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R. David Nieto’s Matteh Dan, Life on Other Planets and Jewish Reactions to Copernicus

R. David Nieto’s Matteh Dan, Life on Other Planets and Jewish Reactions to Copernicus

by Eliezer Brodt

 

R. David Neito and the Mateh Dan

R. David Nieto was born in 1654 in Venice and died in England in 1728. Aside for being a tremendous talmid hakham, Nieto also had degrees in science, philosophy, and was a medical doctor. He was a Rav, Dayan and Darshan in Leghorn for a while. He then was hired to be Rav of the Sefardi Kehila in England in 1701. Besides for being a multi-talented Rav, he was a prolific writer authoring numerous works. Including on dealing with the calendar Pascologia, another work, De la divina Providencia was authored in his own defense after he gave a sermon claiming that G-d and nature are one, some people in the community called him a heretic for this. A copy of this sermon was sent to the Chacham Zvi who defended R. Nieto. This defense was printed in his Shu”t Chacham Zvi (#18). This incident is also mentioned in R. Jacob Emden’s autobiography Megilat Sefer (Bick Ed.),(p.55). See also Chida in Shem Hagedolim (Erech Mateh Dan) who quotes this; C. Dembeister, Klelas Yofee 1:95b; Cecil Roth, Essays and Portraits in Anglo Jewish History (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 1962), 118; Jacob J. Schacter, “Rabbi Jacob Emden: Life and Major Works,” (PhD dissertation, Harvard University, 1988), pp. 272 & 331; David B. Ruderman, Jewish Thought and Scientific Discovery in Early Modern Europe (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1995), 317-318]. See also here and here.

Another of R. Nieto’s works is Esh Dat which was written against Nechemiah Chiyyon. As far as halakhic literature we do not have any printed works but R. Nieto did produce works in this field yet they remain in manuscript until today (see Cecil Roth ibid.), one was recently auctioned off at a Asufa auction. Most of his works have never been translated into Hebrew.

Much has been written on R. Nieto in general, just to cite a few sources: see Moritz Steinschneider, Jewish Literature, (1967) p. 263; Israel Zinberg, Toledot Safrut Yisrael, vol. 3, pp. 243-44; especially Cecil Roth, Essays and Portraits in Anglo Jewish History, 113-29, later translated into Hebrew in the Mossad Rav Kook 1968 edition Mateh Dan; Raphael Loewe, “The Spanish Supplement to Nieto’s Esh Dath,” Proceedings of the American Academy for Jewish Research 48 (1981): 267-296; and David B. Ruderman, “Jewish Thought in Newtonian England: The Career and Writings of David Nieto (In Memory of Jacob J. Petuchowski),” Proceedings of the American Academy for Jewish Research 58 (1992): 193-219, later expanded in his work, Jewish Thought and Scientific Discovery in Early Modern Europe, 310-31; and the recently published article by Matt Goldish, “The Spirit of the Eighteenth Century in the Anti-Sabbatean Polemics of Hakham David Nieto,” in Jeremy D. Popkin, ed., The Legacies of Richard Popkin (=International Archives of the History of Ideas – Archives internationales d’ histoire des idées, no. 198 [2008]), 229-243. See, as well, Menachem Butler, “Hakham David Nieto and Hakham Zebi,” the Michtavim blog (14 November 2008), available here, which includes, as well, a picture of R. Nieto. Additionally, R. Nieto is mentioned in the excellent work of historical fiction by David Liss, A Conspiracy of Paper, pp. 109-10. David B. Ruderman shows in his Jewish Enlightenment in an English Key (Princeton Press, 2000), pp.185-86, that R. Nieto was the first Jewish thinker to grapple with Newton in his works although not by name.

R. Nieto is most well known for his Matteh Dan or the Kuzari Hashenei. First printed in 1714, this edition was issued in three versions at the same time, one in Hebrew one in Spanish and one in both Hebrew and Spanish. The Spanish only edition is exceedingly rare. According to one source there are but three complete copies of this edition extant. See Israel Solomons, “David Nieto and Some of his Contemporaries,” in Jewish Historical Society of England Transactions, vol. XII (1931) pp. 26-27. All of the various versions of the first edition include a drawing of Rabenu Hakodesh on the title page which some speculate was done by Nieto as he was an artist (see Roth, ibid, p. 128, but he is mistaken in claiming the drawing was of Moshe when the legend underneath the portrait states that is Rabbenu Hakodesh and the figure is pointing at a book that has the word “Mishna” in large letters). In 1779 the Matteh Dan was reprinted with a beautiful Haskama from the Shages Aryeh (also mentioned by the Chida in his Shem Hagedolim entry on R. Nieto). The title page of the 1884 edition of the Mateh Dan mentions these two Gedolim (Shages Aryeh and Chida) and the Chacham Zvi all endorsing this work. The Steipler (Chayhe Olam) includes the Mateh Dan in a small list of recommended reading material on emunah and refers to the Mateh Dan as “הספר הנפלא”. This work is quoted in many seforim just to cite a few: R. Y. Heller. Maoz Hadas, p. 35a, Meshiv Nefesh (p.18a), R. Kemlar in Talmud u-Maddah numerous times (pp. 16, 31, 58, 69) Shut Beis Mordecahei (#63) and even in some of the recent works on Bircas ha-Chammah, see, e.g., R. J. D. Bleich, Bircas Hachammah, p. 58; R. M.M. Gerlitz, Bircas Hachamah KeHilchosah,p.148; R. A. Brisk, Otzar Hazemanim, pp. 209, 225, 238. R. Meshulam Roth created a curriculum for his yeshiva, he included the Kuzari Hashnei as an essential sefer for his talmidim to read (among other interesting things in the program; see Mivasar Ezra, p.177, and Mivasar Vomer, p. 119); R. Meir Shapira even asked R. Roth if he could use the latter’s curriculum for Yeshivat Chachemei Lublin (see Mivasar Ezra, p. 172).

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

In 1968, Mossad ha-Rav Kook published an edition of the Mateh Dan based on the first printing. This edition is visually very nice, they did a nice job of laying out the sefer including a table of contents before each section of the sefer. But the notes although are helpful are very minimal [all quotes in this post are from this edition].

A few months ago a new English critical-edition of R. David Nieto’s Matteh Dan was translated from the Hebrew by Louis Loewe and completed by Raphael Loewe, published by the Spanish and Portuguese Jews’ Congregation of London, and Mechon Haktav of Jerusalem. This work was edited and prepared for publication by Yehuda Hershkowitz. This new edition is two volumes including a beautiful facsimile edition of the first printing on high quality paper leather bound. The facsimile volume reproduces the original edition of Hebrew with a Spanish translation on the side. The English translation had been done in 1845 by Louis Loewe. [I am aware that there is another English translation of this work published by Yashar Books, although it is only a partial translation and I never had a chance to see it.] This translation of L. Loewe was reprinted in this new set with some of the translation adjusted to our current English but as a whole remains the same. Many small useful notes were added in by the editors Raphael Loewe and Yehuda Hershkowitz. Besides for the nice interesting introduction by R. Loewe this new edition has an excellent overview by Yehuda Hershkowitz entitled “A Brief Survey of Calendar Making” (pp. 318-48). The purpose of Hershkowitz’s overview is to aid the reader in understanding the fifth section of Mateh Dan which deals with the calendar. Some other additions found in this edition were the many comments of R. Moshe Rimoni written in 1794 which were already included in the Mossad Rav Kook edition. In addition to this Yehuda Hershkowitz printed for the first time a manuscript from 1819 written by R. A. Lampronti about life on other planets.This manuscript comes from the now well known Valamadonna collection of Jack Lunzer.

I would like to highlight some of the very many points of interest in the Matteh Dan. The work pretty much starts where the Kuzari ends (hence the alternative title – Kuzari ha-Sheni), and the main focus of the Mateh Dan is to defend the legitimacy of Torah Shel bal Peh. It is written in debate format similar to the Kuzari. In the introduction of his work he writes:

ולפי שיש מחלוקות על מלך כוזר הראשון ועל מלכותו… יש אומרים שהרב המחבר המציא בדעתו מלך ומלכותו אשר לא היה ולא נברא. ויש אומרים שמעשה שהיה כך היה ככתוב בספר כדי שלא לאפושי במחלוקות על הכוזרי שלי אני מודיע נאמנה לכל קורא בספרי שלא נהיה כדברים האלה כי מלבני אני בודאם

The sefer is divided into five sections. In the first section he sets out to prove that the Jews always had Torah Shel Bal Peh from the times of Moshe and onwards. He shows how various Mitzvas its impossible to understand if we do not have Torah Shel Ba’al Peh. One of the many nice pieces in this section that he writes when dealing with the prohibition of carrying on Shabbas (p.12):

איסור משא קל כמעט שמפורש בתורה שהרי דוד המלך ע”ה אמר בדבר ה’ שמים נעשו ובכן היתה הבריאה ביום הראשון אמר השם יתברך יהי אור ויהי אור… ויכלו השמים והארץ וכל צבאם וכתבי וישבות ביום השביעי. נמצא שכששבת לא שבת אלא ממאמר בעלמא שהוא דבר שאינו יכול לגרום לו ליאות ויגעה משני טעמים חדא מפני שבו יתברך שהוא בלתי תכלית וכחו בלתי בעל תכלית לא יתכן ליאות ויגעה ב’ שאפילו תימה ח”ו שהיה ראוי לכך אי אפשר שייעף ויגע על הוצאת שתי מלות בכל יום בלבד נמצינו למדים שהקב”ה שבת ממה שלא היה יכול לייגעו בב’ טעמים, ולכן האיש הישראלי אשר ישבות ממשא כבד בלבד לא ישבות כמו ששבת הקב”ה אבל כשישבות אף ממשא קל אזי באמת שומר שבת מחללו ומחזיק בבריתו יתברך.

In section two he continues proving the truth of Torah Shel Bal Peh. A nice piece in this section is while proving that the esrog is the fruit the Torah requires one to take on Succos he writes (p.25):

בחג הסוכות אמר הכתוב ולקחתם… פרי עץ הדר… ואפשר שהכוונה היא על רמון נאה… אבל הם ז”ל פירשו שהוא אתרוג דווקא ופסלו כל מה שאינו אתרוג ממש כפי הסימנים אשר מסרונו אף על פי שיהיה מאותו המין, וזה גורם הוצאה רבה ועגמת נפש גדולה ליושבי ארצות ואקלים הקרים לפי שצריך שיביאו להם אתרוג מארץ הרחוקים לחוג בו את חג הסכות בהוצאה רבה. ולא עלתה תלונותי כי אין ציבור עני, אלא שלפעמים יש להם ההוצאה אבל לא השבח של המצוה כגון כשלא הגיע לידם אלא בתוך ימי החג או אחריו התאימין אדוני המלך שאנשים חכמים ונובנים בדו כל זה מלבם טעם ויסוד אחר אלא להתשרר על הצבור.

When dealing with the writing of the Mishnayos he writes (p.43):

אלא אפילו לאותן שנזכרו בהם תנאים באין חולק עליהם שכולם קבלה, לפי שרבינו הקודש לא היה אלא מלקט ומסדר ופוסק מה ששמע ואסף מימי התנאים אשר היו לפניו עד האחרונים אשר הוא אחד מהם.

When talking about asmactos he says (p.52):

אסמכתא… כח משפט חז”ל לסמוך העיקר המקובל על איזה פסוק אף על פי שהוא רחוק במטחוי קשתת מפשוטו, כי זה אינו אלא לעורר הזכירה. ובכן ברמז בעלמא סגי, כמו שעושין בני אדם, שקושרין קשר בסודר לזכור איזה דבר.

This understanding of asmactos follows the Rambam and other Rishonim yet there are other Rishonim disagree, at times rather sharply. For example, the Ritva who writes:

ומשום הכי קתני ר”ע שאמר הקב”ה אמרו לפני מלכיות זכרונות וכו’ שכל מה שיש לו אסמכתא מן הפסוק העיר הקב”ה שראוי לעשות כן אלא שלא קבעו חובה ומסרו לחכמים, וזה דבר ברור ואמת, ולא כדברי המפרשים האסמכתות שהוא כדרך סימן שנתנו חכמים ולא שכונת התורה לכך, חו ישתקע הדבר ולא יאמר שזו דעת מינות הוא, אבל התורה (העידה) [העירה] בכך ומסרה חיוב הדבר לקבעו [ל]חכמים אם ירצו כמו שנאמר ועשית על פי הדבר אשר יגידו לך, ולפיכך תמצא החכמים נותנין בכל מקום ראיה או זכר או אסמכתא לדבריהם מן התורה כלומר שאינם מחדשים דבר מלבם וכל תורה שבע”פ רמוזה בתורה שבכתב שהיא תמימה וח”ו שהיא חסירה כלום (ריטבא, ראש השנה דף טז ע”א).

This topic is dealt by many just to list some sources see: R. Yosef Engel, Beit Haotzar,1:190; R. Meshullam Roth, Shu”t Kol Mivasar, 2:21-22; Mivasar Ezra, 20-22; R. Yaakov Hayyim Sofer, Yeshurun 20:678; R. Yonah Martsbach, Aleh Yonah, 101-105; R. Gedaliah Nadel, Betorato Shel Rav Gedaliah, pp. 28-30; R. Gedaliah Nadel, Mila Dehespeda, pp. 130-31. In section three he discusses many specific points in regard to Torah Shel Bal Peh just to list some of the many interesting ones: When dealing with how exactly did arguments begin in Klal Yisrael in the times of the talmedei of Hillel and Shamaei he goes has a lengthy historical discussion of that period to explain what happened listing all the terrible decrees and persecutions that the Jews went through at that time. At the end the Kuzari asks him (p.65):

אבל מה תשיב על שכחת דברים הנוהגים בכל יום כגון קידוש והבדלה שמצינו בית שמאי ובית הלל חולקים בקידוש אם מברכין על היום תחילה או על היין וכן בהבדלה… וכי לא ראו ולא שמעו איך היו מקדשים אבותם ורבותם בשבתות וימים טובים, היאמן כי יספור ששכחו דברים כאלו שהם תמידים? אמר החבר: אין מקום לקושייתך משום דקי”ל סדר ברכות אין מעכבות… ולכן בראשונה כל אחד ואחד היה מקדים או מאחר שהיה רוצה, עד שבאו בית שמאי ובית הלל ועמדו למנין על סדר הברכות ונפסקו ההלכה. ואף על פי כן אם הקדים המאוחרת או איחר המוקדמת יצא. וכן יש לומר בכל המחלוקות שתמצא מזה המין…

[This answer applies to all such questions which others have dealt with at length like how did a argument between Rashi and Rabenu Tam evolve over the order of the Parshiyos in Tefilin why didn’t they check what previous generations did. The answer in short which is given is both were done by some.]

When dealing with the famous question dealt with by many of why can’t Amoraoim disagree with Tannoim he writes (p.68):

שלא חילקו האמוראים על התנאים מפני שהכירו שהיו גדולים מהם בכל הבחינות ודלא כמו שכתב הכסף משנה שקבלו על עצמם שלא לחלוק…

Then he writes that there is a constant yeridot ha-dorot when it comes to people’s knowledge (a point which not all agree with) so he wonders why do we say הלכה כבתראי. So he answers:

על דרך המשל הידוע שננס רוכב על גבי ענק רואה יותר ממה שרואה הענק אף על פי שהננס הוא כנמלה לגבי הענק.

Much has been written on this משל see the Alpha Beta Kadmita Deshmuel Zeriah from R. Shmuel Ashkenazi pp. 322-27; see also S. Leiman, “Dwarfs on the Shoulders of Giants,” Tradition 27:3, pp. 90-94 in both of these articles, the Kuzari Hashenei is not included. Just to add three more sources on the topic, not on either of the previously mentioned extensive lists see Simchat Hanefesh, p. 112; R. Y. Heller, Maoz Hadas, p.34b; A. Lipshitz, Avos Atorah Levonim. p. 175 n.6. On this topic in general see; I. Ta-Shmah, Halacha, Minhag Umitzyius Baskenaz, pp. 58-79; Daniel Sperber, Netivot Pesikah, p. 31 n.51, Joseph Davis, Yom-Tov Lipmann Heller Portrait of a Seventeenth- Century Rabbi, pp. 46-47, and A. Melamad, Al Kesefei Anakim. When listing the מצות דרבנן he writes that (p.72) they are:

מגלה, חנוכה, נר שבת ויום טוב, הלל , עירובין, נטילת ידים, יום טוב שני של גליות, שבעת ימי המשתה, שבעת ימי אבלות וארבע תעניות.

Not all agree with this listing as this topic has been discussed at great length in his usual incredible style by R. Shmuel Ashkanazi in Kovetz Beis Aron ve-Yisrael (issue # 35, pp. 97-114 and issue #38, pp.139-154). While discussing the reason why we do not blow Shofar when Rosh Hashonah falls out on shabas he writes about the masses of the Jews at the time (p.80):

שרוב עם בני ישראל היו עמי הארץ ומיעוטא דמיעוטא היו חכמים, וכיון שרובא היו עמי הארץ ממילא לא היו בקיאין בדוקדוקי מצות ולכן כשחל ראש השנה וסוכת בשבת ילך אצל בקי עם השופר או עם הלולב כדי שיתקע או יברך לו או כדי ללמוד נטילתו או ברכותו ויוליכנו ארבע אמות ברשות הרבים ויבוא לידי איסור סקילה ואף את יתרו בו לא ישמע לקול מוריו כי יאמר שאינו רוצה לבטל המצוה.

When discussing the topic of why we have two days of Yom Tov even thought we understand the calendar today he writes (p.83):

שאם מלך המושל בארץ ישראל קודם ביאת משיחנו ועודנו בגלות יתן רשות לישראל לשבת על אדמתם ולמנות עליהם סנהדרין יחזור העיבור ליושנו והיו מקדשין על פי הראיה כימי קדם קדמתה ואז לא היינו חוגגין לעולם יחד ביום אחד אלא לפעמים ג’ משום שכל דבר שבמנין צריך מנין אחר להתירו, וכיון שכל ישראל הרחוקים מארץ ישראל קבלו עליהם לעשות שני ימים להסתלק מן הספק, צריך שיסכימו כולם גם כן לבטל תקנה זו וזה איפשר דרך טבע מפני שאנו מפוזרים ומפורדים בין כל האומות העולם אחת הנה ואחת הנה ויש כמה וכמה מבני ישראל במדינות רחוקות, אשר אין אנו יודעים זה מזה ולא יש דרך הכרה ביניהם ובינינו בשום פנים, כגון במלכיות פרס והודו וכוש, ובמלכות גינה וטארטאריאה, כפי מה שמצאתי ראיתי בספרי המלחים והההלכים.

R. Menachem Kasher (Torah Shelemah, vol. 13, p. 129) already points out that the Meshech Chochma (Bo, 12:1) and others say the same thing. In section four he deals with many topics related to Chazal and their knowledge in science. He begins this section dealing with what exactly are the seforim chizonim that chazal prohibit one from learning and why are they prohibited (pp. 97-100). He is of the opinion as are many others that there is a connection between kabalah and philosophy (p. 98). He shows that chazal had great knowledge in philosophy (pp. 129-57), geometry, and mathematics including a whole lengthy discussion of the mathematical Gemaras in Succah (pp. 113-25). He also deals at great length showing there tremendous knowledge in understanding the calendar etc. (pp. 182-90). Many others have also shown Chazal knowledge in all areas of science just to mention one interesting work on the topic is R. Y. Kemhlar’s Hatalmud Vmadei Hatevel. In addition R. Nieto also has a lengthy discussion showing there expertise in the and anatomy of humans and animals (pp. 104-06). Others have also shown this for example see Meshiv Nefesh (p. 14b, 22a) R. Aron Marcus, Keses Hasofer (p. 78) and Hatalmud Vmadei Hatevel (p. 24). One additional source related to this is found in Chut Hamishulash (p.29a) where he writes about the Chasam Sofer:

לתכלית גדול הזה לברר הלכה לאמיתו ולהעמיד כל ענין על בוריו הי’ לו לכל שיעורי תורה כלים מיוחדים מדודים מאתו בדקדוק הדק היטב להראות לתלמידיו וכן הי’ לו בארגז מיוחד שני צורות תבנית זכר ונקבה מעשה אומן מופלא והיו נעשים פרקים פרקים וכל חלקי הפנימים מעשה חדש נפלא ללמוד וללמד חכמת הניתוח ולא הראה זה רק לתלמידים מובהקים אשר יראת ה’ אוצרם בעת למדו אתם הלכות נדה וכדומה.

After this R. Nieto brings that “the Kuzari asked him “(pp. 106-07) “I have no doubt that they knew science etc. but how did they have time to learn and time for the sciences”. To which R Nieto replied that they although some were real experts in science like Shmuel but most just knew what was necessary for them to understand those areas of Torah that required such knowledge.

R. David Nieto and life on other planets

He writes about life on other planets a very interesting thing (p. 128):

ר’ מאיר אגוז מצא תוכו אכל קליפתו זרק. וכן ראוי לנו לעשות בסברות חכמי האומות, שכל מה שהוא מנגד לתורתנו הקדושה והתמימה בין שבכתב בין שבעל פה שקץ תשקצנו ותעב תתעבנו כי חרם הוא, אבל מה שאינו נגד דבריה ולא נגד פירושה הרשות ביד כל איש ישראל להאמין או למאן בו לפי שכלו. ובכן כיון שאין שטן ואין פגע רע להאמין שכל הכוכבים בין המהלכים בין הקובעים בגלגל השמיני הם עולמות אשר בהם מכל בעלי חיים, בצדקתה החזקת ולא ארפה. ואפשר שלזה כיוונו רז”ל כשכתבו בסוף מסכת עוקצין עתיד הקבה הוא להנחיל לכל צדיק וצדיק שלש מאות ועשרה עולמו.

R. Pinchas Hurwitz in his Sefer Habris (pp.33-34) also says there could be life on other planets bringing proof from various Chazal and Zohar including the some of the same Chazal that R. Nieto uses.

However not everyone understands this Chazal literally just to list one other explanation R. A. Shor writes:

טעם מספר ש”י עולמות נראה לפי שעשרת הדברות יש בהן תר”ך אותיות נגד תרי”ג מצות ושבע מצות בני נח במספר כת”ר עליון ונראה שכנגדן יש לו לאדם תר”ך עולמות אלא לפי שהאדם נברא דו פרצופין זכר ונקבה ויקרא את שמם אדם וכן כל הנשמות זכר ונקבה נבראו ובין שניהם נשלם ונעשה האדם במלואו וטובו לשמור ולעשות את כל מצות ה’ לכך גם אותן תר”ך עולמות יחדיו יחלוקו מחציתן לזכר ומחציתן לנקבה והיינו ש”י עולמות לכל צדיק וצדיק (תורת חיים, סנהדרין, דף ק ע”א).

[On this Toras Chaim see R. S. Askanazi in Kovetz Beis Aron Vyisroel (issue #38, p.142)]. R. Yosef Zechariah Stern (Ma’amar Betalocas Aggaddos, p. 45) suggests even more that there is a printing mistake and it should say two (שני) not three hundred and ten (ש”י) worlds. [As an interesting bibliographical note R. Yakov Shor [Mishnat R. Yakov, p. 41] this chazal is not really the end of Ukztin rather it was stuck in from elsewhere because we like to end with something good]. This topic has been dealt with by many see for example the Ri Barcellona in his work on Sefer Yetzirah (pp.171-173) where he writes:

יח אלף עלמות שברא… שאפשר שזה העולם חביב לפניו יותר מכל שאר העלמות כי אולי באותן השאר עולמות לא נתן להם תורה… ואולי אפשר נמי לומר כי באותן היח עולמות אין בהם בריות בחטא ועון כמו באלה ואולי אותן הבריות מלאכים רוחות הן שברא המקום לכבודו או אולי קרובים להן והן בלא חטא שאין יצר הרע שולט בהן…

As mentioned earlier, Y. Hershkowitz printed for the first time a manuscript from R. Lampronti about life on other planets where the author deals with this topic at length. See also R. Chasdaei Crescas in Or Hashem (4:2), his rebbe, R. Albo in Ikryim (4:2); Ma’aseh Tuviyyah, 3:1; Sefer Elim, (p. 141a), Kol Yehudah (commentary on Kuzari 2:20 p. 68); Aryeh Kaplan, The Aryeh Kaplan Reader, pp. 170-75; A. Korman, Hemunah Hayisreleis, pp. 275-77; Evulutzyah ve-Yehadus pp.139-40; Y. Shabtei, Sha’ar Yosef vol. 1, p. 152; R. Kemeil, Shar Reveun, p. 269; N. Lamm in Challenge, pp. 354-98. When R. Nieto deals with the hard to understand famous Gemaras of Raba Bar Bar Chanah he writes (p.171):

שמא שנראה דבר תמוה ובלתי ראוי להאמין, כגון מה שסיפר רבה בר בר חנא מההוא טייעא, הוא דבר מורגל במקומות רחוקים מגלילותינו ואם נראה זר בעינינו הוא מפני חסרון ידיעתנו, לא מפני שהדבר בעצמו בלתי אפשר.

In section five he deals with explanation of how our calendar works very extensively and in depth. This section is not easy to understand if one does not have proper background.Just to mention one point from this section as its Inyana Deyomah and many are bothered with this issue – if the calendar according to Shmuel is off so why do we Pasken like him:

.(שמואל היה יודע שיעור שנת רב אדא ומכיר בו שהוא אמיתי ונכון, אך ביקש דרך קצרה וקלה להמון העם ואותה נתן להם למען ידעו בחשבון הגס שיעור השנה בקירוב בלי דקים וחלקים (ויכוח חמישי, אות קמו

[On this topic see: R. Alexander Moshe Lapides, Toras Hagoan R. Alexander Moshe pp.6-8; R. J. D. Bleich, Bircas Hachammah, pp.58-64; R. A. Brisk, Otzar Hazemanim, pp.223-226; R. M.M. Gerlitz, Bircas Hachamah KeHilchosah, pp. 145-59; R. Yehuda Hershkowitz, The Sun Cycle, pp. 137-38] Some other topics he deals with: are stars alive (pp. 125-26), how many Jews were there in the time of the second Beis ha-Mikdsash (pp. 79-80), the invention of the barometer and thermometer (p. 148) and a whole section on explaining the Thirteen Midos that we use to darshan (pp. 89-95). R. Nieto writes that R. Srug was a Talmid of Arizal (p. 99). This point has been dealt with by many, see the fabulous discussion by Y. Avivi in his recent classic work Kabballas ha-Ari (1:224-44); see also R. S. Deblitski, Benu Shenosu Dor Vedor, pp. 50-52; E. Katzman, Toldos Hamegalah Amukos, pp. 36-39; R. A. Marcus, Keses Hasofer, p.6. R. Nieto seems to hold that the Asra Harugei Malchus died during the same time frame (p. 64). This difficult historical riddle has been dealt with by many just to list some sources see Erchei Tanaim Vamorim, (Blau Ed.) vol. 2, pp. 708-15; S. Kraus in his series of articles in Hasholach 1925 (recently reprinted in Mered Bar Kochchba, pp. 239-76) and the recent book on the topic by E. Vilnar, Asreh Harugei Malchus printed by Mossad Rav Kook. R. Zev Rabanowitz writes when talking about this:

ובכלל רואים אנו, שמחברי אגדות כאלה לא היו בקיאים בדברי הימים ובסדרי הדורו, ורבותינו ז”ל הקדמונים בתמימותם האמינו לאגדות הכתובות וייסדו את פיוטיהם על פיהם למען עורר מספד והרבות בכי, ובזמננו מצוה להסירם מן המחזורים והקינות, כי דובר שקרים לא יכון נגד ה’ ותמה אני על הקדמונים שכבר ידעו ולא מחו מלומר פיוטים כאלה. ואולי מחו ולא נשמעו (שערי תורת בבל, עמ’ 410).

R. Nieto and Copernicus

One of the more famous things which R. Nieto is famous for is not accepting Nicolaus Copernicus‘s theories that the earth revolves around the sun and is not stationary.

He writes:

מיום ברוא אלהים אדם ועד קרוב לזמנו כל יושבי תבל ושוכני ארץ האמינו שהששה כוכבי לכת הם גופים חשוכים שמקבלים האור מהשמש, שהוא אחד מהם והגדול שבהם. ועתה האחרונים המציאו שהם ארצות ושהארץ אשר אנו יושבים היא אחת מהן, מפני שסוברים שהשמש באמצע בלי תנועה כמלך במסבו והששה מקיפים… ואם אדם ימאן בסברא הקודמת ויאמין בזאת תחזיקהו למין או אפיקורוס?… ודאי שמתקבלות על הסברא, אבל אין אנו יכולים להחזיק במונח הזה במה שהוא מבטל תנועת השמשף דביהושע כתיב שמש בגבעון דום … הרי שסובב והולך כשאר כוכבי לכת. ואף על פי שבעלי הסברא הזאת נתחבטו לתרץ הקושיא לריק יגיעו, כי אין תשובתם מספקת ולכן נטשתיה וגרשתיה מהסתפח בנחלת ה’… אמרו שהנביא אמר שמש בגבעון דום מפני המון העם דסבירא להו שהשמש מהלך ואינו יודע תנועת הארץ (כוזרי השני, ויכוח רביעי אות קי-קלב. וראה שם אות רנח, וויכוח חמישי אות ד).

The first reference to Copernicus, but not by name in Jewish literature, is by the Maharal who writes:

וכמו שבא אחד שהיה נקרא בעל תכונה חדשה, אשר נתן ציור אחר וכל אשר הבינו הראשונים אשר לפניהם ונתנו הראשונים ציור ומהלך לכוכבים ומזלות ולגרמים השמים סתר את כלם ונתן ציור חכמה חדשה רק שהוא עצמו כתב כי עדיין לא יוכל ליישב את הכל (נתיבות עולם, נתיב התורה, פרק יד).

[See Andre Neher in Jewish Thought and the Scientific Revolution of the Sixteenth Century (Littman Library, 1986), pp. 208-10]. The first reference to Copernicus by name in Jewish literature is by David Ganz in his small work Magen Dovid (of which only one known copy survives in Bodleian Library) first printed in Prague in 1612 (a year before he died). Quoted by Neher, idem p.1; see also, Y. Elbaum, Pseichot ve-Hestagrot, p. 250. What is even more interesting is this small work received Haskomos from R. Yom Tov Heller (author of the Tosfos Yom Tov), R. Ephraim Lenshitz (Klei Yakar) and R. Y. Cohen (son in law of Maharal) all these people were talmidim of the Maharal.[For a copy of this interesting and rare Haskamah of the Tosfos Yom Tov see; M. Hershkowitz, Shnei Kruvim, pp. 105-111; see also J. Davis, Yom-Tov Lipmann Heller Portrait of a Seventeenth- Century Rabbi, pp. 90-91. In Ganz’s other work, Nechmad Ve-Naim (which is really part of Magan Dovid), there is also reference to Copernicus but this work was first printed in 1743. Quoted by Neher, idem, p. 197. In both these works Ganz refers to Copernicus in a very positive light. Although, M.Steinschneider in Jewish Literature writes (p.262) that although Ganz was acquainted with the system of Copernicus Ganz follows the Ptolemaic system. But see the in depth discussion of Neher, idem, pp. 200-04, 224-28; see also A. Ziv, Ha-Ramah, p. 83. Another early reference to Copernicus is by R. Y. Delmedigo in Sefer Elim printed in 1629. In this work as well Copernicus is mentioned in a very positive light. What is even more significant about Ganz and Delmedigo endorsing of Copernicus is because besides for both of them being great Talmedei Chachamim they were both expert astronomers having trained by the worlds greatest experts of their times (Ganz by Tycho Brahe and Delmedigo by Galileo). [For more on Ganz in general see R. M. Strashun, Mivchar Kesavim pp. 234-42; A. Ziv, HaRamah, pp. 82-85;Y. Elbaum, Pseichos Vehestagros, pp. 250-52 and index]. However Nieto was not the only one to oppose Copernicus R. Tuviyyah Cohen did so earlier and much sharper as he writes in Masseh Tuviyyah first printed in 1707:

ראוי לכל פילסוף אלקי שיבטל דעת קופירניקוש ונלוים עליו כי כל אותן ראוי’ שהביא הוא וחבריו הם נגד כתבי הקדוש ודברי נבאי אמת הנאמנים בדבריהם מפני שכתוב בקהלת והארץ לעולם עומדת אבל כפי דעת קופירניקוש איננה עומדת כלל והשמש לא יזרח ולא ישקע… ואם כדבריו כן הוא למה כתוב וזרח השמש ובא השמש… הנך רואה שבכמה מקומות הפסוקים יתנו עידיהן ויצדקו שתשמש והלבנה יותר הכוכבים מסבבים סביב הארץ ולא שהארץ מסבבת סביב השמש ואם יבוא קופירניקוש בטענותיו וראיותיו ומופתיו כזביות אף אתה הקהה את שניו… ודע מה שתשיב לו כי בכור שטן הוא (מעשה טוביה, חלק ב, סוף פרק ג-ד).

[On R. Tuviyyah Cohen and Copernicus see David B. Ruderman, Jewish Thought and Scientific Discovery in Early Modern Europe, pp. 231 & 239-40.] Besides for these two Gedolim opposing Copernicus, R. Yonsan Eybshutz who was also knowledgeable in Astronomy was also opposed as he writes in 1779:

ועבור זה נתטפשו הרבה מתוכנ’ קופרניקוס וסעייתו באמרם שהארץ מסבב אבל שקר נחלו והאמת עד לעצמו כי הארץ לעולם עומדת… (יערות דבש, חלק א, דרוש ד, דף לו ע”א).

(Neher, idem, p. 253, is incorrect when he writes that Eybshutz was positive towards Copernicus’ theory). Here, again, we have Eybshutz’s antagonist, R. Yakov Emden, arguing and defending Copernicus as Emden writes:

ויקרא אלקים ליבשה ארץ… יש מפרשים מלשון רץ וכן פירשו רבותינו ז”ל שרצתה לעשות רצון קונה. ויהיה מזה גם כן סעד לדעת בעלי תכונה החדשה (קאפירניקוס) שהארץ סובבת, ולא תקשי מוהארץ לעולם עומדת [קהלת א’, ד’] כאשר מבואר במקום אחר בס”ד (סידור יעבץ, אשכול, ח”ב, מעמדות ליום שלישי, עמ’ תקפח).

As a bibliographical point the way R. Emeden concludes this piece is by saying כאשר מבואר במא בס”ד (and that is how it is in the first edition). For some reason some, (R. M.M. Gerlitz, Bircas Hachamah KeHilchosah, p. 31, Y. Bloch, Kuntres Hashemesh Begevorso, p.40 and some earlier prints of the siddur) understood this to be an abbreviation that R. Yakov Emden was referring to a work of his called מכתב אלקים which was never printed. While it true that he authored such a work it and it appears to have been lost but it does not talk about such topics based on the extant quotes [See Y. Rafel, Arshet, 3:276 & J. J. Schacter, “Rabbi Jacob Emden: Life and Major Works,” (PhD dissertation, Harvard University, 1988), p.143-144] we have from it from although one can never be sure for certain and the abbreviation could just mean simple כאשר מבואר במקום אחר בס”ד.

[On R. Emden comment see The Sun Cycle by R. Yehuda Hershkowitz p. 18 n.78; J. Elias edition of The Nineteen Letters, p.43]

Although R. Emden writes positively about Copernicus here elsewhere R. Emden writes very negatively about the science of astronomy on the whole including Copernicus:

חכמת התכונה של אומת העולם, רחוקה מכליותי לייחס דעת זו המגונה לרז”ל חלילה וחס להו לרבנן קדישי שיתפארו בחכמת הגויים. רעיוני אנשי העולם הבודים מלבם חכמה שאין לה עיקר ויסוד רק כפי העולה על רוחם נשענים על יסודות הנולדות במוחם לקרב כל דבר אל השכל להוליכו במנהגי הטבע המוחש. ועם כל זה הם עצמן נבוכים מאד. ומודים שאין מציאות אמתי לגלגל יוצא מרכז וגלגל נושא והדומה להם… והרבה כאלה קשות נמצאו באותה חכמה ונתחלקו לכתות כתות בהנחותיה ולא נחו ושקטו גלגלי רעיוניהם. עד שהמציאו תכונה חדשה לגמרי מקרוב באה לא שערוה ראשוניהם (וי”א שנמצא גם בקדמונים מאד מי שחשב עליה כזאת של קופירניקוס) יהי מה אינה ראויה להקרא חכמה כלל. אחר שאינה אל דמיונות ורעיונות ודתיה שונות כפי מחלוקת לבב בני אדם אשר חכמה מה להם… (עץ אבות, אבות פרק ג משנה יח).

[About R. Emden, Copernicus and astronomy in gerneral see: J. J. Schacter, “Rabbi Jacob Emden: Life and Major Works,” (PhD dissertation, Harvard University, 1988), p.620-621,685 nt.55].

André Neher, “Copernicus in the Hebraic Literature from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century,” in Journal of the History of Ideas, Vol. 38, No. 2 (Apr. – Jun., 1977), pp. 211-26 and in his Jewish Thought and the Scientific Revolution of the Sixteenth Century (pp. 251-60) concludes (p. 253): “With the exception of the two earliest works, which we shall speak about in a moment, [Nieto and Cohen, E.B.] all the works on this list remained in the tradition of the pioneers of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries: that is to say they were theologically positive towards Copernicus, even if they had practical reservations.” To demonstrate his point he lists many sources of mainstream Gedolim in favor of Copernicus.

Natan Slifkin writes in The Challenge of Creation (p.127): “It was not only the Church that strongly opposed the insights of Copernicus. With few exceptions, the rabbis of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries condemned Copernican astronomy as being opposed to Scripture and as being scientifically flawed. It contradicted the simple meaning of the Scriptural statement that “the world stands forever”, as well as the account in Joshua of time halting by the sun miraculously standing still (as opposed to the earth standing still). “In a footnote listing sources for this statement, Slifkin also refers the reader to Neher; However, in reality, Neher concludes just the opposite. Another positive quote about Copernicus is found in the Yad HaKetnah first printed in 1800 anonymously:

לכת פילוסופים הקדמונים לפני שנים אלפים דעתם שכדור הארץ סובב תמיד. והשמים וכל צבאם עומדים. והפילוסופים שאחריהם קיימו וקבלו, שכל הגללים סובבים והארץ לעולם עומדת. ואחר כך בימים האחרונים זה קרוב לשלשה מאות שנים קם פילוסוף חכם מופלג והחזיק בדעת הקדמונים שהארץ סובבת והשמים עומדים. וחיבר על זה חיבר נפלא עמוק עמוק עד שמתקן כל דרכי התכונה לדעתו וכמובא בהקדמת הספר נחמד ונעים שחיבר בעל המחבר צמח דוד (יד הקטנה, שער י, שער דרכי הניסים, פרק ד).

There are those who show Copernicus theory is found in the Zohar:

ובספרא דרב המנונא סבא, פריש יתיר דהא כל ישובא מתגלגלא בעיגולא ככדור אלין לתתא ואלין לעילא וכל אינון בריין משניין בחזווייהו משינויא דאוירא כפום כל אתר ואתר וקיימין בקיומייהו כשאר בני נשא, ועל דא אית אתר בישובא כד נהיר לאלין חשיך לאלין לאלין יממא ולאלין ליליא, ואית אתר דכוליה יממא ולא אשתכח ביה ליליא בר בשעתא חדא זעירא )זוהר, ויקרא, דף י ע”א).

R. Herzog writes about this (translated from English):

תיאוריה הקשורה לשמו של קופרניקוס… הענין מוזכר באופן לא מפורש במקורות התנאיים. ניסוח מלא ישנו בזוהר בפסקה המצוטטת משמו של רב במנונא סבא. שאלת ייחוסו של ספר הזוהר אינה נוגעת לעניין כי רבי משה די לאון שאליו מייחסים המבקרים את החיבור הנפלא נפטר זמן רב לפני קופרניקוס… (יהדות חוק ומוסר, עמ’ 102)

R. Aron Marcus, writes about this:

יש לציין כי הזוהר מבטל את השיטה הפטולמאית, כבלתי מדעית ונוטה לצד השיטה הקופרניקאית, שהקדים אותה במאות שנים. נוסף על כך לפי דעתו של ר’ שמעון בר יוחאי, הרי השקפות של בני דורו בשטח התכונה, אינן אלא סברות של הדיוטות… (החסידות, תל אביב תשיד, עמ’ 78.).

Interestingly enough A. Neher claims in his Jewish Thought and the Scientific Revolution of the Sixteenth Century (pp. 104-05) that one could imagine that this was written by a pupil of Copernicus! The truth is that R. Yakov Emden on this Zohar writes

:כל ענין זה הולך על דרך חכמי מחקר לא על דרך רז”ל בתלמוד (מטפחת ספרים, עמ’ לז).

However R. Moshe Kuntz (Ben Yochai, p. 81) does not have a problem with Chazal saying this including the Zohar as he has other indications from Chazal like this. But others show that there might be a contradiction in the Zohar about this [see: R. Shpitzer, Nevrashet, Vol.2, p.18a; R. M.M. Gerlitz, Bircas Hachamah KeHilchosah, pp.29-30 and Y. Bloch, Kuntres Hashemesh Begevorso, pp.21-22]. C. Solonski in his introduction to his Kochva Deshvet, (p.14) also brings this Zohar to show that Chazal held like Copenicus. R. P. Hurwitz in his Sefer Habris (p.99) brings the Zohar when dealing with Copernicus but after a lengthy discussion he concludes by disagreeing with Copernicus (pp.98-102). [About this Zohar, See also R. Schick, Seder Haminhaghim, 2:24b; Y. Levi, The Science in Torah, pp.115]. The Chasam Sofer who was known for his knowledge in astronomy [see: Chut Hamishlush p. 29a & Zichronis Vmesoros Al Hachasam Sofer, pp. 58, 102, 305] writes about Copernicus in a work he started writing on astronomy (see ibid p.305) after quoting the Yavetz:

מעניני גלגלים וככבי לכת… . דמזה סיוע לכת קאפירניקוס שהארץ סובבת, ולא תקשי מוהארץ לעולם עומדת כאשר מבואר במקום אחר, עכ”ד. הנה במ”ש שאין קושיא מוהארץ לעולם עומדת, הדין עמו לפע”ד, לא דבר שם מסיבובי ארץ בגלגל, כי גם לדעת הזאת אין הכוונה שהארץ תסוב על צירה, אלא כל הכדור היסודות כמות שהוא, הוא מתגלגל, אשר הארץ באמצעי לו… מכל מקום אין בידי לדחות קופארניקוס ולא צד שכנגדו כי ראיותיהם עצומות משני הצדדים. ולדעת אותה הכת יש לנו תנועה חדשה, מלבד ג’ תנועות שהזכרתי בפרק דלעיל שסימנם אמ”י, ועתה יתחדש התנועה הסבובי’, אמנם אין לנו עסק בדעת זאת הכת, ונייח (ונייחס) תנועה הסבובי’ לגלגלים שאין להם תנועה אחרת זולתי הסבובים הלז (שות חתס, קובץ תשובות, סי’ כו, לאחרונה נדפס גם במאורות הסופר, עניני קידוש החמה, עמ’ צח).

[As an aside the Chasam Sofer was a very big fan of the Yavetz besides for what he writes about Mitpachat Seforim:

הנה נמצא בשכונתך ס’ מטפחת ספרים למהריעב”ץ תמצא שם כי דבר גדול דבר הנביא ז”ל בענין זה הלא ישתוממו רואיו וד”ל (שות חתס, חו”מ ליקוטים, סי’ נט)

See also B. Hamberger, Moriah, 17:1 pp.237-238 who cites many sources about the Chasam Sofer and Yavetz]. Elsewhere the Chasam Sofer writes about Copernicus:

אשר חלק ה’ אותם לכל העמים יש לפרש על פי דאיתא דקופערניקוס אחד מחכמי העמים אמר דהארץ סובבת לקבל אור השמש דאיך עצם השמים הטהורה יסבב וישמש את הארץ והאחרים הביאו ראייה כנכדו דאם הארץ מסבב איך אפשר שיזרוק חץ בעוף וישיגהו ויפול שם כיון שהארץ כבר השתנה מקומה ועל זה השיב די”ל דהארץ וכל אשר עליה וגם האויר מסבב האמנם ראייותיו מכח השכל שאינו רואי שישמש העליון לתחתון הוא רק לפי דיעות האומת העולם אבל לנו בני ישראל אדרבא הארץ אשר בה בני אדם וישראל עם קדושו הם תכלית הבריאה ובעבורם נברא העולם תבל וכל אשר בה וגלגלי השמים ושמי השמים לצורך האדם ואם כן ראוי שישמשו שאר חלקי העולם לעולם התחתון שבו ישראל וגם עי”ז כל העולמות הם אחד ולתכלית אחד נברא דלא כדעת האוה”ע שכל אחד הוא עולם בפני עצמו ולתכליתו נברא וזה שאמר אשר חלק ה’ אותם לכל העמים דאצלם הוא חלק משא”כ אצלנו הכל חד (תורת משה, פ’ ואתחנן, דף טו ע”א).

R. Y. Margolis a Talmid of the Chasam Sofer who also was an expert on astronomy (Zichronis Vmesoros Al Hachasam Sofer, p.305) writes:

אמנם מי שיאמן בה’ ובתורתו ויאמן כי הקב”ה בא במתן תורה ונגלה על סיני הר קטן לא יוקשה אם השמש שהיא א’ ממשרתיו תשמש את הארץ אשר עליה האדם הלומד התורה הזאת, וראי’ מבוררת ממה שאמר הכתוב ויתן אותם אלקים ברקיע השמים להאיר על הארץ הרי’ מבואר כי המאורות הגדולים נבראו להשתמש את הארץ (חזון למועד, סי’ א אות א, וראה גם סוף סי’ח וסי’ ט אות ד).

In 1889 R. Y Ginsburg, printed a sefer on astronomy called Ittim Levinah he endorses Copernicus theories in a few places in the sefer (pp. 7,9 & 409-10). The significance of this sefer is that it received many nice Haskomos from great Gedolim in Europe of the time (over twenty are printed and he received even more) amongst them the Adres, R. Eliezer Moshe Horowitz, R. Eliezer Gordon and R. Eliyhua Chaim Miesles.[See also Archos Rabenu, 1:282-283]. However a few years later a work was printed in Jerusalem called Nevrashet through out the work the author R. Shpitzer attempts to “prove” that Copernicus is wrong scientificaly and is against the Torah (see for example vol. 1, pp. 30b-36b, Vol.2, pp. 5a-12a,14b-17a). He goes so far as to write (1:31a) that none of the Rabonim who gave haskomos to the sefer Ittim Levinah noticed that he goes with Copernicus theories. He brings someone (2:17b) who says that R. Y. Leib Diskin was asked how does Copernicus work out with the Torah:

וזרח השמש ובא השמש וגו’ וענה לו שהכתוב אמר לפי ראות עיני האדם.

But he denies that R. Y. Leib Diskin ever said such a thing [see also Y. Bloch, Kuntres Hashemesh Begevorso p.40]. Even recently there are those who still say that Copernicus is Kefirah see here. Other recent source that do not appear to acknowledge Copernicus is Bircas Hachammah called Otzar Hazemanim by R. A. Brisk where he writes (p.3):

מעגל היומי של השמש: השמש סובבת את הארץ בכל יום… ובהערה 5: יש לציין כי לאסטרונמיה המודרנית ישנה הבנה אחרת בכל מהלכי גרמי השמים היא טעונת שהארץ סובבת סביב השמש ולא השמש סביב הארץ…

Even more recently Y. Bloch put out a booklet called Kuntres Hashemesh Begevorso, 56 pages long demonstrating that Copernicus besides for being against the Torah is false scientifically. In Bircat Hachamah Betekufoseah, R. Genot brings (p.131) from R. Chaim Kanievseky who says:

כי הנוקט כך הריהו כמכחיש מסורת וכופר באמונתנו.

On Copernicus see: Arshet, 2:190 it appears that there was an argument about this between R. A. Worms author of Meorei Or and E. Carmoly [thanks to Dan Rabinowitz for this source]; M. Steinschneider, Jewish Literature, p. 190; C. Solonski, Kochva Deshvet, pp.7-9; R. Zvi Cohen, Bircat Hachamah, pp. 65-68; A. Korman, Evulutzyah Vyehadus pp. 52; R. M.M. Gerlitz, Bircas Hachamah KeHilchosah, pp.26-34; see also N. Gutel in Hishtanyois Nateviyum Be-halacha pp. 172, 183 where he deals with R. Lampronti’s opinion in Pachad Yitzchack on this and p. 190 where he deals with R. Kook’s approach to this. See, David B. Ruderman, Jewish Thought and Scientific Discovery in Early Modern Europe, pp. 266-67 regarding R. Lampronti’s opinion; see also idem, p. 351; David B. Ruderman, Kabbalah, Magic and Science, pp. 99-100; J. Davis, Yom-Tov Lipmann Heller Portrait of a Seventeenth- Century Rabbi, p.167; see also the very recent excellent doctorate of Shua Englman, Harav Samuel Strashun (HaRaShaSh) VHaggahot Al Talmud Bavli, Bar Ilan 2009, p.223. [See also some comments in this thread.]

After completing this post R. Chaim Rapoport sent me an article of his on Jewish attitudes on Copernicus which will be published shortly, in the next Or Yisroel (I did not incorporate any of his sources into this post). See also his Bircat Hachamah Al Pei Minhag Chabad, pp.48-50. [My understanding of this topic in general was enhanced greatly from the work of André Neher, ‘Copernicus in the Hebraic Literature from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century’ in Journal of the History of Ideas, Vol. 38, No. 2 (Apr. – Jun., 1977), pp. 211-226 and in his Jewish Thought and the Scientific Revolution of the Sixteenth Century especially pp. 169-228 & 251-60, but see Y. Tzvi Langerman’s reservations about Nehr’s work in Langerman’s review of Nehr’s work in Isis, vol. 81, no. 1, (Mar. 1990), pp. 105-07, (thanks to Dr. J. Brown for this source)]. In conclusion this sefer is full of important information it’s a shame that none of the editions I have seen have a proper index to the sefer. However as one can see from just from the few samples I brought this sefer has a wealth of material and should be studied. One only hopes that someone will collect all of R. Nieto’s writings translate them (both in other languages and from manuscript) into Hebrew and print a critical edition of these works including a real critical edition of this sefer Mateh Don. Until than one will have to do with this useful new edition. This edition is available for purchase by Biegeleisen, and for more information contact Yehuda Herskowitz at seforimlover-at-yahoo.com.

Kuntres Hashemesh Begevorso

I mentioned the recent booklet printed by R. Y. Bloch called Kuntres Hashemesh Begevorso, 56 pages long demonstrating that Copernicus besides for being against the Torah is false scientifically. I am not in any way qualified to deal with the scientific aspects of this booklet but I would like to point out some inaccuracies in the booklet not dealing with science. In the beginning he writes how the Rambam already writes not like Copernicus (pp. 9-11), that the earth is stationary and its Kefirah to go against this (I am just writing the gist as he builds it up much better but my point is still true) even though some say that the Rambam in the first four chapters of Hiclos Maadah is not Torah so one can argue on but he claims that this is a false Shita about the Rambam and it is against our Emunah to say such a thing he writes:

והגיד לי מרן הגאון רבי יהודה זאב סגל זצוקל המ”מ ממאנטשעסטר דאפילו הי’ אומר כן בעל החת”ם סופר או הנודע ביהודה לא היינו מקבלים דברים כאלה ממנו…

Now the first problem with this is that we have a very well known Godol who does say exactly what R. Bloch says is kefirah to say and that is R. Yakov Kamentsky who writes:

ודברי הרמב”ן אלה הם שעמדו לי בשעה שראינו איך שבני אדם יורדים מעל המטוס על ידי סולם על גלגל הלבנה וחשבתי בלבי מה יענה כעת הרמב”ם ז”ל שכתב שהלבנה היא בעלה צורה רוחנית… אבל כפי שאנחנו מתייחסים לדברי הראשונים שסוברים אנו בגדר של אלו ואלו דברי אלקים חיים אם כן אע”פ שבמקום זה אין הלכה כמותו אבל שיהיו דבריו דברי טעות לא יכלתי להשלים, ואם טעה הרמב”ם בהלכות יסודי התורה מדוע לא יטעה בהלכות שבת וכדומה? והנראה בזה דהנה לכאורה יש לתמוה על כל העינינם שכתב הרמב”ם בארבע הפרקים הראשונים של הלכות יסודי התורה…ובעל כרחנו אנו צריכין לומר שמה שמסר לנו הרמב”ם בפרקים אלו אין זה לא מעשה מרכבה ולא מעשה בראשית אלא כתב כל הד’ פרקים אלה מדעתו הרחבה מתוך ידיעות בחכמת חציונות כלומר שלא מחכמת התורה… ואין לדמות טעויות בהלכות אלו לטעויות בהלכות שבת וכדומה (אמת ליעקב על התורה, עמ’ טו-טז).

[He is not the only one to say such a thing see: Sefer Habris, pp.27-28 & my Bein Kesah L’Asur, p.182].

However, even if one does not want to side with R. Yakov Kamentsky, one can turn to the Rambam himself and what he writes about Chazal’s knowledge of astronomy:

לא תבקש ממני שיסכים כל מה שזכרוהו מענין התכונה למה שהענין נמצא, כי החכמות הלמודיות היו בזמנים ההם חסרות, ולא דברו בהם על דרך קבלה מן הנביאים, אבל מאשר הם חכמי הדורות בענינים ההם, או מאשר שמעום מחכמי הדורות ההם, ולא מפני זה אומר בדברים שאמצא להם שהם מסכימים לאמת שהם בלתי אמתיות או נפלו במקרה, אבל כל מה שאפשר לפרש דברי האדם עד שיסכים למציאות אשר התבאר מציאותו במופת, הוא יותר ראוי באדם המעולה המודה על האמת לעשותו (מורה נבוכים, חלק ג סוף פרק יד).

So if the Rambam could write such a thing on chazal so why can’t somone say the same about the Rambam’s knowledge of astronomy [See also R. Gedaliah Nadel, Betoroso Shel R’ Gedaliah, pp. 79-80].Another mistake in this work is on p. 42 R. Y. Bloch writes that Tycho Brahe was a friend of R. Yonsan Eybshutz. That is simply impossible as Tycho Brahe was born in 1546 and died in 1601 and R. Yonsan Eybshutz was born in 1690! Another inaccuracy in this work is that he claims that the Chasam Sofer was against Copernicus (pp. 32-34) but he fails to quote the statement of the Chasam Sofer in its entirety which is quoted above where the Chasam Sofer specifically writes about Copernicus:

דמזה סיוע לכת קאפירניקוס שהארץ סובבת, ולא תקשי מוהארץ לעולם עומדת כאשר מבואר במקום אחר, עכ”ד. הנה במ”ש שאין קושיא מוהארץ לעולם עומדת, הדין עמו לפע”ד, לא דבר שם מסיבובי ארץ בגלגל, כי גם לדעת הזאת אין הכוונה שהארץ תסוב על צירה, אלא כל הכדור היסודות כמות שהוא, הוא מתגלגל, אשר הארץ באמצעי לו… מכל מקום אין בידי לדחות קופארניקוס ולא צד שכנגדו כי ראיותיהם עצומות משני הצדדים. ..

He only quotes the last line which I put in bold but not the whole piece which shows the Chasam Sofer did not hold its in issue when it contradicts the possuk. Furthermore he gives much more weight to what I brought earlier from Chasam Sofer in Toras Moshe than this piece which is a work on the topic of astronomy. One last point about this work is that he says it is also very problematic to claim דברה תורה כלשון בני אדם to answer all the Pesokim against Copernicus (pp. 23-25). On this a great godol R. Yonah Martzbach who besides for being a Rosh Yeshiva of Kol Torah with R. Shlomo Zalman Aurbach, Martzbach was also a mathametician [On R. Yonah Martzbach see the excellent work from R. B. Hamberger, R. Yonah Martzbach Pirkei Chayov Darco Upolov], writes at length specifically when dealing with Copernicus and says it is not Kefirah and he specifically says that

דברה תורה כלשון בני אדם: לבעלי רוח הקדוש ולהם בלבד מתגלים דברי הטבע וחוקיו מתוך פסוקי המקרא בדברי חז”ל. אנשים אחרים עלולים לטעות בהם. לא נכתבה תורה להיות ספר מדעי הטבע ולא לשם כך אמרו חז”ל מה שאמרו. מי שרצה והיו אי פעם כאלה להוכיח שיש קצת לשמים ממזרח וממעריב, ושהאדמה שטח היא ולא כדורית, הסתמכו על מאמרי חז”ל וטעו, כי לא הבינו ש’דיברה תורה כלשון בני אדם’… וכן דיברו חז”ל, וכן מצוי במליצות תפלותינו ותשבחותינו, ואין המלים אלא לבוש חציוני לדברים עמוקים מאוד מאוד, וחידות להביע בהם סודות… ויש שדיברו בלשון ידיעות תקופתם אל בני דורם. וככל שאדם ירחיב ידיעותיו ישנה דיבורו, אלא שדבר ה’ יעמוד לנצח ודברו ניצב בהלכותיו וברעיונתיהם הנשגבים ומחשבותיהם הטמונות בלבוש דבריהם (עלה יונה, עמ’ עג-עד).

This Kuntres Hashemesh Begevorso is available for purchase at Biegeleisen and Girsa.




Tevie Kagan: The Enigmatic R. David Lida Part II

The Enigmatic R. David Lida Part II
by Tevie Kagan
R. David of Lida and Sabbateanism
The case for Sabbatean leanings in R. David ben Aryeh Leib of Lida’s works are somewhat cloudy. The first clear accusation in this regard is from R. Yaakov Emden in his Toras Hakanaos. [1]Specifically, R. Emden, dealt with the conclusion of one of Lida’s poem’s entitled Shir Hillulim, which was printed with his Migdol David. Shir Hillulim was written in honor of a torah dedication in Amsterdam in 1680. It was comprised of verses to be recited by the congregation and cantor. The letters at the end that are enlarged spell out “Tishbi,” and says “Tishbi, he will redeem us.” In traditional Jewish literature, Tishbi (Elijah) is referenced as a forerunner for the messiah. Emden saw this as an allusion to Shabbetai Zevi, as the letters in “Tishbi” form “Shabbetai” when transposed. Emden continues and notes that the letters between the last lines (spelling out “David”) demonstrate that Lida was attempting to equate David with Tishbi, and, consequently, with Shabbetai Zevi.
There are those who argue with Emden’s assertion that Shir Hillulim displays Sabbatean tendencies. Specifically, they note that David de Castro Tartas, who routinely printed prayer books and other works of sabbatean nature, [2]printed Shir Hillulim. Eisner, for example, postulates that Tartas added the problematic lines and that Lida knew nothing about it. [3] However, as Heller [4]points out, it would seem unlikely that a printer would modify such a small work, and that of the chief rabbi, meant for immediate distribution. Even more so, if this were the case, why would Lida use the same printer again, as he did with for his Shomer Shabbos in 1687?
Indeed, it is especially difficult to determine whether a work is Sabbatean in nature.  Within Sabbatean writings there are certain recurring themes. There is often a thematic fixation on the Messiah. The writings often focus on King David, and explain how he did not sin with Bat-Sheba (Samuel II, Chapter 11). They also frequently discuss the concept of “mitzvah ha-ba’ah be-averah,” the notion of reinterpreting biblical figures actions as foreshadowing Shabbetai Zevi’s acts (particularly Esther or King David), and the rabbinic dictum that “greater a sin done for heavens sake than a commandment done other than for the sake of heaven.” Writing about any one of these topics alone does not deem one to be a Sabbatean. However, a recurring reference to these beliefs within ones writings, combined with a less then stellar character, may deem one suspect.  Coupled with actual accusations from one of the foremost experts on Sabbateanism (R. Yaakov Emden), one must be wary and investigate further.
Aside from the obvious reasons for not overtly stating the sabbatean nature of a work, inherent in Sabbateanism is the notion of a “dual nature.”  Scholem describes this dualism as having one side bordering on nihilism and another that is outwardly religious. Elsewhere, [5] Scholem states that “[a] double-faced nature came to be seen as a characteristic trait . . . [to] live in a high tension between outward orthodoxy and inward antinomianism.” This corresponds with the paradox that the followers of Shabbetai Zevi were left with after he apostatized in 1666. This also follows Sabbatean teachings that corrupted the Lurianic doctrine of tikun, using sin as the preferred medium for rectification, as opposed to mitzvoth. Shabbetai Zevi sought to abolish many commandments, stating that since it was the messianic age they no longer were applicable. He instead preached a doctrine of “mitzvah ha-ba’ah be-averah,” asserting that the path to a mitzvah is through a sin.[6] This is one of the many ways that Shabbetai Zevi’s followers attempted to rationalize his apostasy.  They argued that he was merely gathering “sparks” from within the broken shards that reside in the Islamic faith. Shabbetai Zevi advocated certain sins outright, such as eating chelev, the forbidden fat of an animal, and abolishing the fast of the 9th of Av (Tisha B’Av”). Thus, it is unsurprising that it is difficult to uncover what truly is a Sabbatean work and what is not.
Migdol David was Lida’s first major work that was disseminated widely. It was written on the book of Ruth and seeks to explain the Davidic lineage. Migdol David does have messianic tones; yet, if the author was truly a Sabbatean, one would expect to find it overflowing with Sabbatean references. Oddly enough, though, through most of the work there are few Sabbatean references.  The ending lines are what lead to its Sabbatean suspicion, as they include the words “שבתי בבית ה'” This verse is in of itself not problematic, but the choice of  “שבתי” would fit with a common trait of Sabbatean writing to identify ones work to those who knew of certain code words. This was a fairly common tactic as can be adduced from Emden’s list in Toras Hakanaos, where many books were banned for similar reasons. [7]
Within Lida’s Sod Hashem, a manual of the rules of milah (circumcision)  with a running commentary called Sharbit Hazahav, there are a couple of problematic themes. While describing the kabalistic reasons behind mila, Lida explains that the foreskin is as an offering to Samael and, because of the phrase “nachash efer lachmo,” the foreskin is placed in dirt. Sabbatean Kabbalah often equates the nachash (snake) with the messiah, as both have the same numerical value. This does not mean that every reference to the nachash is suspect; in this case, though, clearly equating it with Samael and the offering is odd. Slightly more problematic is the quote [8]from R. Yehoshua Heshel from Vilna that discusses the verse: “Abraham was ninety-nine years old and the Lord appeared to him” (Gen. 17:1). He proceeds to give an interpretation explaining its significance within the sefiros of the numbers involved. Now, one would assume this to be the same R. Heshel under which Lida studied. However, it is R. Heshel Zoref[9] (c.1663-1700), the noted Sabbatean Kabbalist, and supposed prophet of the Sabbatean movement in Poland, to whom Lida is referring. Zoref wrote the Sefer Ha-Zoref where, among other things, he proclaimed himself Messiah b. Joseph and Shabbetai Zevi as Messiah b. David. Lida’s quoting of Zoref is not a damning piece of evidence on its own, as it is one isolated quote, and as Naor points out,[10] classic works such as Kav Hayashar contain quotes from Zoref as well.  Still, this does not help Lida,s case.
Quite possibly the most egregious piece of suspect Sabbateanism that Lida published is the homily at the beginning of his Be’er Esek. [11]After discussing the Medrash that the Yalkut Shimoni brings in Samuel (151) that David climbed the olive crop and cried, Lida goes into detail about why David would cry and why these do not suffice as reasons. Lida brings quotes from the Zohar and Peliah that say that David did not sin with Bat-Sheba, but that rather she was prepared for him from the six days of creation and that, indeed, it was a good thing that he had relations with her. David saw himself as Adam, Bat-Sheba as Eve, and Uriah the Hittite as the nachash. By having relations with Bat-Sheba, David rectified the sin of Adam and the act of the Snake having relations with Eve, ultimately bringing death to this world. Next Lida equates David, Adam and Messiah, explaining how David did not sin, but in fact effected a great tikun (rectification). Lida continues in this vein for at least another page and a half, equating his own travails with David being maligned for taking Bat-Sheba and running from Absalom.[12] This work is ostensibly setting out to clear his name of all Sabbatean charges, yet within the work Sabbatean charges are never mentioned, and the work opens with the epitome of a Sabbatean sermon!
Lest one think this is an isolated instance, one has but to look at much of Lida’s Ir David to see this is more the norm than the exception. Ir David was Lida’s magnum opus. He was only able to bring the first third to print, as he states in the introduction. Lida’s son Pesachya ended up printing the entire work in Amsterdam in 1719, through the press run by Solomon Proops.[13] In the introduction Lida discusses the rabbinic claim that when the messiah comes all holidays will be nullified except for Purim. This saying had become a popular adage among the Sabbateans, since Shabbatai Zevi had abolished all holidays (including the 9th of Av), as he believed he was the Messiah. Lida proceeds to expound on a passage (#143) in the Megaleh Amukos (by R. Nathan Nata Shapiro) that the Merkavah Chariot is alluded to in the letters שב”ת implying, therefore, that the redemption is connected to the Jews keeping shabbos. Lida proceeds to equate this using the gematria  שין, בית, תיו and אליהו משיח בן דוד   which equal 496. The equation of these two sets of words is suspect, since a popular “pastime” of Sabbateans was to show that Shabbetai Zevi’s name was numerically similar to the numerical value of the word “messiah.” If we suppose that Lida had a Sabbatean mindset, than one more passage in the introduction is suspect as well. Lida bring uses a statement from R. Isaac Luria, the Ari, that states that all souls stem from the same 248 souls, which are mired in impurities and kelipot, except those of certain individuals, one of them being the messiah. Scholem, in his article on Shabetai Zevi in the Encyclopaedia Judaica, explains how Sabbateans viewed the messiah’s soul within their own kabalistic view:[14]
“He is essentially different from all those souls which play their part in the process of tikkun. In fact, he was never under the authority of the Torah, which is the mystical instrument used by the power of the thoughtful light and the souls connected with it. He represents something utterly new, an authority which is not subject to the laws binding in the state of cosmic and historic exile. He cannot be measured by common concepts of good and evil and must act according to his own law, which may become the utopian law of a world redeemed. Both his history and his special task explain his behavior after he had freed himself from the prison of the kelippah.”
This can be used as a rationale for Shabbetai Zevi’s apostasy, for if his soul was not from among the “regular souls,” it could not be influenced by the impurities inherent in regular souls. Accordingly, he had the ability to save those who needed to be saved. Lida ends with one of his favorite verses, “ושבתי בבית ה'” with, once again, his “favorite letters” standing out. As mentioned previously, all of this is innocuous on its own, but taken within the larger picture, gives one pause.
Within Ir David there are certain recurring pieces. As in his Be’er Esek, the concept that King David didn’t sin with Bat-Sheba is an important and recurrent trope. In part 42,[15] for example, Lida argues that the reason David was perceived to have sinned was to inspire the concept of repentance in individuals. Similarly, the Israelites were perceived to have sinned by the golden calf to inspire repentance among larger groups. In part 54, Lida explains that David came to replace Adam and rectify the snake’s relations with Eve. This discussion continues in part 55 where Lida discusses two interpretations of what happened with the snake and Eve, and how this affects, depending on the interpretation, our interpretation of whether or not David sinned. Lida continues with this theme in part 58, which also combines one of Lida’s favorite aspects of David’s life, that of David being persecuted by Absalom (perhaps a reference to Shabetai Zevi or Sabbateans being persecuted). In part 64 we are reminded that King David knew he was not sinning and that, on the contrary, he was eventually rewarded with a spot in the merkavah with the forefathers. Part 86 continues this theme by asserting that David, Moses, and the Israelites all did not sin because their motivations were right; through this, Lida sets forth the concept of “better a sin done for the sake of heaven than a mitzvah done with the wrong intention.” Finally, part 88 references the Talmud in Shabbos 56 that asserts that anyone who says David sinned is wrong, as well as referencing a passage in the Assarah Maamaros that discusses why David’s name is not invoked in prayer.
 If one views Lida as a Sabbatean, then David is not the one speaking, but rather the Messiah, Shabbetai Zevi.[16] This further complicates much of Lida’s sermons, since this implies that he is no longer merely using Psalms as a springboard for simple rabbinic-homiletic discourse; on the contrary, this gives everything he states a double meaning.
It cannot be disputed that Lida was a great scholar and a prolific author. Whether he plagiarized works or held Sabbatean beliefs remains up for discussion. However, much of his writing lends proof to the fact that he did. Why his works are still in print today, as opposed to the works of other possible Sabbateans, has more to do with the luck that Lida had of being reprinted early on by the Hasidic Rabbi Tzvi Hirsh of Liska (1808-1874) (and why a Hasidic rabbi chose to latch on to such a controversial figure may have to do with the similar ideological mindset of early Hasidism and Sabbateanism).[17]
*The author would like to thank the editors of the seforim blog who make this great forum available. I would like to thank Professor S.Z Leiman for helping me with the idea for this post and guidance throughout, and Efraim Keller at the Habad Library who helped with attaining Eisner’s Toldos of Lida. and Achron Achron Chaviv Eli Meir Cohen who has been a tremendous asset with his wealth of knowledge of everything seforim related especially getting out of print items.
[1] Emden, Toras Hakanaos (Amsterdam, 1752), 71b
[2] See Rosenthaliana Studiahttp://cf.uba.uva.nl/nl/publicaties/treasures/text/t18.html
[3] Eisner, Toldot ha-Goan Rabbi Dovid Lida, pg.12
[4] pg.123
[5] ‘Shabbetai Zevi,” Encyclopaedia Judaica, pg.1251
[6] See Scholem, Mitzvah Habah Beaverah: Mechkarim Umekoros Letoldos Hashabsaut Ugilgoeha (Jerusalem, 1982)
[7] For an examination/explanation of Emden’s list, see S.Z. Leiman, Sefer Hazikaron R. Moshe Lipshitz (New York, 1996)
[8] David Lida, Sod Hashem (Kiryath Joel, 2002), pg. 25
[9] Strashun, Mivhar Kesavim (Jerusalem, 1995), pg.128, n 2
[10] Betzalel Naor, Post-Sabbatian Sabbatianism (Spring Valley, 1999), pg.43
[11] Aaron Freimann, Sefer Hayovel for Nahum Sokolow (Warsaw, 1904), pg. 464
[12] While this is most probably just a standard writer’s convention, it lends credence to Emden’s contention that Lida may have had some messianic aspirations. See Emden’s Toras Hakanaos, discussing Shir Hillulim.
[13] For more about Solomon Proops, see Richard D. Abraham, “Selomoh Proops, Corrector or Copyist?” Hispanic Review, Vol. 43, No. 3. (Summer, 1975), pp. 317-320; Quaerendo, Volume 37:2 (April, 2007), pg. 96-110; Marvin J Heller, Printing the Talmud: A History of the Individual Treatises Printed from 1700
[14] pg. 1242
[15] All numbers refer to the paragraphs assigned in Amsterdam edition.
[16] See Naor, Post-Sabbatian Sabbatianism, pg. 168, n 16
[17] See Scholem, Major Trends in Jewish Mysticism (New York, 1967), “Ninth Lecture- Hasidim: The Latest Phase”

 




Jordan S. Penkower: A Note Regarding R. Menahem de Lonzano

A Note Regarding R. Menahem de Lonzano
by Jordan S. PenkowerI would like to call attention to the following points in reference to R. Menahem de Lonzano, as mentioned in Koreh HaDorot by R. David Conforte. (1) In his recent post on TSB, Eliezer Brodt, in his review of the new edition of Conforte's Koreh HaDorot (2008), made the following statement (in the second paragraph): R. Conforte was born in Salonika around 1617 and died sometime after 1678. Throughout his life he traveled to many places (including Eretz Yisroel), and in KH he describes his meetings with many great personalities, including R. Menachem Lonzano, author of Sheti Yadot,… This seems to be a "slip of the pen", for it assumes an impossibilty. Conforte was born in 1617 (or 1618) in Salonika, and Lonzano died before 1624 (apparently in Eretz Israel; he was buried there at the foot of the Mount of Olives). Thus, Conforte was still a young lad in Salonika when Lonzano died elsewhere (apparently in Eretz Israel). In short, these two scholars never met, and Conforte certainly does not mention any such meeting between them. In an interesting turn of events, these two scholars were, nevertheless, connected; for Conforte married Lonzano's granddaughter, the daughter of Lonzano's son, Adonikam. Conforte mentions his father-in-law (and the fact that he died young) in Koreh HaDorot, at the end of his entry on R. Menahem de Lonzano. (2) In his introduction to the new edition of Koreh HaDorot, p. 32, R. Bezalel Deblitzki lists as one of the manuscripts used by Conforte:      שבלי הלקט בכתיבת יד מהר"ם די לונזאנו    When one goes to verify this assumption, one finds, on p. 76 of the new edition, the following quote:   ומצאתי כתוב בתחלת ספר אחד מס' שבלי הלקט מכתיבת יד ה"ר מנחם די לונזאנו ז"ל וז"ל = וזה לשונו At first glance, one could possibly understand this statement as R. Deblitzki did, i.e. that Lonzano copied the whole manuscript of Shibbolei HaLeket. Nevertheless, a closer look yields the following interpretation: Conforte is describing a manuscript (written by an anonymous scribe) which was in the posession of Lonzano. At the beginning of this manuscript Lonzano added a gloss (quoted here at length by Conforte) about the author of the work and his teachers. Lonzano also mentions in the gloss that Zedekiah HaRofeh (author of Shibbolei HaLeket) wrote another work (=volume two; in manuscript) and that he (Lonzano) owns a copy. Lonzano further makes an observation at the end of his gloss concerning the state of the work – that people later changed the order of the work, just as they did with Sefer Yerei'im. In short, the phraseומצאתי כתוב.. מכתיבת יד ה"ר מנחם די לונזאנו ז"לrefers only to the gloss of Lonzano – which was subsequently quoted at length by Conforte. The inserted phrase: בתחלת ספר אחד מס' שבילי הלקט  simply informed the reader what were the contents of the manuscript (Shibbolei HaLeket, volume 1), and where the gloss was inserted (at the beginning of the manuscript). I later discovered that already HID"A (R. Hayyim David Azoulai) correctly interpreted this passage in Conforte's Koreh HaDorot, and understood that Lonzano possessed a manuscript copy of Shibbolei HaLeket. See Azoulai's remarks in Sheim HaGedolim, s.v. רבינו צדקיה ב"ר אברהם הרופא וב' ספרים אלו (=שבלי הלקט, על שני חלקיו) היו ביד מהר"ם די לונזאנו כמו שהביא דבריו בס' קורא הדורות דף כ"א ע"א ע"ש It should be noted that this phenomenon, of Lonzano adding glosses in books (manuscripts and printed) that he owned, can be documented in many other cases as well. 




Eliezer Kallir – Updated

Eliezer Kallir, is considered one of the greatest paytanim. He authored some of the most well known piyyutim including those said for geshem and tal, as well as many others (although most of his piyyutim that were included in the Rosh haShana and Yom Kippur prayers are no longer said by most). While his literary output is well-known, “[b]iographical facts about Kallir are shrouded in mystery.” E.J. (new ed.) vol. 11, p. 743. There are many theories about who R. Kallir was and I would like to touch on some of these in this post. (Also see below for a bibliography on R. Eliezer Kallir – provided by a kind reader of the blog.)

R. Shmuel David Luzzato (Shadal) in his Mevo l’Machzor Beni Roma, discusses Kallir and the history of piyyutim at length.[1] “If you will ask who authored the first piyyut and who followed them, I will answer that the first is Yanni or Yinai, and the second is R. Eliezer Berebi Kalir. The product of both is apparent to all in the Haggadah as the piyyut “Az Rov Nissim” is from Yanni . . . and the piyyut “Ometz Gevoroteha” is from R. Eliezer berbi Kallir . . .” Interestingly, “regarding Yanni a nasty rumor has been spread (Zunz found it in a manuscript commentary to the Mahzor), however, anyone who hears it will laugh, . . . [and the rumor is] that Yanni became jealous of his student R. Eliezer and [Yanni] put a scorpion in [Eliezer Kallir’s] shoe and the scorpion killed Kallir.” Shadal, however, dismisses this rumor in light of the fact that Yanni’s piyyutim are still said, especially the one mentioned above during Pesach. Shadal argues that if Yanni was a murderer then there is no way Yanni’s piyyutim would be so popular. Additionally, Rabbenu Gershom mentions Yanni and uses honorific terms, something Rabbenu Gershom would not have done if the rumor is true.

Shadal then turns to the details of R. Eliezer Kallir’s biography. “In many places R. Eliezer signs his name as ‘R. Eliezer beribi Kallir from Kiryat Sefer.’ Many of the early ones believed that this indicated Kallir was from the biblical town of Kiryat Sefer, and many thought that Kallir was a tanna, either R. Eliezer the son of Simon … or R. Eliezer ben Arakh, both of these opinions are recorded in the Sefer HaYuchsin.” Shadal, however shows that it is highly unlikely that R. Eliezer Kallir was a tanna or that he was from the biblical town of Kiryat Sefer. Instead, Shadal quotes the opinion of R. Moshe Landau (grandson of the Noda Be-Yehuda) in his commentary to the Arukh, Maarkhe Lashon. [2]According to Landau Kallir is a reference to the Sardinian city Cagliari. Shadal disagrees with Landau. In the end, after citing other opinions, including identifying Kallir with an Italian city, Pumadisa in Babylon, and Sippara also in Babylon, and to those it should be added, Bari, Ostia, “Civitas Portas, the former port of Rome (Derenbourg); Constantinople; Civita di Penna in the Abruzzi; . . . Normandy, Speyer in Germany . . . Lettere in Souther Italy, . . . Antioch and Hama in Syria . . . Kallirrhoe in Palestine . .. [and finally] Tiberias.” E.J. p. 744. As should be apparent, there is no consensus on where Kallir was from.

Turning to his name – Kallir – the starting place is R. Nathan and his Arukh. He explains that Kallir, means cake (indeed in Greek kalura means cake). And, Kallir was called “cake” because “he ate a cake that had written on a kemiah (amulet) and, as a result, he became smart.” Arukh erekh klr. The idea to feed children cake with inscriptions is a well documented one. R. Eliezer from Worms, the author of the Rokekh records the custom to feed children cakes with the verses from Isaiah 50:4, id.50:5, and Ezekiel 3:3. The children would eat these when they were indoctrinated into Torah study on Shavout. [3]Of course, as noted above, some view the name Kallir as an indication of where Kallir was from. Indeed, many, including Shadal did not swallow (if I may) the Arukh’s interpretation of Kallir.

Again, as we have seen there is a bit of debate when it comes to Kallir, one of the more interesting debates regards which piyyutim can be attributed to him. While in many Kallir provides his name in an acrostic, according to R. Shelomo Yehuda Rapoport (Shir) one can also attribute those piyyutim that there is a gematria that equals some permutation of Kallir’s name. That is, Kallir sometimes signed his name Eliezer haKallir, Eliezer beribi Kallir, Eliezer Kallir me-Kiryat Sefer, and a combination of any of these. Thus, according to Shir, if in the first line equaled any of these Kallir was the author.

R. Efraim Mehlsack, however, took issue with Shir’s use of gematria. Specifically, Mehlsack wrote Sefer ha-Ravyah, Ofen, 1837, against Shir. Mehlsack was a prolific author, he supposedly authored some 72 seforim, but the only published sefer was this one. But before we get into the details regarding Mehlsack we need to discuss his critique of Shir. Mehlsack went to town on Shir and showed that using the gematria for the first line of a book, Mehlsack could make Kallir the author of just about every important Jewish book. Mehlsack goes through Tanakh and uses the first verse of each book to equal some form of Kallir’s name. For example, the first verse in Berashit equals 913 which equals “meni ha-katan Eliezer Kallir.” The first verse in Joshua equals 1041 which equals “ha-katon Eliezer beribi Kallir.” Mehlsack doesn’t stop with Tanakh, he then moves to Mishna noting that the first mishna in Berkhot is 2362 which equals “ani Eliezer berbi Ya’akov ha-Kallir mi-Kiryat Sefer yezkeh be-tov amen.” As a final shot at Shir, Mehlsack has the gematria of I am Shelmo Yehuda Rapoport = 1164 to Eliezer beRebi Yaakov Kallir =1164. Indeed, Mehlsack was not content to provide some 40 odd examples, he had even more and as a result of already printing the pages, the Sefer Ravyah is an interesting bibliographical oddity in that these gematrias appear on page 18 and then continue. Well Mehlsack includes an alternative page 18 in the back which has more examples of these gematrias. Thus, the book goes until page 32 and then there is another page 18. Both versions appear below.

Turning now to Mehlsack. As I mentioned Mehlsack supposedly authored 72 books. We know of 34 titles from that list.[4] Although most of those works have been lost, there are a few, around five, that are available in manuscript. In Boaz Hass’s recent book on the history of the Zohar, he mentions Mehlsack’s translation of the Zohar (Scholem also discusses this work). One of the works lost, is a work permitting one to travel via train on Shabbat. The introduction of this work has been published (in part) and appears below. Additionally, Sefer Ravyah was not Mehlsack’s only attack on Rapoport, Mehlsack attacked Rapoport in a few of his works, and some of his critiques were published in Bikkurei Ha-Ittim.

Returning to Kallir, it goes without saying that Kallir’s piyyutim were controversial. Most famously, the Ibn Ezra complained about them and offered that one should refrain from saying Kallir’s piyyutim. Ibn Ezra’s critique is discussed by R. Eliezer Fleckels, who defends Kallir, and Heidenheim thought it important enough to include this lengthy responsum in Heidenheim’s edition of the Machzor.[For more on the Ibn Ezra see צבי מלאכי “אברהם אבן-עזרא נגד אלעזר הקליר – ביקורת בראי הדורות” פלס (תשם) 273-296)

Bibliography on R. Eliezer Kallir (provided by a kind reader of the blog.)אלבוגן, התפלה בישראל בהתפתחותה ההסטורית, 233 – 239יוסף זליגר, “לתולדות הפיוט והפיטנים (ר’ אלעזר קליר)”, כתבי הרב דר יוסף זליגר, לאה זליגר מו”ל, ירושלים תרצ, צז – קבשלמה דוד לוצאטו, אגרות שדל א, 464 ואילך—, הליכות קדם, גבריאל פאלק, אמסטרדם תרז, מחלקה שניה, 56 – 64.צבי מלאכי, “הפייטן אלעזר הקליר – לחקר שמו ומקומו”, באורח מדע: פרקים בתרבות ישראל מוגים לאהרן מירסקי במלאות לו שבעים שנה, צבי מלאכי, מכון הברמן למחקרי ספרות, לוד תשמו, 539 – 543אהרן מרקוס, ברזילי: מסה בתולדות הלשון העברית, ירושלים: מוסד הרב קוק תשמג, 346עזרא פליישר, תרביץ נ, 282 – 302 —, “לפתרון שאלת זמנו ומקום פעילותו של ר’ אלעזר בירבי קיליר”, תרביץ נד ג, ניסן – סיון תשמה, 383 – 427שלמה יהודה ראפאפארט, תולדות גדולי ישראל, 24 – 55יעקב שור, ספר העתים, 364 – 365 בנועם שיח: פרקים מתולדות ספרותנו, מכון הברמן למחקרי ספרות, לוד תשמג, 114 – 156 המעין טז א, תשרי תשלו, 3 – 14. המשך: ב, טבת תשלו, 32 – 52.

[1] Mevo leMachzor Beni Roma, Habermann ed. Jerusalem[2] For more on this commentary see S. Brisman, History & Guide to Judaic Dictionaries & Concordances, KTAV Publishing House, Inc. 2000, pp. 19-20.[3] For more on this custom see Assaf, Mekorot le-Tolodot ha-Hinukh be-Yisrael, Jerusalem 2002, pp. 80-1 n.9 and the sources cited therein. See also, E. Kanarfogel, Peering through the Lattices, Wayne State University Press, Detroit, 2000 pp. 140-41 and the notes therein (discussing the ceremony generally); id.p. 237 n.47 (discussing some of the halakhik issues with this custom including the “issue” of “excret[ing] these verses”)[4] See G. Kressel, “Kitvei Mehlsack,” Kiryat Sefer 17, pp. 87-96.




Tevie Kagan: The Enigmatic R. David Lida

The Enigmatic R. David Lida
by Tevie Kagan
Tevie Kagan works in the Seforim industry.  This is his first post for the TraditionOnline Seforim blog.
Part I: R. David of Lida and Plagiarism
R. David ben Aryeh Leib of Lida (c.1650-1696) is a fascinating and enigmatic figure. He was the rabbi of multiple communities over the course of his lifetime including Lida, Ostrog, Mainz, and the Ashkenazic community in Amsterdam. He was forced to leave Amsterdam under a cloud of alleged plagiarism and possible Sabbatean beliefs; though he was acquitted of these charges by the council of the four lands (Va’ad Arba Ha-Aratzot), he never recovered from the various accusations. He is not a well-known individual today, yet many of his works survive and are still available in print. This post (the first of two) will present a detailed account of his life and will attempt to see if both the accusations of plagiarism and heretical beliefs have merit.
R. (David) Lida was born in Zwollen, Lithuania into a prominent rabbinical family. His uncle was R. Moshe Rivkes, author of the Be’er Ha-Golah. Other family members that Lida cites within his works include R. Yeshaya Horowitz, author of the Shnei Luchos Habris (Shelah), R. Yosef of Pozna, R. Naftali Hertz of Lemberg, and R. Yaakov Cohen of Frankfurt. He was married to Miriam the daughter of R. Wolf Yuspef of Lvov (Lemberg) and had two sons, Nathan and Pesachya, and two daughters. One of the daughters was married to R. Yerucham b. Menachem, who helped prepare Shomer Shabbos (one of Lida’s early works) for printing, and the other was married to R. Abraham b. Aaron, who helped with the printing of Shomer Shabbos in Amsterdam. In his work Ir David, Lida testifies[1] that his primary teacher was R. Joshua Hoeschel b. Jacob of Cracow (c.1595-1663), who was one of preeminent rabbis of the time.[2]
From 1671 until 1677, R. David was rabbi in Lida. He then served as a rabbi in Ostrog and Mainz, replacing R. Samuel David b Chanoch of Lublin, the author of Divrei Shmuel who had passed away. In 1681, Lida left Mainz and became a rabbi in Amsterdam. After being forced out of Amsterdam, Lida appealed to the council of the four lands. By doing so he succeeded in getting himself reinstated in Amsterdam. However, his position was untenable, so he reached a financial agreement and moved to Lvov, where he lived until his death in 1696.[3]

The following is a list of Lida’s works (with the topic covered in parentheses):
¨ Beer Esek – Frankfurt on the Oder/Lublin, 1684 (apologetic)
¨ Beer Mayim Chaim- lost, never printed (on Code of law)
¨ Chalkei Avanim– Fuerth, 1693 (on Rashi’s commentary on bible) reprinted in Yad Kol Bo under the title Migdol Dovid
¨ Divrei David– Lublin, 1671 (ethics)
¨ Dovev Sifsei Yesheinim- lost, never printed (mishnah)
¨ Ir David– Amsterdam, 1683 (incomplete), 1719 (complete) (Homiletics)
¨ Ir Miklat – Dyhernfurth, 1690 (613 commandments)
¨ Migdol David –Amsterdam,1680 (Ruth)
¨ Pitschei She’arim – Pirush Tefilos- partially printed in Yad Kol Bo (prayer)
¨ Shalsheles Zahav
¨ Shir Hillulim– Amsterdam, 1680 (poem in honor of dedication of a new Torah)
¨ Shomer Shabbos – Amsterdam, 1687 printed with Tikkunei Shabbos, reprinted in Yad Kol Bo, and reprinted separately in Zolkolov, 1804 (laws of Sabbath)
¨ Sod Hashem Sharbit Hazahav– Amsterdam, 1680 (on circumcision)
¨ Tapuchei Zahav kitzur reishis chochma – Fuerth, 1693
¨ Yad Kol Bo- Amsterdam/Frankfurt on the Oder, 1727(Collection)
While in Amsterdam (about 1694), Lida was accused of libel, plagiarism and Sabbatean leanings. Since many of the documents surrounding both controversies no longer exist, we can only attempt to recreate what happened.
Lida is Accused of Libel

R. Yaakov Sasportas (c.1610-1698) has a series of responsa[4] that refer to the libel case. One of the prominent members of the Sephardic congregation, R. Nissan ben Judah Leib, the brother in law of R. Isaac Benjamin Wolf ben Eliezer Ashkenazi (Chief Rabbi in Berlin and the author of the Nachlas Binyomin (Amsterdam, 1682)), claimed that on a trip to Wessel R. Nissan had found defamatory letters about himself and R. Isaac Benjamin Wolf, which R. Nissan alleged were written by Lida. Lida denied having written these letters. R. Nissan submitted copies of the letters to the Sephardic court, presided over by R Yitzchak Abuhav, R Yaakov Sasportas and R Shmuel Deozida. The court requested the original letters, and when they could not be produced, the court decreed that Lida did not write the letters and that he was an upstanding rabbi of the community. The court also demanded that R. Nissan apologize, which he did. Subsequently the Sephardic court sent a letter to both R Wolf Lippman and the Council of the Four Lands requesting they revoke all bans against Lida and to forgive both themselves and Lida. This letter included the signatures of many prominent rabbis of the time, though many of these rabbis may have been influenced by Lida’s famous brother-in-law, Yitzchak b. Abraham of Posnan, who was the first signature on the list.
Additionally, Lida himself wrote a work entitled Beer Esek,[5] in which he attempts to clear his name.The work begins with an introductory homily, after which Lida then proceeds to defend himself from the charges of plagiarism. Lida’s letter ends off with letters and signatures of approbation..
Charges of Plagiarism

Charges of plagiarism hounded Lida regarding many of his works. The first work that this charge was leveled at was Divrei David (Lublin, 1671), an ethical treatise broken up into seven parts, corresponding to the days of the week. On the title page of this work, Lida states that it is culled from the words of Rishonim upon which he added his own additions. The bibliographer, Joseph Zedner (1804-71), in his Catalogue of the Hebrew Books in the Library of the British Museum (London, 1867), was the first to note that the text of the Divrei David is identical to a part of the text of the Sefer Yirah published by Aryeh Judah Loeb ben Aryeh Priluck.
The work itself contains information that is inconsistent with Lida’s biography. For example, the author talks about trips to Israel (nos. 6, 77, and 85), serving as rabbi in Israel (no. 46), and refers to a work that he wrote called Zer Zahav on the Bible (no.72). At the time Divrei David was published Lida was 21 and, as far as we know, never visited Israel, as he never mentions it anywhere else in any of his works. Even more puzzling is that he never authored a work on the Bible called Zer Zahav! Interestingly, Gershom Scholem argues that whoever the author of Divrei David was the author had Sabbatean leanings as there is a possible Shabbati Zevi reference in the beginning of the section on Shabbos.[6] Was this work stolen from a previous work? It would appear so; but, in defense of Lida, he admits that he culled his work from other sources. Nevertheless, this would not account for his borrowing of accounts of positions, travels or works written.
The Sefer Yirah was first published from manuscript in 1724 (Lida had published Divrei David in 1671). The publisher of the Sefer Yirah, Priluck, clearly states on the title page that he found a manuscript and had no idea as to whom was its author. Priluck adds statements and revises the original work where he saw fit. One example is in the “morning half” of the “first day,” where he adds (in the fifth section) that he already printed a prayer book which was grammatically correct. Most of the other additions are merely clarifications of the earlier work [for example, in the “night section” of the first day he clarifies that the Shema referred to is the one said in bed before sleep (Kriat Shema al Ha’Mita)]. Within the section of the fourth day Lida mentions (part 77) that he was in Jerusalem, and he concludes that one should cover their head with a hat when saying grace (birkat ha’mazon); yet this last item is not found in the Priluck version of Sefer Yirah. In total, there are about twenty slight differences, but most are stylistic, with Priluck changing particular words and verses. The Sefer Yirah concludes with a statement that this is where the manuscript ends and that he does not want to add from other sources. The Warsaw edition of 1873 of the Divrei David adds an entire section of good traits (minhagim tovim). Interestingly the most recent reprinting (Brooklyn, 2006 by R. N.M., German) adds 2 more pages of character traits not found in the Warsaw edition. This would not be the only work that would come under suspicion that Lida wrote.
Lida’s most famous work that is under the suspicion of plagiarism is his Migdol David, published in 1680 while Lida was still rabbi in Mainz. The work was published with 17 approbations (haskamot). While some of the approbations do not mention the work Migdol David specifically, by reading them one gets the idea that many felt it was an original work. In his Beer Esek, Lida alludes to R. Nisan’s claim that accused Lida of stealing the work (R. Nisan did so by saying that Lida “wears the talis of another”). Many believe that this work was really a copy of R. Hayim Ben Abraham Ha-Kohen’s (c.1585-1655) [7]Toras Chessed. For instance, R. Hayyim Yosef David Azulai, ,writes “truthfully [Migdol David] is the work of R. Hayim Kohen, author of the Tur Barekes…” (Shem ha-Gedolim, Marekhet Seforim, s.v. Migdol David). ,Azulai also cites the Yaavetz (R. Yaakov Emden) and his charge in Toras Hakanaos (see below). The Menachem Tziyon attempts to clear Lida’s name by showing that many great rabbis attested to his kabalistic knowledge, but ultimately he too leans towards the plagiarism charge. [8]

The Yaavetz, in his Toras Hakanaos, lists a group of works that he charged with having Sabbatean leanings and allusions. He includes Lida’s work, not as a potential Sabbatean work,[9] but rather as a plagiarized one, and, more specifically, to support his claim that Lida’s character was suspect, and even possibly Sabbatean. Sabbateans were known to have “double natures,” one being outwardly righteous, while the inner being corrupt and immoral (more about this to come in part 2 of this post, R. David of Lida and Sabbatianism). The Yaavetz shows that Lida took the work but left an allusion to Hayim Kohen’s name in the introduction, which states, “ממקור מיים בריכה העליונה כה”נא רב”א” Lida’s choice of words is suspect, as Lida was neither a Kohen nor named Hayim.
More recently, Marvin Heller[10] has argued that a parable in the introduction to Lida’s work alludes to the fact that it is not an original work. The allegory (from the Zohar) regards a rooster who finds a pearl while searching for food. Startled by the pearl’s beauty, the rooster recoils and wonders what caused the pearl to be hidden. A man, seeing the rooster recoil, stops to see what caused the reaction; when he sees the pearl, he proceeds to give it to the king. As a result, the king honors the rooster. Lida writes: “So to I found in this scroll blossoms and fruit which give forth a brightness, delightful to the sight and desirable to the eye, ‘its fruit is good for food’ (Genesis 2:9)…when this distinguished book comes to the hand of one who appreciates its value … and also who publishes it will be remembered for good before the King, King of the universe” (emphasis added). This choice of language seems to be referring to a publisher not an author. In Lida’s Ir Miklat, in the glosses where Lida mentions “my book Migdol David,”[11] Azulai (in his comments) interjects: “He printed it.” Eisner seeks to defend Lida, even though he had never seen a copy of the rare Migdol David. Eisner argues that since all the charges were found to be groundless in the first case against Lida, so too the plagiarism charges must be false. He attempts to buttress this by showing that Lida had a reputation for being a Kabbalist. In 1681, the notorious anti-Semite Johann Andreas Eisenmenger (ca.1654-1704) visited Amsterdam and wrote about meeting Lida in his Entdecktes Judentum (Frankfurt am Main, 1700). He speaks of Lida and how he was a great scholar and Kabbalist. Interestingly, towards the end of the introduction of Ir David, Lida states that he hopes that this work will be printed without the mistakes and errors that the printers added to his work Migdol David, which he was unable to fix. Is Lida attempting to lay the groundwork for the argument that any troubling pieces within Migdol David are not his, but rather the work of the printers?
Slightly more telling about both of the works that are suspected of being stolen is that Lida references them in his other works very infrequently. In contrast, Ir David is referenced quite frequently within his other writings. When themes or interpretations are referenced in Chalkei Avanim that are supposedly printed in Lida’s other works (specifically Migdol David) he does not give the work’s name, but just the statement “and it is understood.”[12]

Even after his death Lida’s works have encountered problems. His son Pesachya printed a collected volume of his works entitled Yad Kol Bo (Amsterdam 1727) in which was included a work on Psalms called Assarah Hillulim. According to Brill, this was actually written by the Calvinist-Hebraist, Heinrich Jacob van Bashuysen (1679-1750) and published in Sefer Tehilim im Pirush ha-Katzar, Hanau, 1712.[13]
[1] Ir David, First Sermon
[2] See Dembitzer Kelilas Yofi Krakow:1893 pg59a-59b
[3] For the date of Lida’s death, see Solomon Buber, Anshei Shem (Krakow, 1895), where he recreates the correct date based on approbations Lida had given, which are marked after the date on his tombstone.
[4] Ohel Yaakov 75-76
[5] Reprinted in Abraham Eisner, Toledot Hagaon R. David Lida (Breslau,1938) and in Aaron Freimann, Sefer Hayovel for Nahum Sokolow (Warsaw, 1904)
[6] See Warsaw edition that actually puts Lida as author and includes that he wrote Zer Zahav and Bris Yitzchok, which Lida did not.
[7] See Encyclopedia Judaica entry where Scholem states that Lidas plagiarism was well known in Kabalistic circles before H.J.D. Azulai made it public. Scholem offers no source or examples for this statement. Also interesting to note is that whatever Azulai’s thoughts on Lida’s character may have been, he still wrote glosses to Lida’s work Ir Miklat.
[8] See also Ohr Hayim (Hayim Michael), where he unequivocally states that it is a stolen work from R. Hayim Kohen.
[9] Yehuda Liebes, in “Sefer Tzadik Yesod Olam- Mythos Shabetai” (reprinted in On Sabbateanism and its Kabbalah: Collected Essays (Jerusalem, 1995), pg. 303-304, note 22) shows that even Migdol David is not free of possible Sabbatean leanings. These could not have come from R Hayim Kohen as he died before Sabbateanism grew to the movement that it later became.
[10] Marvin J. Heller, David Ben Aryeh Leib of Lida and his Migdol David: Accusations of Plagiarism in Eighteenth Century Amsterdam, Shofar (Jan. 1, 2001) (translation of text is his).
[11] Commandment 190
[12] For examples see Brooklyn edition 2006-pg. 5, fn 1; pg. 8, fn 8.
[13] For more on Bashuysen, see Encyclopaedia Judaica under his name entry. Eisner strongly disagrees and says that it clearly is not a Christian work, and that it includes many ideas from Lidas other works.




Meir Hildesheimer – Historical Perspectives on Rabbi Samson Rapha

On the recent occasion of the two hundredth anniversary of the birth of Rabbi Samson Raphael Hirsch (1808-1888), Dr. Meir Hildesheimer of The Rabbi Samson Raphael Hirsch Cathedra for the Research of the Torah im Derekh Eretz Movement (Bar-Ilan University), delivered a paper entitled “Historical Perspectives on Rabbi Samson Raphael Hirsch,” at the Jüdisches Museum in Frankfurt (7 June 2008). The remarks below appear with the express permission of Dr. Hildesheimer.

Historical Perspectives on Rabbi Samson Raphael Hirsch

by Meir Hildesheimer
1. Introduction
200 years ago, on June 20th, 1808 Rabbi Samson Raphael Hirsch was born. And this year, 2008 – is also the 120th anniversary of Rabbi Hirsch’s death; he died on December 31st, 1888. Rabbi Hirsch was an outstanding personality who is known as one of the founders of Neo-orthodoxy and the Torah Im Derekh Eretz philosophy. In orthodox Jewish circles he is remembered above all as an intrepid fighter against Reform Judaism and as an exemplary educator. And theologians, Jewish and Christian, appreciate his creative Bible commentary.
In my lecture I want to deal neither with Rabbi Hirsch’s philosophy nor with his exegesis of the Holy Schriptures, as these issues are well known and much has been written about them. I want to concentrate on his deeds and achievements form a historical point of view and to shed light on some aspects of his multi-faceted personality.
2. Biographical sketch
Let’s start with a brief biographical sketch. Rabbi Hirsch was born on June 20, 1808 (27th Sivan 5568) in Hamburg as first child of Raphael and Gella Hirsch.[1] His parents named him Samson. Later he used to join his father’s name to his own (“Samson Raphael Hirsch”), thus following a widespread custom of the period. Samson Raphael Hirsch had a close relationship with his parents whom he described as “the guardians of his childhood, the guides of his youth, and the companions of his mature years.”[2] His grandfather, Mendel Frankfurter, a great Talmudic scholar and serving as Rosh Beit Din of Altona, had a profound influence on his grandson, as had the charismatic Rabbi (Chacham) Isaac Bernays (1792-1849) who was appointed Rabbi of Hamburg when young Samson reached Bar-Mitzva age, and Rabbi Yaakov Ettlinger (1798-1871) whose Yeshiva in Mannheim Rabbi Hirsch attended. Conscious of the new legal requirements from rabbis, the latter advised him to study at an university. Rabbi Hirsch went to the Univertsity of Bonn where he befriended the slightly younger Abraham Geiger, leaving after studying for a year without earning a degree. Consecutively Hirsch served as rabbi of Oldenburg (1830-1841), Emden (1841-1847) and as Landesrabbiner of Moravia (1847-1851) before he accepted the call of a tiny religious association in Frankfurt called “Israelitische Religionsgesellschaft”. From 1851 until his death in 1888 he resided in Frankfurt.
3. Personality
Rabbi Hirsch was a puzzle for his contemporaries and has remained so for later scholars seeking to unravel the complex components of his personality. Various people described Hirsch as extremely introverted, some of them even as “remoted” and “cold”. His disciple in the Nikolsburg yeshiva Armin Schnitzer (later rabbi of Komorn), for example, wrote in his memoirs: “His demeanor was serious and introverted. He was not talkative.” Rabbi Hirsch’s following self-portrait, which he wrote as a young man, shows clearly that he was conscious to that perception:
“So it always goes with me when my inner soul is too full. Then it does not spill over the sides as is common in other people – no, inside there can be stormy, turbulent waves but on the outside, with pressures and counterpressures – only silence. I am like a clock whose inner components interact with each other constantly but whose hands are missing, so that on the outside it appears completely still. Superficial people hold a feather to the nose and proclaim it lifeless, but those whose comprehension is deeper sense from the ticking that there is indeed life inside. A wise man knows to attach the missing hands to the face, so that he can read the time …”.[3]
In the eyes of his fellow people – except those of his family and intimate friends who praised his warm and symphatetic heart – he looked not only cold and distant, but also very self-confident. Rabbi Hirsch’s tone was rarely conciliatory, whatever his intentions. He used to express himself in such confident terms that made him appear arrogant. His strong commitment to rabbinic Judaism turned him into an active polemicist in the Orthodox camp.
4. Fighter against Reform
Rabbi Hirsch’s father had been a merchant. He intended his firstborn son to go into his footsteps. But when growing up, Samson chose for himself another profession – that of a rabbi. According to his own words, the religious controversies waged in his native town Hamburg were of primary importance in the shaping of his career.
At the end of 1817, when Samson Raphael Hirsch was nine years old, a substantial group of Jews in his native town Hamburg joined together to offer an alternative public expression of Judaism and established the “New Israelite Temple Association in Hamburg” and in 1818 erected a house of prayer which they named “Temple”. The “Temple” was the first Jewish house of worship in German to use an organ on the Sabbath and a mixed choir in the services. The Temple Association also published a new prayerbook, in which many prayers were in German, and various sections added and deleted at will. The Hamburg rabbinate as well as some of the leading rabbinic personalities issued a prohibition against praying in the Temple or using its prayerbook. The Hirsch home was the venue of meetings and strategy sessions called to combat the threat posed to Torah Judaism by the Temple. Young Samson was apparently deeply affected by the gatherings in his parents’ home, and in his later years recalled that it was this struggle which first gave him the impetus to pursue his calling in life.
Rabbi Hirsch’s first writings, The Nineteen Letters and Horeb already represented the beginning of his active struggle against the Reformers. At this early stage, Hirsch tried to address the reformers and young people attracted by reform in conciliatory terms, offering a positive alternative to the Reformer’s approach. The rebuff he received from the Reformers drove Rabbi Hirsch on to more open opposition. His literary energy in the years immediately following was mostly spent as an active polemicist in the Orthodox camp and emerged gradually its most uncompromising and militant defender.
5. Secession
Rabbi Hirsch’s uncompromising stance toward Reform was also the reason for his struggle for the secession of his small orthodox community in Frankfurt called Israelitische Religionsgesellschaft from the main Jewish community.
Neither in Oldenburg and Emden nor in Moravia did Rabbi Hirsch propagate a schism in the Jewish community. On the contrary, when leaving Nikolsburg, he admonished the Jews of Moravia in his farewell letter to stay united. On the other side, he left the Moravian Landesrabbinat because he had received an “appeal from Frankfurt to go to the aid of a tiny group, whose very founding is, in my view, given the goals I had all my life, the most promising development that has occurred in Jewry within the last several decades. For now, for the first time, a Jewish community has been formed, which is openly and proudly dedicated to a most holy principle, in an area which has been successfully conquered by the faces of confusion (i. e. Reform). What can I do! This holy cause is the very one to which I have consecrated my life.”
The reason for his different behavior in different places is obvious: in places where Reform gains influence over the Jewish community and its rites, a God fearing Jew must strive to disassociate himself from these “wicked people” and erect his own, Torah true community; in places not endangered by religious innovators taking over Jews should stay united. For the same reason Rabbi Hirsch sided the secession from orthodox Jewry in Hungary in 1868, when the newly constituted Jewish congress was dominated by reformers.
When the Prussian government in 1875 passed a law that enabled the erection of additional Jewish communities at a certain place (called the Austrittsgesetz), and the Israelitische Religionsgesellschaft (IRG) was entitled to form an independent community. The Jewish community of Frankfurt, then dominated by the reformers, did not want a significant number of their members, i. e. taxpayers, leaving, especially not the richer ones like Baron Willy Rothschild who was associated with the Religionsgesellschaft. So the community agreed to provide for all the needs of its orthodox members – a thing it did not do in the past – and exempting them from funding the religious activities of the reformers. A disagreement arouse among the IRG members about accepting this generous offer or to secede and form an independent community. The rabbi of the IRG, Rabbi Hirsch, propagated the last option; he even issued an halachic statement that obliged the members to secede. But a significant number of them did not consent and succeeded in getting the halachic support of one of the most prominent orthodox rabbis in Germany at this time, Rabbi Seligmann Bär Bamberger of Würzburg. Rabbi Bamberger’s involvement lead to a sharp literary argument between the two rabbis, resulting in lasting mutual bitterness and a severe blow for Rabbi Hirsch personally: most of the IRG members did not leave the old community.
What motivated Rabbi Hirsch’s fierce struggle for secession? In Rabbi Hirsch’s opinion Israel is a nation and became a nation only through and for the Torah. Every Jewish community is a microcosm of the people as a whole, and just as Torah is the sole unifying force of the Jewish people, so must it also be the bond which unites each community. Every Jewish individual is not only required to take an active role in the community, but only by being part of a community can the individual fulfill his role as a Jew and find his true meaning and purpose in life. The community exists for the sake of the Torah. A community that does not act according to the Torah forfeits its right to exist. Naturally, it is forbidden to be a part of such community.
At the same time, Rabbi Hirsch felt there was no halachic imperative for Jewish communities to join together in a wider framework. It is not clear whether his later activities for uniting orthodox Judaism in an organization called Freie Vereinigung für die Interessen des orthodoxen Judentums (Orthodox Union) reflexes a change in his beliefs or were only for practical reasons.
6. The orator and writer
Rabbi Hirsch used two main means for disseminating his ideas: the spoken and the written word. Once he said of himself: “All my life I have engaged in thinking more than in speaking, and in speaking more than in writing.”[4] But in truth his abilities in all these fields were really masterful. As an orator of rare talent he was seemingly influenced by his rabbi and teacher Isaac Bernays who was one of the most famous Jewish preachers of his time – that means, in the German language. Once asked by his uncle, why he preferred delivering his sermons in German and not in Hebrew, he replied that law in East Friesland required him and the other rabbis to preach in the vernacular, and furthermore the Jewish masses were not proficient in the Holy language. In order to reach them one would have to speak their tongue. His first experience as an orator he had as a student at the University of Bonn, where he and Abraham Geiger established an “association for the cultivation of speech”, intended for future rabbis in order to train them to deliver popular sermons.
Besides of speaking in German, a number of additional factors contributed to the profound impression Hirsch made on his audience: the carefully chosen expressions, the fast tempo, originality of thought and cogency of argument. He spoke without a text, occasionally keeping a small Bible in front of him. In his early years he would commit his speeches to writing before he delivered them. By the way, he spoke only in public settings, never at festive meals and private celebrations. His gifts as a speaker do much explain the great influence he had on his contemporaries.[5] In Frankfurt, Rabbi Hirsch’s weekly Sabbath addresses was the bond which unified the members of the IRG and left his listeners inspired to put the ideals of the Torah into practice. A visitor to his synagogue commented: “I do not understand one word that was said, but one had the impression that nothing less than the prophet Isaiah was standing up there.”
Yet the influence of his writings were even greater for they reached a much greater audience and had also a significant impact on future generations until this very day. Rabbi Hirsch’s gifted pen produced a rich and varied output: Halacha, commentaries on the Pentateuch, the Psalms and the Jewish prayer book, articles on philosophy, Jewish weltanschauung and education, polemics, letters and responses. All his writings, including his letters and halachic responses, were stamped with his unique style and characterized by a warmth of feeling and a sense of closeness to God. His skill at capturing the sanctity and sublime beauty of Jewish life remains unparalleled. His style is characterized by long sentences quite typical for this period. It shows his perfect command of German language and literature. Rabbi Hirsch employed his mastery of German prose and modern literary techniques in the cause of classic Judaism. In these times the literary sophistication of this Orthodox rabbi took everyone by surprise. (His Hebrew writings – mostly responses – are written in a very special style too.)
His writings had a particular influence on the younger generation, and continued to affect German Jewry in the decades after his passing. His commentary on the Pentateuch, for example, were found in every home of religious Jews in Germany.
7. Rabbi Hirsch’s attitude to German culture
Rabbi Hirsch’s attitude toward German was not the same as that of the other traditionalists of his time who were conversant in that language. To the latter, it was a language they knew and employed, but nevertheless a non-Jewish language. Rabbi Hirsch, on the other hand, had a deep emotional feeling for German and a strong attachment to German culture that also went far beyond the modest requirements set down by the conservative Maskilim who advocated practical subjects as necessitated by social and economic considerations. Rabbi Hirsch had been educated in a gymnasium focusing on humanistic studies. Influenced by the atmosphere in his family who encouraged secular studies, he appreciated the humanistic spirit which permeated the German cultural climate as well as the aesthetics. In the first of the Nineteen Letters, Rabbi Hirsch makes his imaginary protagonist remark: “How can anyone who is able to enjoy the beauties of a Virgil, a Tasso, a Shakespeare, who can follow the logical conclusions of a Leibnitz and Kant–how can such a one find pleasure in the Old Testament, so deficient in form and taste, and in the senseless writings of the Talmud?” Before Rabbi Hirsch, no Orthodox Jew had ever expressed such sentiments, even as a prelude to their rebuttal.
Rabbi Hirsch was especially influenced by Hegel and Schiller. In a speech given in his school he founded on the centenary of the birth of the latter, he claimed that the universal principles of Western culture embodied in Schiller’s writings are Jewish values originating in the Torah.
Despite Rabbi Hirsch’s liberalism in matters of culture and education, he was critical of literature that he considered offensive from a religious or moral standpoint. Thus, while reading “Der Salon” by Heine, he grew so highly incensed by its blasphemous expressions that he wanted to burn the book and compensate the library for its destruction. Nevertheless, the fact that “Der Salon” was written by apostate did not prevent Rabbi Hirsch from reading it.
8. Torah Im Derekh Eretz
But with all his love for German language and culture, Rabbi Hirsch was well aware of the danger of scientific knowledge leading one away from religion. He, therefore, strongly opposed the tendency to simply put Torah and Derekh Eretz side by side for this would implement that both are of equal value. According to Rabbi Hirsch, however, there is a higher and a lower sphere: The Torah is the essential, the standard by which all education is measured, while secular knowledge is secondary or supplementary to Torah. Or in Rabbi Hirsch’s own words: “We are confident that there is only one truth, and only one body of knowledge that can serve as the standard… Compared to it, all the other sciences are valid only provisionally”.[6]
The totality of Rabbi Hirsch’s thinking and teaching has always been regarded as comprehended in the single phrase, Torah im Derekh Eretz. What does it stand for?
The concept of Torah im Derekh Eretz – universal and timeless – in the doctrine of Rabbi Hirsch has been defined as a synthesis of Judaism and modern culture, embracing art and literature to the extent compatible with Halakha (i.e. religious Jewish law). However, this synthesis is to be understood in a Hegelian sense: two contradictory forces contending with each other are reconciled and renewed on a higher level. In other words: Torah and life, Judaism and culture, do not just complement each other, but achieve complete identity. In his old age, Rabbi Hirsch devoted most of his teaching activity in his school to a subject which he called “The Spirit of the Jewish Theory of Laws”. In those lessons he strove to implant in the hearts of his students a love of Torah and to inspire them with the consciousness of Torah im Derekh Eretz as the unifying principle of all the religious commandments, molding them into a uniform context of a harmonious Weltanschauung and life-pattern.
9. Political attitudes and activities: the struggle for emancipation
On December 10, 1810 Hamburg, Samson Raphael Hirsch’s native town, was annexed by revolutionary France. In 1814 the French were thrown out of the city, but the revolutionary vision of liberty, equality and fraternity remained part of the city’s intellectual fabric. Gabriel Riesser, the famous Jewish lawyer and politician, was one of the leading advocates of Jewish emancipation and very much admired by Jewish youths. Rabbi Hirsch was also deeply impressed, despite Riesser’s decidedly non-religious attitude.
As other rabbis, Rabbi Hirsch, too, recognized the enormous spiritual threat posed by Emancipation. Nonetheless, he viewed it as both a challenge and an opportunity to demonstrate that the Torah is no less applicable to the new open society than it was in the Ghetto – but of course only on condition that the Jewish people would still be bound to the Torah’s laws.
In his Moravian time, Rabbi Hirsch had a first-hand experience of the negative side effects that came together with emancipation:
a. religious indifference;
b. the loosening of the bond between the individual Jew with the community which was expressed by refraining from paying community taxes – an act that brought the Jewish communities on the brink of bankruptcy; and
c. a substantial increase in anti-Semitism.
Seemingly this was the reason that from the time he went to Frankfurt, he did not engage in any more public advocacy to advance the cause of civil equality for Jews. In reevaluating the battle for equal rights, he wondered whether the all-out drive for emancipation at any price had not been grounds for the further deepening of the exile, and if it had not engendered renewed persecution and increased restrictions on Jews.[7]
10. Jewish Nationalism and the Colonization of Eretz Israel
Heaving heard about Rabbi Hirsch’s attitude towards emancipation as well as about his embrace of contemporary German culture, we now want to deal with his attitude towards Jewish nationalism and the colonization of Eretz Israel.
Rabbi Hirsch’s opinion is probably expressed best in his reply to Rabbi Zvi Hirsch Kalischer’s attempts to persuade him to support his activities concerning the colonization of Eretz Israel. Rabbi Kalischer of Thorn, was a forerunner of Jewish nationalism and the settlement of Eretz Israel. His philosophy connects Jewish nationalism, philanthropic activities and the strive for ultimate redemption. In his book Derishat Ziyyon, he explained his idea of the return to Erez Israel and stated his theory that redemption would come in two stages: the natural one through return to Erez Israel and working on the land, and the supernatural one which would follow. Furthermore, he preached that the first stage should involve a healthy economic foundation for the yishuv, a foundation which could only come about through the development of agriculture on a large scale. Accordingly, he recommended the establishment of an agricultural school for the younger generation.
In his reply, Rabbi Hirsch presented a clear and concise statement of his position concerning settlement of Eretz Israel as a goal in itself in the present era. In his opinion, according to the Sages of the Mishna and the Talmud, Jew’s obligation is only to be devout with all the strength he is granted, and to look forward to the redemption each day. Israel possessed land and statehood only as instruments for translating the Torah into living reality; neither is it a goal in itself, nor is it instrumental in bringing the redemption. Furthermore, Jewish statesmen like Disraeli and Cremieux cannot be viewed as harbingers of redemption, for it is impossible to imagine that G-d would choose people who reject the Torah as his agents. Finally, Rabbi Hirsch agreed that is was important to support those Jews who currently lived in Eretz Israel – he himself supported efforts to improve their conditions! – but he expressed concern that mass settlement activity would bring in its wake increased risk of Sabbath desecration and the transgression of the agricultural commandments unique to Eretz Israel. And when Rabbi Kalischer’s attempts to persuade him did not cease, Rabbi Hirsch wrote: “In my lowly opinion, there will not emerge from this any benefit for put Torah and Jewish tradition, and it is not fitting for God-fearing people to associate with the Alliance Israelite Universelle, whose leaders lack all commitment to Torah and to God’s coventant.” And in his letter to Rabbi Lipschitz, the secretary of Rabbi Yitchak Elchanan Spector of Kovno, he wrote that all the effords to bring the redemption in this way is a grave sin. Here again we have Rabbi Hirsch’s resentment from cooperation with non-orthodox Jews!
And now, let us see if – and how – Rabbi Samson Raphael Hirsch’s legacy, 120 years after his death, is still relevant. In order to do this we have to relate to Jacob Katz’s essay “Rabbi Samson Raphael Hirsch – ha-meymin veha-masme’il” (turning to the right and the to the left) published in 1987. Katz wrote that Rabbi Hirsch took a decisive right, i.e. conservative, position in issues concerning Judaism and its beliefs (see his fight against Reform), but may be called “left” concerning culture, science and the attitude towards modern society. As nobody after him succeeded to unite these juxtapposite positions, this apparent rift in Hirsch’s philosophy led to a selected adoption of his by different group of peoples.
The “right” components were readily adopted by ever growing parts of ultra-orthodox society, that means an uncompromizing struggle against everything that seemed a deviation from traditional Judaism as well as the abhorrence of a cooperation with non-orthodox people or groups, even if the goals are common. These circles will cite from Hirsch’s writings the passages useful for their purposes, but ignore other passages speaking, for example, of the need to learn a trade or gain seculat knowledge. It also seems that the ideological opposition to Zionism of Orthodoxy has its roots in Rabbi Hirsch’s philosophy (see above), that means many years before the the Munkatcher and the Satmarer Rebbes.
Other orthodox circles, especially Modern Orthodoxy, embraced Rabbi Hirsch’s openness to secular culture and science, combining “Torah” (i.e. rabbinic studies) with “Derekh Eretz”. But unlike their ultra-orthodox counterparts, they do not refrain from cooperating with non-religious Jews. This is especially right of Religious Zionism which is also – as its name inplies – Zionist.
Rabbi Hirsch stood in the focus of the dramatic intellectual and spiritual transformations that characterized German Jewry in the 19th century. His personality as well as his many-sided and varied activities on the fields of Bible exegesis, philosophy and leadership shaped the face of Neo-orthodoxy to a very high degree and their influence was felt not only in his own generation but also later on until to this very day.
Selected Bibliography:
Breuer, Mordechai, The “Torah-Im-Derekh-Eretz” of Samson Raphael Hirsch, Jerusalem-New York: Feldheim Publishers, 1970.
Klugman, Eliyahu Meir, Rabbi Samson Raphael Hirsch, Architect of Torah Judaism for the Modern World, New York: Mesorah Publications, 1996.
Liberles, Robert, Religious Conflict in Social Context, Westport (Connecticut)-London: Greenwood Press, 1985.
Rosenbloom, Noah H., Tradition in an Age of Reform, Philadelphia: The Jewish Publication Society of America, 1976.
[1] Rabbi Hirsch’s genealogy was researched by Eduard Duckesz and published in: Jahrbuch der Jüdisch-Literarischen Gesellschaft (also printed seperately).
[2] Dedication to Horeb (Altona 1836).
[3] Transcript (free rendition) by E.M. Klugman in the possession of the late Prof. Mordechai Breuer.
[4] Nineteen Letters, Letter 19.
[5] For example: Armin Schnitzer from his time in Nikolsburg as cited in English in Klugman, p. 324.
[6] Commentary to Leviticus 18, 4-5
[7] See Collected Writings II, p. 26.