stunden der
Andacht
, שהתפרסם כשנה לאחר התאלמנותה.
הקובץ כולל קרוב למאה תפילות רשות בגרמנית לנשים, תפילות האמורות ללוות את האישה
היהודייה בשעת התפילה בבית-הכנסת, וכן לאורך מעגל השנה היהודי ומעגל החיים. חיבור
זה הפך פופולרי, התפרסם במהדורות אחדות, ובתקופת הכיבוש הנאצי יצאה מהדורה חדשה
שלו. הספר תורגם ליידיש ולאנגלית, ונדפס על מהדורותיו השונות כשלושים פעמים עד
לשואה. “שטונדען דער אנדאכט” יצא לאור לאחרונה בתרגום עברי הנושא את
הכותר “שעות התייחדות”. את המבוא לספר כתבה ח”כ ד”ר עליזה
לביא, ואת התפילות תרגמה קטיה מנור. כפי שמוזכר מפורשות בספר, דבר קיומו הראשוני
של ספרה של נוידא הגיע לידיעתה של לביא באמצעות כותבת שורות אלה במסגרת תפקידי
כיועצת אקדמית ל”תפילת נשים”.
            אפשר
לציין באורח מעניין כי שנות חייה של פאני נוידא חופפות ברובן לאלה של חנה רחל
ורברמאכר (1806?–1888), מי שנודעה בכינוי “הבתולה מלודמיר”, שימשה
כאדמו”רית ובאה להתגורר בירושלים. דמות נוספת ששנותיה מקבילות במידה רבה לאלה
של נוידא היא רבקה ליפא אניקשטער (נפטרה בשנת תרנ”ג; 1893), בת היישוב הישן
שעלתה ארצה בשנות השישים של המאה התשע-עשרה. אישה זו פרסמה בשנת תרמ”ב (1882)
את הקונטרס “זכר עולם”, שעתיד היה לראות אור במהדורות אחדות. היא שימשה
מורת דרך לשתי נשים נוספות ביישוב הישן, רייצע בת מרדכי וטויבע פעסיל פיינשטיין,
שהילכו בדרכה והוציאו לאור אף הן קונטרסים בשלהי המאה התשע-עשרה.1
            כפי
שנוידא מגוללת במבוא לספרה, הוא לא נכתב על ידה בבת אחת, אלא לפנינו יצירה
שהתהוותה על פני זמן, אשר את משכו המדויק איננו יודעים. התפילות חוברו לצורך
שימושה האישי, אולם היא נענתה כעבור זמן לעתירותיהם של רבים וטובים להדפיסן.  מבחינה מסוימת קיים כאן תהליך דומה לזה שהתרחש
עם “ליקוטי תפילות” לרבי נתן, תלמידו המובהק של רבי נחמן מברסלב, עשורים
אחדים מוקדם יותר.
            רבי
נתן החל לחבר בשנת תקע”ה (1815) תפילות רשות המיוסדות על תורותיו של רבי נחמן
ב”ליקוטי מוהר”ן” וב”ליקוטי מוהר”ן תנינא”, בהתאם
לדברי רבי נחמן עצמו לפיהם ראוי לעשות מהתורות תפילות. בראשונה חיבר רבי נתן
תפילות אישיות שהיו מיועדות לשימושו הפרטי, וכיוון שנכח שתפילותיו מכילות בקשות
לעניינים הנצרכים לכל אדם החליט להעתיקן ולהופכן לתפילות בעלות אופי כללי שיהיו
ראויות להיאמר בידי כל אדם. בשנת תקע”ז (1817) החל להעתיק את התפילות ולהפיצן
בקרב אנשי שלומו. הן התקבלו באהדה רבה עד שהפצירו בו להעתיק את כלל התפילות שחיבר
ולהדפיסן. מלאכת ההדפסה של הדפוס הראשון של “ליקוטי תפילות” החלה בברסלב
בראשית שנת תקפ”ב (1821), נמשכה על פני למעלה מחמש שנים, והגיעה לסיום בשנת
תקפ”ז (1827).2
המהדורה העברית
            במסה
“דברים לאמהות האצילות ולנשים
בישראל”
פרי עטה של נוידא, הכלולה ב”שטונדען דער אנדאכט” והמופנית לנשי ישראל,
מביעה היא את מורת רוחה מכך שנשים אינן בקיאות בלשון הקודש ואינן מבינות את נוסחי
התפילות בבית-הכנסת ואת ספר הספרים בשפתם המקורית. הן מקדישות זמן ללימוד נגינה
בפסנתר, אך אינן מייחדות זמן ללימוד עברית, והיא מעלה את ההצעה שיקדישו שעה אחת מדי
יום למטרה נעלה זו.
            על
פניו פרסום המהדורה העברית של “שטונדען דער אנדאכט” היה אמור להיות
מאורע משמח. אלא שאין אלה פני הדברים. כפי שנפרט, המהדורה בעברית רצופה טעויות
לאורך חומר המבוא, אמירות שלמות וקטעים שלמים אינם מוסרים מידע נכון, ואף נוסחי
התפילות דורשים הגהה. למעשה, לא שפר גורלם של תרגומי ספרה של נוידא בדורנו, שכּן
גם המהדורה באנגלית שראתה אור בשנת 2007 אינה נטולת בעייתיות מהותית. כך אפשר
לציין בין היתר שחלק מהתפילות עובד מחדש על בסיס התרגום האנגלי הישן, ולא תורגם מהמקור;
התפילות מוצגות בתור שירה ולא פרוזה, והמחברת מגישה מהדורה חלקית בלבד.
            אני
מוצאת לנכון להעיר בשלב הזה את ההערה הבאה: “שעות התייחדות” היה מוכן
ברובו המכריע קודם שהמחברת ד”ר עליזה לביא נבחרה לכהן כח”כית, ופרסום
הספר נדחה בשל כניסתה לתחום הפוליטיקה, דבר שעיכב את השלמתו הסופית. לפיכך, הסקירה
הנוכחית מתייחסת לתקופה קודם היבחרותה.
“שעות
התייחדות” מתיימר לתרגם את המהדורה הראשונה של קובץ תפילותיה של נוידא,
כהודעתה של לביא לכל אורך המבוא. כך, בין היתר, לביא מודיעה מפורשות שהיא מגישה לקוראים את המהדורה הראשונה:
“בספר זה, אשר הסתמך – כאמור – על המהדורה הראשונה, משנת 1855”. אולם בפועל הנוסח
המוגש הוא של המהדורה השנייה משנת 1858, מהדורה שאינה מוזכרת כלל במהלך החיבור.
מהדורה זו כוללת הגהות ושינויי נוסח רבים מעשה ידי נוידא עצמה, ובכלל זה המסה המופנית
לנשי ישראל זכתה להרחבה ניכרת ומוקמה בסוף הקובץ.
            ח”כ ד”ר עליזה לביא כותבת
במהלך חומר המבוא: “ספר התפילות, שעות התייחדות (הדגש במקור –
י”ל)… פורסם לראשונה בפראג בשנת 1855… ואף שאיני שולטת בשפה כלל, הבנתי
מיד את תוכן העניינים: הספר מכיל דברי מבוא של המוציא לאור, פתח דבר של המְחברת, ואת התפילות עצמן… בסוף הספר בחרה המחברת, פאני נוידא,
לפנות בקריאה על-זמנית לאימהות, לחנך את בנותיהן להיות בנות נאמנות וגאות לעם
ישראל”. תיאור זה אינו מתאים למהדורה הראשונה. מתברר שלביא לא הייתה מודעת
להימצאותם של שינויים בין שתי המהדורות הראשונות, ואפשר לקבוע שהיא לא עיינה
במהדורה הראשונה, ולא העלתה על דעתה את האפשרות שייתכנו הבדלים בין המהדורות. ההחלפה בין
המהדורות היא עניין עקרוני, וזהו מעשה שאינו ליגיטימי גם בפרסום שאינו מתיימר
להיות אקדמי במובהק.
            כאמור,
נוידא עצמה ערכה הגהות למהדורה הראשונה ששולבו במהדורה השנייה. לעתים נוסחיהן של
המהדורות הראשונות של חיבורים משופרים יותר, אולם במקרה הנוכחי קיימת אמנם האפשרות
לעשות שימוש במהדורה השנייה כבסיס למהדורה העברית, אולם חובה להודיע על כך. יחד עם
זאת, דרושה הגהה נוספת של נוסחי התפילות עצמם שכּן ניתן להצביע בין היתר על תרגום
בלתי מהימן ב”תפילת הנערה הצעירה”. המילים במקור הגרמני “בריאים בנפשם ובגופם” תורגמו
כ”בריאים בגופם ובנפשם”. אולם הנוסח בתפילות “מי שברך” לחולים
הנו “רפואת הנפש ורפואת הגוף”, וכן הוא בתפילות נוספות לחולים. אין ספק
שנוידא כיוונה את דבריה לתפילות מעין אלה, ולא הייתה הצדקה לשנות. חילוף זה עשוי
לכאורה להצביע על ריחוקו של המתרגם מעולם הליטורגיה, או שמא על אי-הכרות עם תפילות
אותנטיות. משום כך, יש צורך לעבור ולבדוק את נוסחי התפילות על ידי אדם הבקי במקורות שיוכל לעמוד על הרמזות למקורות.
            חשוב לציין כי בשנת 1855 יצאה לאור
מהדורה נוספת של “שעות התייחדות”, מהדורה מקוצרת בת שלושים-וחמש תפילות,
הנושאת את הכותר Andachtsbuch für israelitische
Frauenzimmer
. 3 דבר זה לא מאוזכר אצל לביא כלל. לביא מזכירה
במבוא שבשנת 1859 יצאה לאור מהדורה מתורגמת ליידיש, ובה נכללו שלושים-וחמש תפילות בלבד.
לאמיתו של דבר, זהו תרגום של המהדורה המקוצרת מ-1855, ובשנת 1859 יצאה לאור מהדורה
נוספת עם תרגום שלם של מהדורת 1858. קיימים
שני תרגומים לאנגלית של “שטונדען דער אנדאכט”, האחד יצא באירופה (שנת
הפרסום המדויקת אינה ידועה) והאחר בארה”ב בשנת 1866. לביא מזכירה את אחת
המהדורות בלבד.
            בשנת
1870 יצאה לאור בברסלאו מהדורה נוספת של “שטונדען דער אנדאכט”. מהדורה
זו מצומצמת יותר בהיקפה, וכוללת כשמונים תפילות. יש בה תפילות חדשות לנושאים
קיימים וכן תפילות אחדות בנושאים חדשים, כגון תפילה ליום הולדת ותפילה בשעת מגיפה.
לעומת זאת, הוצאו ממנה תפילות שונות, כגון התפילות לכל אחד מימי השבוע, התפילה
להפרשת חלה וחלק מהתפילות המרובות בענייני חולי. לביא כותבת שנוספו במהדורה זו
תפילות חדשות, אולם לא ציינה שאף הוצאו תפילות. מהדורה זו ממתינה להיחקר. יצוין
עוד כי מהדורת 1870 נדפסה פעמיים נוספות, ומהדורה שלישית מוגהת על ידי נוידא
פורסמה בשנת 1890. עם זאת, המהדורה הקלאסית משנת 1858 היא זו שקנתה לה שביתה
והמשיכה להידפס לאחר מכן.
            בנובמבר 2008 פורסמה בשפה הצ’כית
מהדורה חלקית של ספרה של פאני נוידא, הכוללת למעלה משלושים תפילות. מסִּיבה בלתי ברורה לביא לא מזכירה מהדורה זו, למרות שהיא עצמה
מודעת לה ומוזכרת בה.
רנסנס
מזה כעשור
            בהקשר
זה יש להזכיר כי בפתח “שעות התייחדות” נאמר שעליזה לביא החזירה את
החיבור לארון הספרים היהודי. אולם יש לפקפק בקביעה זו ואין לקבלה, משום שקיים
רנסנס של ממש בחיבורה של נוידא מזה למעלה מעשור בארה”ב ובאירופה. כך בטינה
קראץ-ריטר פרסמה, החל משנת 1985, מחקרים אחדים על נוידא. תפילות נבחרות משולבות
באנתולוגיה הידועה של כתבי נשים יהודיות, Four
Centuries of Jewish Women’s Spirituality
,
שיצאה לאור בארה”ב במהדורתו הראשונה בשנת 1992, ומשם בין היתר נודע שמה. תפילות
אחדות פורסמו בתרגום עברי ב”תפילת נשים”, שיצא לאור לראשונה בשנת 2005,
בעריכתה של לביא. בשנת 2007 יצא לאור חיבורה של דינה ברלנד, ובשנת 2008 יצאה לאור המהדורה
החלקית בשפה הצ’כית. כן יצאו בשנים האחרונות מהדורות פקסימיליה של הדפסות שונות של
החיבור בגרמנית ושל התרגום האנגלי משנת 1866, והפרויקט המקוון The Open Siddur
Project
שיכתב לאחרונה את מהדורת
1858.
            אם
כן, ללביא שמור חלק כלשהו ברנסנס של ההתעניינות בכתביה של נוידא, אולם במפורש לא
בלעדיות. כאמור, תפילות נבחרות אחדות התפרסמו ב”תפילת נשים”, ובערב יום
הכיפורים תשס”ח (2007) קיבלה לביא, כדבריה במבוא ל”שעות התייחדות”,
החלטה לפעול לתרגום הספר במלואו, למרות שהעניין עלה במפורש לדיון קודם למועד זה.
אגב, גם הנסיבות שהביאו את לביא לערוך את “תפילת נשים” מעוגנות במועד של
ערב יום הכיפורים, לפי מה שכתבה במבוא לקובץ זה.
            לביא מציינת כי בשעה שהחלה להתחקות אחר
עקבותיה של פאני נוידא, והקישה את שמה במנועי החיפוש בעברית, לא עלה בידה למצוא
מידע או אזכורים על אודותיה. וכאן עולה השאלה, מאימתי הימצאות מידע בגוגל היא אמת
מידה עבור חוקר? חוקר אמור להתמקד בעיקר בחומר ממקורות כתובים. ואמנם, חיוני לומר
שלביא אינה מסתייעת במכלול הספרות הקיימת בנושא, אלא בחלקו בלבד.
            לפאני
נוידא כאלמנה לא היו האמצעים לפרסם את ספרה, ולואיזה פון רוטשילד (1820–1894)
סייעה בידה. נוידא הקדישה לה עמוד הוקרה בפתיחת הספר. לואיזה פון רוטשילד הייתה אשת מאיר קרל פון רוטשילד
(1820–1886), בתו הצעירה של נתן מאיר פון רוטשילד מאנגליה, ואף הוא מוזכר בעמוד
ההוקרה. היא נישאה למאיר קרל פון רוטשילד מפרנקפורט, מקום אליו עברה עם נישואיה
בשנת 1842. עליזה לביא לא זיהתה את העניין, וסברה שמדובר בעמוד הנצחה לדמות אחרת
ממשפחת רוטשילד. משום כך גם תהתה לגבי אזכור העיר פרנקפורט בעמוד זה.
            “הערת המערכת” ב”שעות
התייחדות” מוסרת ש”סדר התפילות מובא כפי שקבעה פאני נוידא”. אולם
דבר זה אינו מדויק, ומיקומן של שתי תפילות המופיעות לקראת סוף הקובץ שוּנה למיקומים הנראים כמתאימים יותר. הכוונה ל”תפילה לראש השנה
וליום הכיפורים לפני תפילת ‘עלֵינו'” ו”תפילה לחג הסוכות, בהקפות עם
הלולב והאתרוג”. חובה היה לסייג את האמירה הכללית, ולהודיע לקוראים על
השינויים.
            אפשר
להצביע על שגיאות אחרות בחומר המבוא. ברשימה הביבליוגרפית לביא כוללת רישום של
המהדורה הראשונה ושל המהדורה שיצאה לאור בידי ד”ר מרתה ורטהיימר בשלטון
הנאצי. בכל אחד מהפריטים הללו מצויה שגיאה בהעתקה. בהערת שוליים לביא מציינת את
המהדורה הראשונה, בהזכירה את הוצאת ברנדייס, ולא פאשלס. זאת בשעה שהמהדורה הראשונה
של הוצאת ברנדייס הייתה בשנת 1868. לביא הכניסה שינוי טכני למבואהּ של נוידא.
במהדורה הראשונה והשנייה תאריך כתיבת
המבוא מופיע בסוף, דבר שמבטא את הנוהג בספרים בעבר. אולם לביא העבירה זאת לראש
המבוא, למרות שלא היה אמור לחול כאן שינוי כלשהו. בסוף המבוא הגרמני כתוב
“הסופרת”, אולם לביא שינתה וחתמה את המבוא בשם “פאני נוידא לבית
שמידל”. שמה זה של נוידא מופיע מעל גבי שער החיבור, אולם גם שינוי כזה מזקיק
הערה.
            אחת העדויות המעשיות שלביא מביאה לגבי
אמירת תפילות מתוך “שטונדען דער אנדאכט” היא עדותה של גב’ יהודית וירצבורגר מתל-אביב בשם בעלה, שלא
נזכר בשמו. לדבריה, סבתו נהגה לומר במהלך שנות מלחמת העולם הראשונה את “תפילת
אם שבנהּ משרת בצבא” בשפה הגרמנית, וכן נהגה אמו בשעה שבניה שירתו
בצה”ל. למעשה, שמעון וירצבורגר עצמו התייחס לעניין זה קודם לכן בדברים שכתב
בעיתון “הצופה” בשנת 2003. 4 הוא מציין שם שהתחינה הנזכרת
נאמרה בידי סבתו במלחמת העולם הראשונה בשעה שארבעת בניה היו בצבא הגרמני, וכן אמו
אמרה אותה במהלך מלחמת השחרור בכל עת שאחיו או הוא היו מגוייסים.
מקורות
השראה
            ספר
התפילות של נוידא לא נוצר יש מאין, ואפשר לעמוד על מקור השראה מובהק ששימש לו
בסיס. הכוונה לקובץ התפילות לנשים יהודיות בצרפתית “אמרי לב”, שיצא לאור
לראשונה בשנת 1848. חיבור זה היה פופולרי מאוד בקרב יהודי צרפת, ויצא לאור בשנת
1856 בתרגום אנגלי מעשה ידיה של הסטר (אסתר) רוטשילד. נודעת השפעה ברורה של
“אמרי לב” על “שטונדען דער אנדאכט”. ב”אמרי לב”
מובאת קשת תפילות רחבת-היקף, ולמרבית מנושאי תפילותיה של נוידא מצויות הקבלות
בחיבור הזה, והתפילות מובאות בעיקרן בסדר זהה ל”אמרי לב”. ניכרים גם
דמיונות תוכניים שונים בין התפילות בשני הקבצים. כמו כן, בראש כל תפילה
ב”אמרי לב” מובא כתוב מקראי, ונוידא אימצה תבנית כללית זו. לביא מאריכה
את הדיבור על הייחודיות כביכול של תפילתה של נוידא לחג השבועות, תפילה המוסבת על קריאת
עשרת הדיברות והמתייחסת באופן פרטני לכל אחת מהדיברות, ואולם הקבלה מובהקת אליה
מצויה ב”אמרי לב”.
            לביא
מציינת כי פאני לא הייתה הראשונה שחיברה קובץ תפילות בגרמנית, והיא מונה שלושה
קבצים כאלה שחוברו בידי גברים. השני מביניהם הוא “תחנוני בת יהודה”, שיצא
לאור בשנת 1846, ולגביו לביא לא מציינת מי היה מחברו. והנה, זהו לא אחר ממאיר הלוי
לעטעריס (1800?–1871). לביא מזכירה דמות זו במקום אחר ב”שעות התייחדות”
בהקשר לחמש תפילות שבחרה שלא לתרגם. לדבריה, שתיים מהן ניטלו מתוך מחזור התפילה
ליום כיפורים של לעטעריס, ושלוש האחרות נתחברו בידי מחברים שונים.5 אולם
לביא לא זיהתה ששלושת הטקסטים האלה מופיעים ב”תחנוני בת יהודה” וכן בחיבור
קודם של לעטעריס משנת 1845. 6 אחת התפילות ב”תחנוני בת
יהודה” מובאת ב”תפילת נשים”, ושם ההתייחסות למחבר היא כ-ד”ר
מקס לטריס. בנוסף, כותר המהדורה המקוצרת של ספרה של נוידא משנת 1855 איננו זהה
למהדורה הראשונה השלימה,7 אך זהה לתחילתו של כותר המשנה של ספרו של
לעטעריס.8 לביא כתבה ב”תפילת נשים” כי נוידא בספר תפילותיה בחרה
לעצמה את פסוקי הפתיח. אולם אין הדברים האלה מדויקים. היא חרגה אמנם מהכתובים
המובאים ב”אמרי לב”, אולם מכל מקום ניכרת השפעה. וכך אפשר לציין ביחס
ל”תפילת הנערה הצעירה” כי “אמרי לב”, “תחנוני בת
יהודה” ו”שטונדען דער אנדאכט” עושים שלושתם שימוש באותו הפסוק
עצמו, “שקר החן והבל היופי”. תפילה להפרשת חלה מצויה אצל נוידא ואצל
לעטעריס, אך לא ב”אמרי לב”, ובשניהם אין כתוב פותח. התפילה על עשרת הדיברות
אינה מצויה בשלושת החיבורים בגרמנית שמנתה לביא, אלא ב”אמרי לב” בלבד.
            ב”שטונדען
דער אנדאכט” אין תפילה לטבילה, זאת בדומה לקבצי התפילות לנשים בשפות לעז שלא
כללו תפילות לעניין זה. לעומתם, מרבית קבצי התחינות ביידיש כללו תפילות בנושא זה.
אם כן, פאני נוידא החרתה-החזיקה אחרי קבצי התפילות בלעז בבחירתה שלא לכלול תפילה
בנושא טבילה.
            העמידה
על מקורות השראתה של פאני נוידא אף מבטלת את האפשרות להחשיבה כ”פורצת
דרך”, כפי שלביא מבקשת לטעון. נוידא צעדה בעקבות קודמיה, שאבה במידה מרובה מ”אמרי
לב” את הדגם הכללי כמו גם תכנים מסוימים, ובמידה מינורית הושפעה מ”תחנוני
בת יהודה”. תפילותיה של נוידא משקפות אמנם נקודת מבט נשית, אולם גם בקבצים שעליהם
הסתמכה מובאים רעיונות דומים לאלה שהזכירה, כגון לדוגמה לגבי “תפילת הרעיה
האומללה”, באופן שאין ניכרת בספרה בשׂורה חדשה או מהפכה של ממש.
            כאן
המקום לציין כי נודעת בעייתיות בכל הקשור לתכנים המובעים אצל נוידא ב”תפילת
הרעיה האומללה”, וכן בתפילה המקבילה ב”אמרי לב”. לקראת סוף התפילה
נאמר בתפילתה של נוידא: “‘אני מוכנה ומזמנה להעלות לקרבן את הנאותי; לשקד על
מלאכות הבית בשקט, ובארך רוח למלא את החובות המטלות עלי. ברך ובעדנה לקבל את
התוכחה המרה, את המלים המרות והפוגעות, ולכבש את לב בעלי”. כלומר אישה זו
מוכנה להיות אישה כנועה ובמקרה של בעל מתעלל מוכנה להבליג ולספוג התנהגות מתעללת.
אין זה מוטיב שפמיניסטיות בזמננו, לרבות לביא עצמה, סומכות את ידיהן עליו.
            בהקשר
לדיוננו בדבר מקורות השראתה של נוידא, חיוני להידרש לכותר Stunden der Andacht. הכותרת אינה מקורית לה; זהו כותר חיבורו
הפופולרי של Heinrich Zschokke המביא את עיקרי האמונה
הנוצרית בדרך מוסרית ופילוסופית והמחזיק כרכים אחדים, חיבור שיצא לאור בשנים
1809–1816. כותרתו של התרגום האנגלי Hours of
Devotion

זהה לכותר שניתן לשתי המהדורות באנגלית של ספרה של נוידא. יש לציין עוד כי בשנת
1834 הוציא לאור הרב המשכיל והמתקדם שמשון וולף רוזנפלד (1780–1862) חיבור בן
כרכים אחדים, הנושא את הכותר Stunden
der Andacht für Israeliten
, והוא מעין חיבור
יהודי המקביל לחיבור הנוצרי הנזכר.
סביבתה האידיאולוגית-דתית
של נוידא
            לביא מייחדת מקום כלשהו בדברי המבוא להזכרת הוריה של פאני,
אחיה ובעלה. אביה, הרב יהודה שמידל, שימש כרב, ואימהּ, נחמה קרפלס, באה ממשפחת
רבנים. אחיה של פאני, הרב אברהם-אדולף
נוידא, אף
הוא שימש כרב וכן בעלה, הרב אברהם נוידא. לביא מתייחסת לפולמוס שהתעורר סביב
היבחרותו של בעלה לכהן כרב בלושיץ, ובהקשר זה מציינת את ההתנגדות שנבעה גם מתוקף
העובדה שהיה אחד משלושה רבנים במורביה שדרשו בשפה הגרמנית. אולם אין הדברים
הלאקוניים הללו משקפים את מלוא העניין. בשנת
1841, לאחר מאבק ממושך עלה בידו לכהן כרבה של לושיץ (ב”תפילת נשים” כתוב
במִשְׁגֶּה שהיה רבה של ניקולסבורג), מקום אשר מנה בראשית המאבק לכהונתו בשנת 1835 כארבע-מאות יהודים. אולם גם אם בעלה החזיק בסופו של דבר בתפקיד זה, היה הוא בעל
דעות מתקדמות, ותמך בהכנסת תיקונים מסוימים בדת. כך בתשובה שכתב צידד בשימוש בעוגב בבית הכנסת בשבת ובהעמדת הבימה
בקדמת בית הכנסת, כמנהג המתקנים. תשובה זו יצאה לאור בשנת 1845 בקובץ שנערך מטעם
התנועה הרפורמית בעיר פאפא (Pápa) שבהונגריה.9 כמו כן, אחיה
של פאני היה רב בעל דעות ליברליות. שיקוף זה אינו עולה מתיאורה של לביא, למרות
שהקוראים רשאים ואף מחויבים להכיר את האוריינטציה הדתית של הדמויות הפועלות
הקשורות לחיבור.
            יתירה  מכך, אין בידינו אמנם לדעת בבירור מה הייתה השקפת עולמה הדתי של
פאני נוידא, אולם אפשר לקבוע שמחברי הכתבים שאותם היא מצטטת היו מחוגים משכיליים
ומתקדמים. כאמור, פאני נוידא מביאה לרוב כתוב מקראי כפתיח לתפילות, אולם בתפילות
אחדות חרגה מנוהגה זה, והביאה תוכן בעל אופי הגותי. פתיח אחד נטול מתוך כתביו
של שלמה מימון. פתיח אחר מביא קטע מכִּתבי גבריאל רייסר (1806–1863),
מראשי האמנציפציה. כפי שהזכרנו, נוידא
שאבה טקסטים אחדים מ”תחנוני בת יהודה”, ואחד מהם אף הוא נטול מחיבור של
רייסר. טקסט אחר לקוח מהקובץ “שירי ישורון”, שיצא לאור בשנת 1829, וחובר
בידי הרב המתקדם יוסף יאהלזאן. לעטעריס עצמו, שממנו שאבה נוידא, נמנה על ראשי המשכילים
בגליציה. מתרגם המהדורה האנגלית של ספרה של נוידא שראתה אור בארה”ב, מוריץ
מאייר, היה רב רפורמי. אם כן, הסביבה האינטלקטואלית שאפפה את נוידא הייתה סביבה של
יהודים ליברליים ומתקדמים.
            על רקע תיאורנו זה עולה גם השאלה
באיזו מידה אמנם רלוונטי ונחוץ לנשים דתיות בזמננו, בדור אתחלתא דגאולה, לאמץ
תפילות מעין אלה כמושאי הזדהות. יש באמתחתנו אוצר תפילות נאות לנשים בשפה העברית
המפוזרות בקבצים שונים. חלקן בלבד נקבצו בזמננו לאסופות תפילה. אלה הן תפילות
שצמחו באופן אורגני מתוך הוויה יהודית אותנטית. מבחינה זו, התחינות ביידיש מבטאות
השקפה יהודית מקורית הרבה יותר מאשר קבצי התפילות בלעז. כאן המקום להעיר כי גם אם
לעתים מובאים בתחינות ביידיש מוטיבים שאיננו יכולים להזדהות עמם לגמרי בזמננו,
כגון נוסחים שיש בהם בקשה מפורשת לבנים זכרים, בהיותן תפילות רשות רשאים אנו לשנות
ולומר נוסח אישי יותר.
            מלבד
שימושה בכתובים מקראיים מקדימים לתפילות, נוידא מסתייעת לעתים במהלך התפילות
במקורות מובהקים מאוצרותינו, וכן ישנם לפרקים הרמזות ושיבוצי מקורות. עם זאת,
הסתמכותה על מקורות ספציפיים אינה כה רבה, וחלקים גדולים מקובץ התפילות כוללים
רעיונות כלליים שאינם מעוגנים במקורותינו. אין בידינו ידיעות חיצוניות לגבי שיעור
למדנותה של נוידא. על בסיס תוכני הקובץ אפשר לומר שהייתה לה ידיעה נאה בתנ”ך,
אך אין בכוחם של המקורות הבאים לידי ביטוי בספר להצביע על בקיאות וידענות מופלגות
במקורות היהדות.
סיכום
            בבואו
של מחבר להוציא לאור ספר מוטלת עליו האחריות לוודא שחיבורו יהיה נקי מטעויות. הספר
הנדון בסקירה זו לא היה ראוי להתפרסם במצבו הנוכחי, ויש לצפות לפרסום מהדורה
מתוקנת. המצב שבו נתון הקובץ מלמד גם על אוזלת ידה של התפיסה לפיה אין חובה לדקדק
כשמדובר בחיבור פופולרי. הספר לא עבר לקטורה של מומחים, דבר שיכול היה למנוע את
הטעויות. זו מהדורה שאין אפשרות להסתמך עליה ועל מהימנותה. אני תקווה שהסקירה
הנוכחית, הפורטת את הבעייתיות בספר, תלווה את מי שתחת ידיהם מצויה המהדורה
הראשונה.
הערות
1. ראו לאחרונה יעל לוין, ‘”דיינו שה’ מחדש
את כוחותיי תמיד”‘, מקור ראשון, יום שישי, 11 באפריל 2014, י”א בניסן
תשע”ד, מוסף פסח, 870, עמ’ 8, 10.
2. ראו בהרחבה יעל לוין, שים שלום: תפילות לשלום
העולם, אסופה מתוך “ליקוטי תפילות”, הוצאת קורן: ירושלים 2009, מבוא,
עמ’ 2–4.
3. זה
כותר המהדורה השלימה: Fanny Neuda, geb. Schmiedl, Stunden der Andacht: ein
Gebet- und Erbauungsbuch für Israels Frauen und Jungfrauen,
zur
öffentlichen und häuslichen Andacht, so wie für alle Verhältnisse des
weiblichen Lebens, Prag 1855. וזו כותרת
המהדורה המקוצרת: Andachtsbuch
für israelitische Frauenzimmer zur öffentlichen und häuslichen Erbauung in
allen Verhältnissen des weiblichen Lebens
, Prag
1855.
4. שמעון
וירצבורגר, “התחינה החסרה”, הצופה, א’ בטבת תשס”ד, סופרים וספרים,
עמ’ 15. וראו את מאמר תגובתה של כותבת שורות אלה: יעל לוין, “תפילה לשלום
המתגייסים לצה”ל והמשרתים בו”, הצופה, ח’ בטבת תשס”ד, עמ’ 12.
5. שלושת הטקסטים הללו
מובאים במהדורת 1855 ובמהדורת 1858 בעמ’ 137–142.
6.    M. Letteris, Erbauliche Betrachtungen, hebräische
Sagen und Dichtungen
, Prag 1845, pp. 29–30, 34–37
7. ראו לעיל, הערה 3 והטקסט לידה.
8. הכותר הלועזי של
המהדורה הראשונה של “תחנוני בת יהודה” (מילים אלה מופיעות תחילה בראש
העמוד) הוא: Andachtsbuch
für israelitische Frauenzimmer zur öffentlichen und häuslichen Andacht in allen
Verhältnissen
des Lebens,
als Jungfrau, Braut, Gattin und Mutter, Prag 1848. אולם המילה Andacht הוחלפה בהמשך עם המילה Erbauung. מבין מהדורת החיבור
מצויות בספרייה הלאומית בירושלים המהדורה הראשונה ולאחר מכן המהדורה החמישית משנת
1852, ובה מופיע השינוי בכותר. הן חיבורו של לטריס והן ספרה של נוידא נדפסו בבית
הדפוס של וולף פאשלס (Wolf
Pascheles)  בפראג.
9.
  Zulässigkeit und Dringlichkeit der
Synagogen-Reformen,
Wien 1845, pp. 85–89
© כל הזכויות שמורות ליעל לוין




What is Bothering the Aruch Hashulchan? Women Wearing Tefillin

What is Bothering the Aruch
Hashulchan
?
Women Wearing Tefillin
Michael J. Broyde
mbroyde@emory.edu
Please note that this piece isn’t meant to be construed one way or another as the view of the Seforim Blog.
Introduction
In our previous article,[1]
we focused on the view of the Mishnah Berurah concerning women wearing
tefillin.  In this article, we focus on
the Aruch Hashulchan, whose approach is also complex, reflecting the complexity
of the area.
The Aruch Hashulchan (OC 38:6) states:
נשים ועבדים פטורים מתפילין מפני שהיא מצות עשה
שהזמן גרמא דשבת ויו”ט פטור מתפילין ואם רוצין להחמיר על עצמן מוחין בידן ולא
דמי לסוכה ולולב שפטורות ועכ”ז מברכות עליהן דכיון דתפילין צריך זהירות יתירה
מגוף נקי כדאמרינן בשבת [מ”ט.] תפילין צריכין גוף נקי כאלישע בעל כנפים
ובירושלמי ברכות שם אמרו תמן אמרין כל שאינו כאלישע בעל כנפים אל יניח תפילין אך
אנשים שמחויבים בהכרח שיזהרו בהם בשעת ק”ש ותפלה ולכן אין מניחין כל היום
כמ”ש בסי’ הקודם וא”כ נשים שפטורות למה יכניסו עצמן בחשש גדול כזה ואצלן
בשעת ק”ש ותפלה כלאנשים כל היום לפיכך אין מניחין אותן להניח תפילין ואף על
גב דתניא בעירובין [צ”ו.] דמיכל בת שאול היתה מנחת תפילין ולא מיחו בה חכמים
אין למידין מזה דמסתמא ידעו שהיא צדקת גמורה וידעה להזהר וכן עבדים כה”ג
[עמג”א סק”ג וב”י ולפמ”ש א”ש[:
Women and slaves are
exempt from the mitzvah of tefillin since it is a positive commandment
that is time bound since tefillin are not worn on Shabbat and Yom Tov.  If they wish to adopt this as a stringency,
we should protest.  This is not
comparable to sukkah and lulav from which they are exempt, but nonetheless
recite a blessing. This is because tefillin require extra diligence
regarding cleanliness, as it states in Shabbat (49a) that tefillin need
a clean body like Elisha .In the Jerusalem Talmud (Berachot) it says that
anyone who is not clean like Elisha should not wear tefillin.  Even men must be careful [with cleanliness]
when reciting the Shema and Amida which is why they do not wear them all day,
as I noted in the previous paragraph. 
If this is so, then why should women — who are exempt [from the mitzva
of tefillin] — place themselves under this great risk, since for them,
[wearing tefillin] when the Shema and the Amida are recited is comparable to
men [wearing tefillin] the entire day. 
Therefore, we do not permit them to put on tefillin.  Even though it recounts in Eruvin (96a) that
Michal bat Shaul did don tefillin, and the rabbis did not rebuke her, we
should not extrapolate from this, since they knew that she was very righteous
and could be careful.  Slaves are in the
same situation. [See the Magen Avraham 38:3 and the Bet Yosef; according to
what I have written all makes sense.]
There are a few problems with the Aruch
Hashulchan that are immediately clear. Four come to mind as requiring
resolution in order to understand the Aruch HaShulchan:
·       
Why
does he not cite the primary source for the halacha of rebuking women, which is
the Pesikta?
·       
What
are the characteristics of women who can put on tefillin according to
the Aruch Hashulchan or does he mean that Michal bat Shaul is unique?
·       
Can
all slaves put on tefillin?  Can
any?
·       
What
is the problem with the Magen Avraham and the Bet Yosef that he is seeking to
answer?
In short to understand the Aruch Hashulchan’s
approach, one must first comprehend what is bothering him about other
approaches.  In this case, he tells the
reader what is bother him when he notes in his final parenthetical note [[עמג”א סק”ג
וב”י ולפמ”ש א”ש
in which each word is abbreviate, but crucial to understanding, so we spell it
out:
[עיין
מגן אברהם סעיף קטן ג ובית יוסף ולפי מה שכתב אתיא שפיר[:
[See
the Magen Avraham call note 3, and the Bet Yoesef, and according to what I have
written all is 
logical.]
In this note, Aruch Hashulchan is claiming that
neither the Magen Avraham nor the Bet Yosef have properly solved the problem,
and he thus doing so.  This paper is an
explanation of that.
The
Approach of the Bet Yosef:

Bet
Yosef (OC 38) quotes Tosafot, as well as the Pesikta to explain the reasoning
behind Chazal’s recorded disapproval of Michal bat Shaul wearing tefillin.  Bet Yosef states and elaborates:
כתב הכל בו (סי’ כא) בשם הר”ם שאם רצו הנשים
להניח תפילין אין שומעין להן מפני שאינן יודעות לשמור עצמן בנקיות עכ”ל ובספר
ארחות חיים (הל’ תפילין סי’ ג) הקשה עליו מדאמרינן בריש פרק המוצא תפילין (שם)
דמיכל בת כושי (פירוש בת שאול) היתה מנחת תפילין ולא מיחו בה חכמים. ולי נראה שטעם
הר”ם כמו שכתבו התוספות (ד”ה מיכל) דאיתא בפסיקתא (רבתי פרק כב) שמיחו
בה חכמים ופירשו הם דטעמא משום דתפילין צריכין גוף נקי ונשים אינן זריזות ליזהר
והר”מ רצה לחוש לדברי הפסיקתא:
The Kol Bo (21) writes
in the name of the Maharam that if women wish to wear tefillin, we do
not listen to them, since they do not know how to keep themselves clean.  The Orchot Chaim (Tefillin 3) questioned
this based on the Talmud in Eruvin 96a that Michal bat Kushi (daughter of Saul)
did don tefillin and the rabbis did not rebuke her.  To me, it appears that the view of the
Maharam is like that quoted by Tosafot (sv michal) as it appears in the
Pesikta that the Sages did rebuke her. They explained the reason to be that tefillin
need a clean body and women are not careful about such matters.  Maharam was concerned for the view of the
Pesikta.
The Bet Yosef is clear and simple.  He thinks that there is a dispute between
rabbinic sources about whether any women can ever wear tefillin.  The Babylonian Talmud rules that Michal bat
Shaul can wear tefillin, and she is a model for all other women; the
Pesikta states that such is prohibited to all women, even to women like Michal
bat Shaul.  Some, the Bet Yosef claims,
are concerned with the view of the Pesikta, which they think is normative.
Following his rules to resolve disputes, Rabbi
Karo in the Shulchan Aruch rules against the Peskita and like the Bavli, as
such is the resolution favored by Rambam, Rif and Rosh. Rabbi Karo states
simply:
נשים ועבדים פטורים מתפילין, מפני שהוא מצות עשה
שהזמן גרמא.
Women and slaves are
exempt from the mitzvah of tefillin since it is a positive time bound
commandment.
Nothing is codified to discourage this conduct;
only an exemption is noted.  The view of
our Talmud is codified and nothing else is cited.  According to Rabbi Karo, tefillin are like lulav, sukkah
and shofar, which women need not, but may do, and is a mitzvah for them
to do.  The Peskta is rejected.
The Approach of the Magen Avraham
The Rema, however, adds the alternative:
 הגה: ואם הנשים רוצין להחמיר על עצמן, מוחין
בידם.
If the women wish to be
strict for themselves, we protest.
The Rema seems to be adopting the view of the
Pesikta that we ought to protest such conduct, essentially prohibiting it. Much
is unclear about the Rama, including why and does he mean all women (although
logic inclines one to think that he means all women.)
To explain the position of the Rama, Magen
Avraham (38:3) write:
מוחין כו’ – מפני שצריכין גוף נקי ונשים אינם
זריזות להזהר אבל אם היו חייבים לא היו פטורין מה”ט דהוי רמי אנפשייהו
ומזדהרי כנ”ל דלא כע”ת:
We protest: Since they
need a clean body and women are not particularly careful with cleanliness; but
if they were obligated, they would not be exempt for that reason since they
would accept the mitzvah upon themselves and they would thus be
conscientious.  Such appears to me to be
the rule, and not like the Olat Tamid.
The whole thrust of the Magen Avraham is to
explain the view of the Pesikta in contrast to the Bavli.  The Magen Avraham explains that the Pesikta
rules once one is not obligated in donning tefillin, one is not careful
to be clean and only those obligated are considered careful enough to wear tefillin.  The Magen Avraham’s view is simple and
central.  The halacha follows the
Pesikta’s view which is that the Rabbis made a decree that no one may don tefillin
other than those who are obligated.  Even
Michal bat Shaul may not. The Magan Avraham explains the Rama as clearly
residing in the camp which rules that the halacha follows the Pesikta against
the Bavli.  The whole thrust of the
reasoning of the Magen Avraham is to reject the view of the Olat Tamid who
argues that Rama is codifying only the rule that women who are not clean should
be rebuked.[2]
Understanding the Aruch Hashulchan

The Aruch Hashulchan does not adopt either of
these views.  He thinks that the halacha
is balanced between two textual imperatives, and he thinks that neither the
Magen Avraham nor the Bet Yosef has balanced them correctly, since one accepts
that the Bavli is completely correct and one that the Pesikta is the rule.  Not so the Aruch Hashulchan: he accepts the
ruling of the Pesikta as codified by the Rama that one needs to rebuke women
who don tefillin, but he has to harmonize that ruling with the binding
holding of the Babylonia Talmud, which is the center of his (and our) halachic
universe that Michal Bat Shaul was not rebuked.
How does he do that?  The answer is clear.  He
quotes the Rama’s ruling (twice!) that one rebukes women and then he explains
the rule of the Rama consistent with the Talmud.  He never quotes the view of the Pesikta and explains the
halacha exclusively on the basis of the Bavli.
 His logic is simple and it can be laid out in almost mathematical
form.
1.     
We
are very concerned about physical cleanliness and thus no men wear tefillin other
than during morning prayer time when they are obligated to.
2.     
Men
are obligated and women are not.
3.    Thus,
just like we discourage men from wearing tefillin all day long, we
discourage women from wearing tefillin even during prayer, since they
are not obligated.
4.     But
(just like it is not prohibited for a man who is careful to wear his tefillin
all day long[3]), it is not
prohibited for a woman to wear tefillin if she is careful.  Only exceptional and rare women are careful
in that way.
5.     The
Babylonian Talmudic discussion about Michal bat Shaul is not – as the Bet Yosef
claims – about all women, but only about special and unique women.  The Pesikta claim that the Bavli is wrong
even about these special and unique women has to be rejected as the Bavli is
controlling when directly on point. 
But, in all other cases, we follow the Pesikta, since the Bavli can be
read as only speaking about special cases.
Thus, while he quotes the Rama’s view that we
must object to women donning tefillin, he modifies it in his last
sentence of analysis — exactly because it goes quite clearly and directly
against our Talmud (the touchstone of Jewish law).  Aruch Hashulchan wants to make it clear that we do rule exactly
like the Bavli, but as understood though the lenses of the Pesikta.  When the Peskita and the Bavli directly
conflict or seem to conflict, then we have to adopt the rule of Bavli: when
they do not, we adopt an explanation of the Bavli consistent with that of the
Pesikta.  That explanation focuses on
the rule of cleanliness, and rules that people who might be unclean and who are
not obligated ought to be rebuked when they don tefillin.  In short, the Aruch Hashulchan rules that as
a general rule women are rebuked (as the Pesikta states) but exceptional women
are not, as the Bavli rules, but even the Bavli agrees that women generally
should not don tefillin.[4]
The following things are then apparent from the
Aruch Hashulchan.
·      He
rejects the view of the Magen Avraham that all women and slaves are
categorically prohibited from donning tefillin.
·       
The
Aruch Hashulchan does not cite the Pesikta because he thinks that the ultimate
holding of the Pesikta is wrong, in that Michal bat Shaul is allowed to wear
tefillin without rebuke.  But, he does
not reject the rule of rebuke generally, as he is concerned that women will
cavalierly don tefillin when they are not clean, and that should be
discouraged and rebuked.
·       
The
Aruch Hashulchan thinks that, as a matter of theory, a slave and a cheresh
(who are also not obligated in tefillin) are also allowed to wear tefillin
when concerns of cleanliness are not present. 
It is unclear from his formulation if he adopts the view of the Olat
Tamid that all slaves can wear tefillin, or he adopts the view of the
Tosaphot Yerushalayim that only slaves who are rare and special like Tevi are
allowed to wear tefillin.  But, it is
clear from the Aruch Hashulchan’s formulation with regard to a cheresh
that one who is not obligated but clean may wear tefillin.[5]  (For reasons explained in the previous
article on the Mishnah Berurah, in terms of tefillin law, both slaves
and chereshim are harder cases than women.[6])
In Sum: The Aruch HaShulchan preserves the Talmudic
rule of non-rebuke in a subset of case, as that is the rule codified in the
Talmud.  This is consistent with a
proper methodological understanding of the Aruch Hashulchan, who would be very
hesitant to rule like a Pesikta against a clear Bavli.  He argues with the Magen Avraham and those
many others who codify the rule that rebukes even Michal bat Shaul.  So too, he argues with the Bet Yosef who
simply ignores the Pesikta completely. 
The Aruch Hashulchan codifies both rules while giving priority to the
Bavli when the two sources conflict. 
This approach of the Aruch Hashulchan explains
why he is also comfortable arguing with the inclination of the Magen Avraham
that even men should not wear tefillin other than during the times of
prayer.[7]
 Magen Araham is inclined to rule that
once a man has fulfilled the tefillin obligation, he should not put them
on again, since a man who has already donned tefillin is like a woman
who has not, and neither may don again, (based on the rules of the Pesikta).  Aruch Hashulchab rejects the rule of the
Pesikta as applicable to all women, treating it only as good advice and permits
both very pious and unique men and women to violate it when it is clear that
fears about cleanliness do not apply to them. 
Such men he calls יחידי סגולה and such women he calls צדקת גמורה.
There is one important thing still unclear in
the Aruch Hashulchan.  We do not know
who else fits into the Michal bat Shaul rule besides her?  He classifies women who should not be
rebuked under the heading of צדקת גמורה וידעה להזהר which literally means that “she was a
completely righteous woman who knew to be careful [about cleanliness]”[8]
What is clear, however, is a few things.
1.     
The
Aruch HaShulchan rejects without citing[9]
the view of the Olat Tamid 38:3 that the proper classification of women who may
put on tefillin is as elderly, since the Aruch Hashulchan does not
connect cleanliness to menstruation (other than in some factual way, as he does
in OC 88:4).
2.     
Furthermore,
the Aruch Hashulchan does not limit to the rule of Michal bat Shaul to a
functional null set, like other authorities, who nominally rule like the Bavli
in the case of Michal bat Shaul and the Pesikta in all other cases, but insist
that the Michal bat Shaul case is limited to daughters of kings who are also
wives of kings, as the Levush does (OC 17:2) or various kabbalists (cited by
the Klaf Hachaim 38:9) who limit it to women who cannot have children and do
not menstruate.  These halachic
authorities are trying to solve the problem of the Bavli being in conflict with
the Pesikta as limiting the Bavli to a functional null set and the Aruch
Hashulchan will have none of that.  To
the Aruch Hashulchan, Michal bat Shaul is a functional case, as if he just
sought nominal fidelity to the rule of the Bavli, he would have adopted some
other rule that totally minimizes the Bavli.
3.   The
Aruch HaShulchan, like the Mishnah Berurah before him, rejects without citing
the view of the Gra (38:3) who rules that the Bavli and the Pesikta both agree
that women ought to be rebuked for donning tefillin.
4.     
The
Aruch Hashulchan, like the Mishnah Berurah before him, rejects the rule of the
Magen Avraham that all those who are not obligated in tefillin may not
wear them.
Rather, the Aruch Hashulchan codifies two simple
rules: (1) Women generally should not wear tefillin out of concerns of
cleanliness; (2) special women who are righteous and clean may do so.
Of course, to what extent this has practical
halakhic application is for a different discussion.  For example, there might be other rationales outside of tefillin
law prohibiting such conduct,[10]
or one could look to the view of the Magen Avraham and Pri Megadim and object
to women wearing tefilin due simply
to their lack of obligation.  But, the
Aruch Hahsulchan standing alone as a matter of tefillin law does not
flatly prohibit clean righteous women from wearing tefillin.


[2] As the Pre Megadim
notes in his explanation of the Magen Avraham, the Ashel Avraham 3, Magen
Avraham rules that all those exempt may not put on tefillin.  This is in direct contrast with the Olat
Tamid (38:4) who writes:מהא דאמרנן דלא מיחו בה חכמים משמע
דאם האשה זקנה וידעינן בה שיודעת לשמור את עצמה דאין למחות בה ובה”ג מיירי
התם:
Nevertheless, the source
that says the Rabbis did not rebuke Michal does imply that if a woman is
elderly [i.e., post-menopausal] and we know that she is capable of watching
herself [to stay clean], one should not rebuke her.  And it is such a case that the Talmud has in mind there [i.e. in
me shemeto
, where women are said
to be exempt from wearing tefilin, not categorically forbidden
from doing so].
[3] As Aruch Hashulchan OC
37:3 explicitly notes that uniquely rare men (“יחידי
סגולה“) wear tefillin
all day even nowadays.
[4] Much more can be said
about how the Aruch HaShulchan address tensions between the Bavli and other
Talmudic sources, which needs a much longer essay.   See generally
http://www.torahmusings.com/2011/05/the-yerushalmi-as-a-source-of-halacha/.
[5]Aruch  Hashulchan 37:12 states simply:
וחרש ושוטה ודאי דאין ליתן להם תפילין דבודאי לא
יזהרו בקדושתם:
A cheresh and an insane
person should not be given tefillin since certainly they will not be
careful with their holiness.
Implying that such a person who can be
careful is not prohibited.
[6] See the Mishnah Berurah
article cited in note 1.
[7] See Aruch Hashulchan OC
37:3:
ויש שמשמע מדבריהם שמי שירצה עתה להניחם כל היום
בבטחו שלא יפיח ולא יסיח דעת ומ”מ לא יניחם כל היום [עמג”א סק”ב]
ולענ”ד לא נראה כן וכן שמענו שיש יחידי סגולה ומה גם בדורות שלפנינו שהיו
נושאים כל היום ועכשיו נהגו ג”כ היחידים השרידים ללמוד מעט בהם אחר התפלה
There are those who wish
to derive from their words that one who wishes to don tefillin all day, certain
that he will neither pass gas nor lose focus, still should not do so [Magen
Avraham 37:2] and inmy opinion this does not appear correct, and we have heard
that there are unique special people even in the generations before us who
donned tefillin all day, and even now it is the custom of a few to keep them on
a bit after morning prayers.
[8] As I explain above, I
think it roughly correspondent to the way he understands men who can wear tefillin
all day, who he calls יחידי סגולה (unique and
special people) — special cases which actually do exist, but were not common.
[9] Unlike many of his
contemporaries – including the Mishnah Berurah who cites the Olat Tamid more
than 400 times — the Aruch Hashulchan did not cite the Olat Tamid more than 15
times and even then only when he is cited by others (most commonly, the Aliyah
Rabba).  I suspect that the Aruch Hashulchan
did not actually have the Olat Tamid in his library as it was already a rare
work.
[10] See for example, Piskai
Teshuva 38:3 who provide one such reason or the recent teshuva of Rabbi
Hershel Schachter who provides another.